At
the same time he spoke in very high terms of himself,
telling them he had a greater and more princely heart
than his brother; that he was the better philosopher,
being instructed in the doctrines of the magi; and that
he could drink and bear more wine than his brother.
the same time he spoke in very high terms of himself,
telling them he had a greater and more princely heart
than his brother; that he was the better philosopher,
being instructed in the doctrines of the magi; and that
he could drink and bear more wine than his brother.
Plutarch - Lives - v7
DIoN AND BRUTUS CoMPARED.
193
DION AND BRUTUS COMPARED.
WHAt is principally to be admired in the lives of Dion
and Brutus, is their rising to such importance from in-
considerable beginnings. But here Dion has the ad-
vantage; for, in the progress of glory, he had no co-
adjutor: whereas Cassius went hand in hand with Bru-
tus; and though, in the reputation of virtue and honor,
he was by no means his equal, in military experience,
resolution and activity, he was not inferior. Some
have imputed to him the origin of the whole enter-
prise, and have asserted that Brutus would never
otherwise have engaged in it. But Dion, at the same
time that he made the whole military preparations him-
self, engaged the friends and associates of his design.
He did not, like Brutus, gain power and riches from
the war; he employed that wealth on which he was to
subsist as an exile in a foreign country, in restoring
the liberties of his own. When Brutus and Cassius
fled from Rome, and found no asylum from the pursuit
of their enemies, their only resource was war; and
they took up arms as much in their own defence as in
that of the common liberty. Dion, on the contrary,
was happier in his banishment than the tyrant that
banished him; and yet he voluntarily exposed himself
to danger for the freedom of Sicily. Besides, to deliver
the Romans from Caesar, and the Syracusans from Dio-
nysius, were enterprises of a very different kind. Diony-
sius was an avowed and established tyrant; and Sicily,
with reason, groaned beneath his yoke. But with re-
spect to Caesar, though, whilst his imperial power was
iu its infancy, he treated his opponents with severity;
yet, as soon as that power was confirmed, the tyranny
was rather a nominal than real thing; for no tyrannical
PLUT. VoL. VII. N
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? 194 ? PLUTARCH.
action could be laid to his charge. Nay, such was the
condition of Rome, that it evidently required a master;
and Caesar was no more than a tender and skilful phy-
sician, appointed by Providence to heal the distempers
of the state. Of course the people lamented his death,
and were implacably enraged against his assassins.
Dion, on the contrary, was reproached by the Syracu-
sans for suffering Dionysius to escape, and not digging
up the former tyrant's grave.
With regard to their military conduct, Dion, as a
general, was without a fault: he not only made the
most of his own instructions, but, where others failed,
he happily repaired the error. But it was wrong in
Brutus to hazard a second battle, where all was at
stake. And when that battle was lost, he had neither
sagacity enough to think of new resources, nor spirit,
like Pompey, to contend with fortune, though he had
still reason to rely on his troops, and was absolute
master at sea.
But what Brutus is chiefly blamed for, was his in-
gratitude to Caesar. He owed his life to his favor, as
well as the lives of those prisoners for whom he inter-
ceded. He was treated as his friend, and distinguished
with particular marks of honor; and yet he imbrued
his hands in the blood of his benefactor. Dion stands
clear of any charge like this. As a relation of Diony-
sius, he assisted and was useful to him in the adminis-
tration; in which case his services were equal to his
honors. When he was driven into exile, and de-
prived of his wife and his fortune, he had every mo-
tive that was just and honorable to take up arms
against him.
Yet if this circumstance is considered in another
light, Brutus will have the advantage. The greatest
glory of both consists in their abhorrence of tyrants,
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? DIoN AND BRUTUS CoMPARED. 195
I
and their criminal measures. This, in Brutus, was not
blended with any other motive. He had no quarrel
with Caesar; but exposed his life for the liberty of his
country. Had not Dion been injured, he had not
fought. This is clear from Plato's epistles; where it
appears that he was banished from the court of Dio-
nysius, and in consequence of that banishment made
war on him. For the good of the community, Brutus,
though an enemy to Pompey, became his friend; and
though a friend to Caesar, he became his enemy. His
enmity and his friendship arose from the same princi-
ple, which was justice. But Dion, whilst in favor, em-
ployed his services for Dionysius; and it was not till
he was disgraced that he armed against him. Of course
his friends were not quite satisfied with his enterprise.
They were apprehensive that when he had destroyed
the tyrant he might seize the government himself, and
amuse the people with some softer title than that of
tyranny. On the other hand, the very enemies of Bru-
tus acknowlege that he was the only conspirator who
had no other view than that of restoring the ancient
form of government.
Besides, the enterprise against Dionysius cannot be
placed in competition with that against Caesar. The
former had rendered himself contemptible by his low-
manners, his drunkenness, and debauchery. But to
meditate the fall of Caesar, and not tremble at his dig-
nity, his fortune, or his power, nor shrink at that
name, which shook the kings of India and Parthia on
their thrones, and disturbed their slumbers; this
showed a superiority of soul, on which fear could
have no influence. Dion was no sooner seen in Sicily
than he was joined by thousands; bat the authority of
Ca? sar was so formidable in Rome, that it supported
his friends even after he was dead; and a simple boy
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? 196 , PLUTARCH.
rose to the first eminence of power by adopting his
name; which served as a charm against the envy and
the influence of Antony. Should it be objected that
Dion had the sharpest conflicts in expelling the tyrant,
but that Caesar fell naked and unguarded beneath the
sword of Brutus, it will argue at least a consummate
management and prudence to be able to come at a man
of his power naked and unguarded; particularly when
it is considered that the blow was not sudden, nor the
work of one, or of a few men, but meditated, and com-
municated to many associates, of whom not one de-
ceived the leader; for either he had the power of dis-
tinguishing honest men at the first view, or such as he
chose he made honest by the confidence he reposed in
them. But Dion confided in men of bad principles;
so that he must either have been injudicious in his
choice, or, if his people grew worse after their ap-
pointments, unskilful in his management. Neither of
these can be consistent with the talents and conduct of
a wise man; and Plato, accordingly, blames him in his
letters for making choice of such friends as, in the end,
were his ruin.
Dion found no friend to revenge his death; but Bru-
tus received an honorable interment, even from his
enemy Antony: and Caesar allowed that public rej
spect which was paid to his memory, as will appear
from the following circumstance. A statue of brass
had been erected to him at Milan, in Gallia Cisalpina,
which was a fine performance, and a striking likeness.
Caesar, as he passed through the town, took notice of
it, and summoning the magistrates, in the presence of
his attendants, be told them that they had broken the
league, by harboring one of his enemies. The magis-
trates, as may well be supposed, denied it, and stared
at each other, profoundly ignorant what enemy he
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? DIoN AND BRUTUS CoMPARED. 197
could mean. He then turned towards the statue, and,
knitting his hrows, said, 'Is not this my enemy that
stands here? ' The poor Milanese were struck dumb
with astonishment; but Ca;sar told them, with a smile,
that he was pleased to find them faithful to their friends
in adversity, and ordered that the statue should con-
tinue where it was.
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? ARTAXERXES.
THe first Artaxerxes, who of all the Persian kings
was most distinguished for his moderation and great-
ness of mind, was surnamed Longiraanus, because his
right hand was longer than his left. He was the son
of Xerxes. The second Artaxerxes, surnamed Mne-
mon, whose life we are going to write, was son to the
daughter of the first; for Darius, by his wife Pary-
satis, had four sons; Artaxerxes the elder, Cyrus the
second, and Ostanes and Oxathres, the two younger.
Cyrus was called after the ancient king of that name,
as he is said to have been after the sun; for the Per-
sians call the sun Cyrus. Artaxerxes at first was
named Arsicas, though Dinon asserts that his original
name was Cartes. But though Ctesias has filled his
books with a number of incredible and extravagant
fables, it is not probable that he should be ignorant
of the name of a king at whose court he lived, in
quality of physician to him, his wife, his mother, and
his children. <
Cyrus from his infancy was of a violent and impe-
tuous temper; but Artaxerxes had a native mildness,
something gentle and moderate in his whole dispo-
sition. The latter married a beautiful and virtuous
lady, by order of his parents, and he kept her when
they wanted him to put her away: for the king having
put her brother to death, designed that she should
share his fate. But Arsicas applied to his mother,
with many tears and intreaties, and, with much diffi-
culty, prevailed on her, not only to spare her life, but
to excuse him from divorcing her. Yet his mother had
the greater affection for Cyrus, and was desirous of
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? ARTAXERXES.
raising him to the throne: therefore, when he was
called from his residence on the coast in the sickness
of Darius, he returned full of hopes that the queen's
interest had established him successor. Parysatis had,
indeed, a specious pretence, which the ancient Xerxes
had made use of, at the suggestion of Demaratus, that
she had brought Darius his son Arsicas when he was
in a private station, but Cyrus when he was a king.
However, she could not prevail. Darius appointed
his eldest son his successor; on which occasion his
name was changed to Artaxerxes. Cyrus had the go-
vernment of Lydia, and was to be commander-in-chief
on the coast.
Soon after the death of Darius, the king, his suc-
cessor, went to Pasargada;, in order to be consecrated,
according to custom, by the priests of Persia. In that
city there is the temple of a goddess, who has the
affairs of war under her patronage, and therefore may
be supposed to be Minerva. The prince to be con-
secrated must enter that temple, put off his own robe
there, and take that which was worn by the great
Cyrus before he was king. He must eat a cake of
figs, chew some turpentine, and drink a cup of acidu-
lated milk. Whether there are any other ceremonies,
is unknown, except to the persons concerned. As
Artaxerxes was on the point of going to be consecrated,
Tissaphernes brought to him a priest, who had been
chief inspector of Cyrus' education in his infancy, and
had instructed him in the learning of the magi; and
therefore might be supposed to be as much concerned
as any man in Persia at his pupil's not being ap-
pointed king: for that reason his accusation against
Cyrus could not but gain credit. He accused him of a
design to lie in wait for the king in the temple, and,
after he had put off his garment, to fall on him and de-
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? 200
PLUTARCH.
stroy him. Some affirm that Cyrus was immediately
seized on this information; others, that he got into the
temple, and concealed himself there, but was pointed
out by the priest: in consequence of which he was to
be put to death ; but his mother, at that moment, took
him in her arms, bound the tresses of her hair about
him, held his neck to her own, and by her tears and
intreaties prevailed to have him pardoned, and re-
manded to the sea-coast. Nevertheless, he was far
from being satisfied with his government. Instead of
thinking of his brother's favor with gratitude, he re-
membered only the indignity of chains; and, in his
resentment, aspired more than ever after the sove-
reignty.
Some, indeed, say that he thought his allowance for
his table insufficient, and therefore revolted from his
king. But this is a foolish pretext: for if he had no
other resource, his mother would have supplied him
with whatever he wanted out of her revenues. Be-
sides, there needs no greater proof of his riches than
the number of foreign troops that he entertained in his
service, which were kept for him in various parts by
his friends and retainers: for, the better to conceal
his preparations, he did not keep his forces in a body,
but had his emissaries in different places, who enlisted
foreigners on various pretences. Meanwhile his mo-
ther, who lived at court, made it her business to re-
move the king's suspicions: and Cyrus himself always
wrote in a lenient style; sometimes begging a candid
interpretation, and sometimes recriminating on Tissa-
phernes, as if his contention had been solely with that
grandee. Add to this, that the king had a dilatory
turn of mind, which was natural to him, and which
many took for moderation. At first, indeed, he seemed
intirely to imitate the mildness of the first Artaxerxes,
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? ARTAXERXES.
201
whose name he bore, by behaving with great affability
to all that addressed him, and distributing honors and
rewards to persons of merit with a lavish hand. He
took care that punishments should never be embit-
tered with insult. If he received presents, he appeared
as well pleased as those who offered them, or rather
as those who received favors from him; and in con-
ferring favors, he always kept a countenance of benig-
nity and pleasure. There was not any thing, however
trifling, brought him by way of present, which he did
not receive kindly. Even when one Omisus brought
him a pomegranate of uncommon size, he said, ' By
the light of Mithra, this man, if he were made go-
vernor of a small city, would soon make it a great
one. ' When he was once on a journey, and people
presented him with a variety of things by the way, a
laboring man, having nothing else to give him, ran to
the river, and brought him some water in his hands.
Artaxerxes was so much pleased, that he sent the man
a gold cup, and a thousand darics. When Euclidas,
the Lacedaemonian, said many insolent things to him,
he contented himself with ordering the captain of his
guard to give him this answer, ' You may say what
you please to the king; but the king would have you
to know that he can not only say, but do. ' One day,
as he was hunting, Tiribazus showed him a rent in his
robe: on which the king said, ' What shall I do with
it? '--' Put on another, and give that to me,' said Tiri-
bazus. 'It shall be so,' said the king; ' I give it
thee; but I charge thee not to wear it. ' Tiribazus,
who, though not a bad man, was giddy and vain, dis-
regarding the restriction, soon put on the robe, and at
the same time tricked himself out with some golden
ornaments, fit only for queens. The court expressed
- great indignation, because it was a thing contrary to
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? 202
PLUTARCH.
their laws and customs: but the king only laughed,
and said to him, ' I allow thee to wear the trinkets as a
woman, and the robe as a madman. '
None had been admitted to the king of Persia's
table but his mother and his wife; the former of which
sat above him, and the latter below him: Artaxerxes,
nevertheless, did that honor to Ostanes and Oxathres,
two of his younger brothers. But what afforded the
Persians the most pleasing spectacle was the queen
Statira always riding in her chariot with the curtains
open, and admitting the women of the country to ap-
proach and salute her. These things made his admi-
nistration popular. Yet there were some turbulent and
factious men, who represented that the affairs of Persia
required a king of such a magnificent spirit, so able a
warrior, and so generous a master as Cyrus was; and
that the dignity of so great an empire could not be
supported without a prince of high thoughts and noble
ambition. It was not therefore without a confidence in
some of the Persians, as well as in the maritime pro-
vinces, that Cyrus undertook the war.
He wrote also to the Lacedaemonians for assistance;
promising that to the foot he would give horses, and to
the horsemen chariots: that on those who had farms
he would bestow villages, and on those who had vil-
lages, cities. As for their pay, he assured them it
should not be counted, but measured out to them.
At
the same time he spoke in very high terms of himself,
telling them he had a greater and more princely heart
than his brother; that he was the better philosopher,
being instructed in the doctrines of the magi; and that
he could drink and bear more wine than his brother.
Artaxerxes, he said, was so timorous and effeminate a
man, that he could not sit a horse in hunting, nor a
chariot in time of war. The Lacedaemonians therefore
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? ARTAXERXES.
203
sent the scytale to Clearchus, with orders to serve
Cyrus in every thing he demanded.
Cyrus began his march against the king with a nu-
merous army of barbarians, and almost thirteen thou-
sand Greek mercenaries. He found one pretence after
another for having such an armament on foot; but his
real designs did not remain long undiscovered; for
Tissaphernes went in person to inform the king of
them.
This news put the court in great disorder. Parysatis
was censured as the principal cause of this war, and
her friends were suspected of a private intelligence
with Cyrus. Statira, in her distress about the war,
gave Parysatis the most trouble. 'Where is now,'
she cried, 'that faith which you pledged? Where
your intercessions, by which you saved the man that
was conspiring against his brother? Have they not
brought war and all its calamities on us V These ex-
postulations fixed in the heart of Parysatis, who was
naturally vindictive and barbarous in her resentment
and revenge, such a hatred of Statira, that she con-
trived to take her off. Dinon writes that this cruel
purpose was put in execution during the war: but
Ctesias assures us it was after it. And it is not pro-
bable that he, who was an eye-witness to the transac-
tions of that court, could either be ignorant of the time
when the assassination took place, or could have any
reason to misrepresent the date of it, though he often
deviates into fictitious tales, and loves to give us in-
vention instead of truth. We shall therefore leave
this story to the order of time in which he has placed
it.
While Cyrus was on his march, he had accounts
brought him that the king did not design to try the
fortune of the field by giving battle immediately, but
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? PLUTARCH.
to wait in Persia till his forces were assembled there
from all parts of his kingdom: and though he had
drawn a trench across the plain ten fathoms wide, as
many deep, and four hundred furlongs in length, yet
he suffered Cyrus to pass him, and to march almost to
Babylon. Tiribazus, we are told, was the first who
ventured to remonstrate to the king, that he ought not
any longer to avoid an action, nor to abandon Media,
Babylon, and even Susa, to the enemy, and hide him-
self in Persia, since he had an army infinitely greater
than theirs, and ten thousand satrapae and other offi-
cers, all of them superior to those of Cyrus both in
courage and conduct.
On this he took a resolution to come to action as
soon as possible. His sudden appearance with an army
of nine hundred thousand men, well prepared and ac-
coutred, extremely surprised the rebels; who, through
the confidence they had in themselves, and contempt
of their enemy, were marching in great confusion, and
even without their arms: so that it was with great dif-
ficulty that Cyrus reduced them to any order; and he
could not do it at last without much noise and tumult.
As the king advanced in silence, and at a slow pace,
the good discipline of his troops afforded an astonish-
ing spectacle to the Greeks, who expected amongst
such a multitude nothing but disorderly shouts and
motions, and every other instance of distraction and
confusion. He showed his judgment, too, in placing
the strongest of his armed chariots before that part of
his phalanx which was opposite to the Greeks, that, by
the impetuosity of their motion, they might break the
enemy's ranks before they came to close combat.
Many historians have described this battle; but Xe-
nophon has done it with such life and energy, that we
do not read an account of it--we see it, and feel all
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? AHTAXERXIiS.
205
the danger. It would be very absurd therefore to at-
tempt any thing after him, except the mentioning some
material circumstances which he has omitted.
The place where the battle was fought is called Cu-
naxa, and is five hundred furlongs from Babylon. A
little before the action Clearchus advised Cyrus to post
himself behind the Macedonians, and not risk his per-
son; on which he is reported to have said, 'What ad-
vice is this, Clearchus 1 Would you have me, at the
very time I am aiming at a crown, to show myself un-
worthy of one? ' Cyrus, indeed, committed an error
in rushing into the midst of the greatest danger without
care or caution; but Clearchus was guilty of another
as great, if not greater, in not consenting to place his
Greeks opposite to the king, and in getting the river
on his right, to prevent his being surrounded: for, if
safety was his principal object, and he was by all means
to avoid loss, he ought to have stayed at home. But
to carry his arms ten thousand furlongs from the sea,
without necessity or constraint, and solely with a view
to place Cyrus on the throne of Persia, and then not
to be solicitous for a post where he might best defend
the prince whose pay he received, but for one in which
he might act most at ease and in the greatest safety,
was to behave like a man who, on the sight of present
danger, abandons the whole enterprise, and forgets the
purpose of his expedition. For it appears from the
course of the action, that if the Greeks had charged
those that were posted about the king's person, they
would not have stood the shock; and after Artaxerxes
had been slain, or put to flight, the conqueror must
have gained the crown without farther interruption.
Therefore the ruin of Cyrus' affairs, and his death, is
much rather to be ascribed to the caution of Clearchus
than to his own rashness: for, if the king himself had
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? 206
PLUTARCH.
been to choose a post for the Greeks, where they might
do him the least prejudice, he could not have pitched
on a better than that which was most remote from him-
self and the troops about him. At the distance he was
from Clearchus, he knew not of the defeat of that part
of his army which was near the river, and Cyrus was
cut off before he could avail himself of the advantages
gained by the Greeks. Cyrus, indeed, was sensible
what disposition would have been of most service to
him, and for that reason ordered Clearchus to charge
in the centre; but Clearchus ruined all, notwithstand-
ing his assurances of doing every thing for the best;
for the Greeks beat the barbarians with ease, and pur-
sued them a considerable way.
In the mean time, Cyrus being mounted on Pasacas,
a horse of great spirit, but at the same time headstrong
and unruly, fell in, as Ctesias tells us, with Artager-
ses, general of the Cadusians, who met him on the
gallop, and called out to him in these terms: 'Most
unjust and most stupid of men, who disgracest the
name of Cyrus, the most august of all names among
the Persians: thou leadest these brave Greeks a vile
way to plunder thy country, and to destroy thy brother
and thy king, who has many millions of servants that
are better men than thou. Try if he has not, and here
thou shalt lose thy head before thou canst see the face
of the king. ' So saying, he threw his javelin at him
with all his force; but his cuirass was of such excel-
lent temper, that he was not wounded, though the vio-
lence of the blow shook him in his seat. Then, as
Artagerses was turning his horse, Cyrus aimed a stroke
at him with his spear, and the point of it entered at his
collar-bone, and pierced through his neck. That Ar-
tagerses fell by the hand of Cyrus, almost all histo-
rians agree. As to the death of Cyrus himself, since
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? ARTAXERXES.
Xenophon has given a very short account of it, hecanse
he was not on the spot when it happened, perhaps it
may not be amiss to give the manner of it in detail, as
Dinon and Ctesias have represented it.
Dinon tells us that Cyrus, after he had slain Arta-
gerses, charged the vanguard of Artaxerxes with great
fury, wounded the king's horse, and dismounted him.
Tiribazus immediately mounted him on another horse,
and said, 'Sir, remember this day; for it deserves not
to be forgotten. ' At the second attack Cyrus spurred
his horse against the king, and gave him a wound: at
the third, Artaxerxes, in great indignation, said to
those that were by, 'It is better to die than to suffer
all this. ' At the same time he advanced against Cy-
rus, who was rashly advancing to meet a shower of
darts. The king wounded him with his javelin, and
others did the same. Thus fell Cyrus, as some say,
by the blow which the king gave him; but according
to others, it was a Carian soldier who despatched him,
and who afterwards, for his exploit, had the honor of
carrying a golden cock at the head of the army, on the
point of his spear: for the Persians called the Carians
cocks, on account of the crests with which they adorned
their helmets.
Ctesias' story is very long, but the purport of it is
this: when Cyrus had slain Artagerses, he pushed his
horse up towards the king, and the king advanced
against him; both in silence. Ariacus, one of the
friends of Cyrus, first aimed a blow at the king, but
did not wound him. Then the king threw his javelin
at Cyrus, but missed him; the weapon however did
execution on Tissaphernes, a man of approved valor,
and a faithful servant to Cyrus. It was now Cyrus'
turn to try his javelin: it pierced the king's cuirass,
and going two fingers deep into his breast, brought
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? 208 PLUTARCH.
him from his horse. This caused such disorder in his
troops that they fled: hut the king, recovering, re-
tired with a few of his men, among whom was Ctesias,
to an eminence not far off, and there reposed himself.
In the mean time, Cyrus' horse, grown more furious
hy the action, carried him deep amongst the enemy;
and as night was coming on, they did not know him,
and his own men sought for him in vain. Elated how-
ever with victory, and naturally daring and impetuous,
he kept on, crying out in the Persian language as he
went, ' Make way, ye slaves, make way! ' They hum-
bled themselves, and opened their ranks; but his tiara
happened to fall from his head; and a young Persian,
named Mithridates, in passing, wounded him with his
lance in the temple near his eye, without knowing who
he was. Such a quantity of blood issued from the
wound, that he was seized with a giddiness, and fell
senseless from his horse. The horse, having lost his
rider, wandered about the field; the furniture too had
fallen off, and the servant of Mithridates, who had
given him the wound, took it up, all stained with
blood.
At last Cyrus, with much difficulty, began to reco-
ver from his swoon; and a few slaves, who attended
him, endeavored to mount him on another horse, and
so to carry him out of danger: but as he was too weak
to sit a horse, he thought it better to walk, and the slaves
supported him as he went. His head was still heavy,
and he tottered at every step; yet he imagined himself
victorious, because be heard the fugitives calling Cyrus
king, and imploring mercy.
At that instant some Caunians of mean condition,
who performed the most servile offices for the royal
army, happened to mix with the company of Cyrus as
friends. They perceived, however, though not without
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? ARTAXERXES.
difficulty, that the clothing of his people was red,
whereas that given by the king their master was white.
One of these then ventured to give Cyrus a stroke with
his spear behind, without knowing him to be the prince.
The weapon hit his ham, and cut the sinew; on which
he fell, and in falling dashed his wounded temple
against a stone, and died on the spot. Such is Ctesias'
story of the death of Cyrus, which, like a blunt wea-
pon, hacks and hews him a long time, and can hardly
kill him at last.
Soon after Cyrus expired an officer, who was called
the King's Eye, passed that way. Artasyras (for that
was his name) knowing the slaves, who were mourning
over the corpse, addressed him who appeared to be
most faithful to his master, and said, ' Pariscas, who
is that whom thou art lamenting so much ? '--' O Arta-
syras! ' answered the slave, ' see you not prince Cyrus
dead V Artasyras was astonished at the event: how-
ever, he desired the slave to compose himself, and take
care of the corpse; and then rode at full speed to Ar-
taxerxes, who had given up all for lost, and was ready
to faint, both with thirst and with the anguish of his
wound. In these circumstances the officer found him,
and with a joyful accent hailed him in these words, ' I
have seen Cyrus dead. ' The king, at first, was impa-
tient to see the dead body himself, and commanded
Artasyras immediately to conduct him to it: but find-
ing all the field full of terror and dismay, on a report
that the Greeks, victorious in their quarter, were pur-
suing the fugitives, and putting all to the sword, he
thought proper to send out a greater number to recon-
noitre the place which Artasyras had told him of.
Accordingly thirty men went with flambeaux in their
hands. Still the king was almost dying of thirst, and
the slave Satibarzanes sought every place for water;
PLUT. VoL. Vll. O
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? PLUTARCH.
for the field afforded none, and they were at a great
distance from the camp. After much search, he found
one of those poor Caunians had about two quarts of
bad water in a mean bottle, and he took it, and carried
it to the king. After the king had drunk it all up, the
slave asked him, ' If be did not find it a disagreeable
beverage V On which he swore by all the gods, ' that
he bad never drunk the most delicious wine, nor the
lightest and clearest water, with so much pleasure. I
wish only,' continued he, ' that I could find the man
who gave it thee, that I might make him a recompense.
In the mean time I intreat the gods to make him hap-
py and rich. ' ,
While he was speaking, the thirty men, whom he had
sent out, returned in great exultation, and confirmed
the news of his unexpected good fortune. Now likewise
numbers of his troops repaired to him again, and,
dismissing his fears, he descended from the eminence,
with many torches carried before him. When he came
to the dead body, according to the law of the Per-
sians, the right hand and the head were cut off; and
having ordered the head to be brought to him, he took
it by the hair, which was long and thick, and showed
it to the fugitives, and to such as were still doubtful of
the fortune of the day. They were astonished at the
sight, and prostrated themselves before him. Seventy
thousand men soon assembled about him, and with
them he returned to his camp. Ctesias tells us he had
led four hundred thousand men that day into the field;
but Dinon and Xenophon make that number much
greater. As to the number of the killed, Ctesias says,
an account only of nine thousand was brought to Arta-
xerxes; whereas there appeared to Ctesias himself to
be no fewer than twenty thousand. That article there-
fore must be left dubious: but nothing can be a more
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? pdlpa&le falsity than what Ctesias adds, that he was
sent ambassador to the Greeks in conjunction with
Phayllus, the Zacynthian, and some others; for Xe-
nophon knew that Ctesias was at the Persian court:
he mentions him in his works, and it is plain that he
had met with his books. Therefore, if he had been
joined in commission to settle such important affairs,
lie would not have passed him by unnoticed, but would
have mentioned him with Phayllus. Ctesias, indeed,
was a man of unbounded vanity, as well as strong at-
tachment to Clearchus; and for that reason always
leaves a corner in the story for himself, when he is
dressing out the praises of Clearchus and the Lacedae-
monians.
After the battle, the king sent great and valuable pre-
sents to the son of Artagerses, who was slain by Cy-
rus. He rewarded also Ctesias and others in a dis-
tinguished manner; and having found the Caunian
who gave him the bottle of water, he raised him from
indigence and obscurity to riches and honors. There
was something of an analogy between his punishments
and the crime. One Arbaces a Mede, in the battle de-
serted to Cyrus, and, after that prince was killed,
came back to his colors. As he perceived that the man
had done it rather out of cowardice than any treason-
able design, all the penalty he laid on him was to car-
ry about a woman on his shoulders a whole day in the
market-place. Another, besides deserting, had given it
out that he had killed two of the enemy; and for his
punishment he only ordered his tongue to be pierced
through with three needles.
He supposed, and he was desirous of having it pass
on the world that Cyrus fell by his hand. This in-
duced him to send valuable presents to Mithridates,
who gave him the first wound, and to instruct the mes-
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? 212
PLUTARCH.
sengers to say, ' the king does you this honor, be-
cause you found the furniture of Cyrus' horse, and
brought it to him. ' And when the Carian, who gave
Cyrus the stroke in his ham that caused his death,
asked for his reward, he ordered those who gave it
him to say, 'the king bestows this on you, because
you were the second person that brought him good
tidings: for Artasyras was the first, and you the next
that brought him an account of the death of Cyrus. '
Mithridates went away in silence, though not without
concern. But the unhappy Carian could not conquer
the common disease of vanity. Elated with what he
thought his good fortune, and aspiring to things above
his walk in life, he would not receive his reward for
tidings, but angrily insisted, and called the gods and
men to witness, that he, and no other man, killed Cy-
rus; and that it was not just to rob him of the glory.
The king was so much incensed at this, that he or-
dered the man's head to be cut off: but his mother Pa-
rysatis, being present, said, 'Let not this villanous
Carian go off so: leave him to me, and he shall have
the reward which his audacious tongue deserves. '
Accordingly the king gave him up to her, and she de-
livered him to the executioners, with orders to torture
him for ten days, and then to tear out his eyes, and
pour molten brass into his ears, till he expired.
Mithridates also came to a miserable end soon
after, through his own folly. Being invited one even-
ing to supper, where both the slaves of the king, and
those of his mother were present, he went in a robe
embroidered with gold, which he had received from
the king. During the entertainment, Parysatis' prin-
cipal slave took occasion to say, ' What a beautiful
garment is this, Mithridates, which the king has given
you! how handsome are those bracelets and that
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? ARTAXERXES.
213
chain! how valuable your cimeter!
DION AND BRUTUS COMPARED.
WHAt is principally to be admired in the lives of Dion
and Brutus, is their rising to such importance from in-
considerable beginnings. But here Dion has the ad-
vantage; for, in the progress of glory, he had no co-
adjutor: whereas Cassius went hand in hand with Bru-
tus; and though, in the reputation of virtue and honor,
he was by no means his equal, in military experience,
resolution and activity, he was not inferior. Some
have imputed to him the origin of the whole enter-
prise, and have asserted that Brutus would never
otherwise have engaged in it. But Dion, at the same
time that he made the whole military preparations him-
self, engaged the friends and associates of his design.
He did not, like Brutus, gain power and riches from
the war; he employed that wealth on which he was to
subsist as an exile in a foreign country, in restoring
the liberties of his own. When Brutus and Cassius
fled from Rome, and found no asylum from the pursuit
of their enemies, their only resource was war; and
they took up arms as much in their own defence as in
that of the common liberty. Dion, on the contrary,
was happier in his banishment than the tyrant that
banished him; and yet he voluntarily exposed himself
to danger for the freedom of Sicily. Besides, to deliver
the Romans from Caesar, and the Syracusans from Dio-
nysius, were enterprises of a very different kind. Diony-
sius was an avowed and established tyrant; and Sicily,
with reason, groaned beneath his yoke. But with re-
spect to Caesar, though, whilst his imperial power was
iu its infancy, he treated his opponents with severity;
yet, as soon as that power was confirmed, the tyranny
was rather a nominal than real thing; for no tyrannical
PLUT. VoL. VII. N
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? 194 ? PLUTARCH.
action could be laid to his charge. Nay, such was the
condition of Rome, that it evidently required a master;
and Caesar was no more than a tender and skilful phy-
sician, appointed by Providence to heal the distempers
of the state. Of course the people lamented his death,
and were implacably enraged against his assassins.
Dion, on the contrary, was reproached by the Syracu-
sans for suffering Dionysius to escape, and not digging
up the former tyrant's grave.
With regard to their military conduct, Dion, as a
general, was without a fault: he not only made the
most of his own instructions, but, where others failed,
he happily repaired the error. But it was wrong in
Brutus to hazard a second battle, where all was at
stake. And when that battle was lost, he had neither
sagacity enough to think of new resources, nor spirit,
like Pompey, to contend with fortune, though he had
still reason to rely on his troops, and was absolute
master at sea.
But what Brutus is chiefly blamed for, was his in-
gratitude to Caesar. He owed his life to his favor, as
well as the lives of those prisoners for whom he inter-
ceded. He was treated as his friend, and distinguished
with particular marks of honor; and yet he imbrued
his hands in the blood of his benefactor. Dion stands
clear of any charge like this. As a relation of Diony-
sius, he assisted and was useful to him in the adminis-
tration; in which case his services were equal to his
honors. When he was driven into exile, and de-
prived of his wife and his fortune, he had every mo-
tive that was just and honorable to take up arms
against him.
Yet if this circumstance is considered in another
light, Brutus will have the advantage. The greatest
glory of both consists in their abhorrence of tyrants,
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? DIoN AND BRUTUS CoMPARED. 195
I
and their criminal measures. This, in Brutus, was not
blended with any other motive. He had no quarrel
with Caesar; but exposed his life for the liberty of his
country. Had not Dion been injured, he had not
fought. This is clear from Plato's epistles; where it
appears that he was banished from the court of Dio-
nysius, and in consequence of that banishment made
war on him. For the good of the community, Brutus,
though an enemy to Pompey, became his friend; and
though a friend to Caesar, he became his enemy. His
enmity and his friendship arose from the same princi-
ple, which was justice. But Dion, whilst in favor, em-
ployed his services for Dionysius; and it was not till
he was disgraced that he armed against him. Of course
his friends were not quite satisfied with his enterprise.
They were apprehensive that when he had destroyed
the tyrant he might seize the government himself, and
amuse the people with some softer title than that of
tyranny. On the other hand, the very enemies of Bru-
tus acknowlege that he was the only conspirator who
had no other view than that of restoring the ancient
form of government.
Besides, the enterprise against Dionysius cannot be
placed in competition with that against Caesar. The
former had rendered himself contemptible by his low-
manners, his drunkenness, and debauchery. But to
meditate the fall of Caesar, and not tremble at his dig-
nity, his fortune, or his power, nor shrink at that
name, which shook the kings of India and Parthia on
their thrones, and disturbed their slumbers; this
showed a superiority of soul, on which fear could
have no influence. Dion was no sooner seen in Sicily
than he was joined by thousands; bat the authority of
Ca? sar was so formidable in Rome, that it supported
his friends even after he was dead; and a simple boy
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? 196 , PLUTARCH.
rose to the first eminence of power by adopting his
name; which served as a charm against the envy and
the influence of Antony. Should it be objected that
Dion had the sharpest conflicts in expelling the tyrant,
but that Caesar fell naked and unguarded beneath the
sword of Brutus, it will argue at least a consummate
management and prudence to be able to come at a man
of his power naked and unguarded; particularly when
it is considered that the blow was not sudden, nor the
work of one, or of a few men, but meditated, and com-
municated to many associates, of whom not one de-
ceived the leader; for either he had the power of dis-
tinguishing honest men at the first view, or such as he
chose he made honest by the confidence he reposed in
them. But Dion confided in men of bad principles;
so that he must either have been injudicious in his
choice, or, if his people grew worse after their ap-
pointments, unskilful in his management. Neither of
these can be consistent with the talents and conduct of
a wise man; and Plato, accordingly, blames him in his
letters for making choice of such friends as, in the end,
were his ruin.
Dion found no friend to revenge his death; but Bru-
tus received an honorable interment, even from his
enemy Antony: and Caesar allowed that public rej
spect which was paid to his memory, as will appear
from the following circumstance. A statue of brass
had been erected to him at Milan, in Gallia Cisalpina,
which was a fine performance, and a striking likeness.
Caesar, as he passed through the town, took notice of
it, and summoning the magistrates, in the presence of
his attendants, be told them that they had broken the
league, by harboring one of his enemies. The magis-
trates, as may well be supposed, denied it, and stared
at each other, profoundly ignorant what enemy he
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? DIoN AND BRUTUS CoMPARED. 197
could mean. He then turned towards the statue, and,
knitting his hrows, said, 'Is not this my enemy that
stands here? ' The poor Milanese were struck dumb
with astonishment; but Ca;sar told them, with a smile,
that he was pleased to find them faithful to their friends
in adversity, and ordered that the statue should con-
tinue where it was.
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? ARTAXERXES.
THe first Artaxerxes, who of all the Persian kings
was most distinguished for his moderation and great-
ness of mind, was surnamed Longiraanus, because his
right hand was longer than his left. He was the son
of Xerxes. The second Artaxerxes, surnamed Mne-
mon, whose life we are going to write, was son to the
daughter of the first; for Darius, by his wife Pary-
satis, had four sons; Artaxerxes the elder, Cyrus the
second, and Ostanes and Oxathres, the two younger.
Cyrus was called after the ancient king of that name,
as he is said to have been after the sun; for the Per-
sians call the sun Cyrus. Artaxerxes at first was
named Arsicas, though Dinon asserts that his original
name was Cartes. But though Ctesias has filled his
books with a number of incredible and extravagant
fables, it is not probable that he should be ignorant
of the name of a king at whose court he lived, in
quality of physician to him, his wife, his mother, and
his children. <
Cyrus from his infancy was of a violent and impe-
tuous temper; but Artaxerxes had a native mildness,
something gentle and moderate in his whole dispo-
sition. The latter married a beautiful and virtuous
lady, by order of his parents, and he kept her when
they wanted him to put her away: for the king having
put her brother to death, designed that she should
share his fate. But Arsicas applied to his mother,
with many tears and intreaties, and, with much diffi-
culty, prevailed on her, not only to spare her life, but
to excuse him from divorcing her. Yet his mother had
the greater affection for Cyrus, and was desirous of
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? ARTAXERXES.
raising him to the throne: therefore, when he was
called from his residence on the coast in the sickness
of Darius, he returned full of hopes that the queen's
interest had established him successor. Parysatis had,
indeed, a specious pretence, which the ancient Xerxes
had made use of, at the suggestion of Demaratus, that
she had brought Darius his son Arsicas when he was
in a private station, but Cyrus when he was a king.
However, she could not prevail. Darius appointed
his eldest son his successor; on which occasion his
name was changed to Artaxerxes. Cyrus had the go-
vernment of Lydia, and was to be commander-in-chief
on the coast.
Soon after the death of Darius, the king, his suc-
cessor, went to Pasargada;, in order to be consecrated,
according to custom, by the priests of Persia. In that
city there is the temple of a goddess, who has the
affairs of war under her patronage, and therefore may
be supposed to be Minerva. The prince to be con-
secrated must enter that temple, put off his own robe
there, and take that which was worn by the great
Cyrus before he was king. He must eat a cake of
figs, chew some turpentine, and drink a cup of acidu-
lated milk. Whether there are any other ceremonies,
is unknown, except to the persons concerned. As
Artaxerxes was on the point of going to be consecrated,
Tissaphernes brought to him a priest, who had been
chief inspector of Cyrus' education in his infancy, and
had instructed him in the learning of the magi; and
therefore might be supposed to be as much concerned
as any man in Persia at his pupil's not being ap-
pointed king: for that reason his accusation against
Cyrus could not but gain credit. He accused him of a
design to lie in wait for the king in the temple, and,
after he had put off his garment, to fall on him and de-
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? 200
PLUTARCH.
stroy him. Some affirm that Cyrus was immediately
seized on this information; others, that he got into the
temple, and concealed himself there, but was pointed
out by the priest: in consequence of which he was to
be put to death ; but his mother, at that moment, took
him in her arms, bound the tresses of her hair about
him, held his neck to her own, and by her tears and
intreaties prevailed to have him pardoned, and re-
manded to the sea-coast. Nevertheless, he was far
from being satisfied with his government. Instead of
thinking of his brother's favor with gratitude, he re-
membered only the indignity of chains; and, in his
resentment, aspired more than ever after the sove-
reignty.
Some, indeed, say that he thought his allowance for
his table insufficient, and therefore revolted from his
king. But this is a foolish pretext: for if he had no
other resource, his mother would have supplied him
with whatever he wanted out of her revenues. Be-
sides, there needs no greater proof of his riches than
the number of foreign troops that he entertained in his
service, which were kept for him in various parts by
his friends and retainers: for, the better to conceal
his preparations, he did not keep his forces in a body,
but had his emissaries in different places, who enlisted
foreigners on various pretences. Meanwhile his mo-
ther, who lived at court, made it her business to re-
move the king's suspicions: and Cyrus himself always
wrote in a lenient style; sometimes begging a candid
interpretation, and sometimes recriminating on Tissa-
phernes, as if his contention had been solely with that
grandee. Add to this, that the king had a dilatory
turn of mind, which was natural to him, and which
many took for moderation. At first, indeed, he seemed
intirely to imitate the mildness of the first Artaxerxes,
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? ARTAXERXES.
201
whose name he bore, by behaving with great affability
to all that addressed him, and distributing honors and
rewards to persons of merit with a lavish hand. He
took care that punishments should never be embit-
tered with insult. If he received presents, he appeared
as well pleased as those who offered them, or rather
as those who received favors from him; and in con-
ferring favors, he always kept a countenance of benig-
nity and pleasure. There was not any thing, however
trifling, brought him by way of present, which he did
not receive kindly. Even when one Omisus brought
him a pomegranate of uncommon size, he said, ' By
the light of Mithra, this man, if he were made go-
vernor of a small city, would soon make it a great
one. ' When he was once on a journey, and people
presented him with a variety of things by the way, a
laboring man, having nothing else to give him, ran to
the river, and brought him some water in his hands.
Artaxerxes was so much pleased, that he sent the man
a gold cup, and a thousand darics. When Euclidas,
the Lacedaemonian, said many insolent things to him,
he contented himself with ordering the captain of his
guard to give him this answer, ' You may say what
you please to the king; but the king would have you
to know that he can not only say, but do. ' One day,
as he was hunting, Tiribazus showed him a rent in his
robe: on which the king said, ' What shall I do with
it? '--' Put on another, and give that to me,' said Tiri-
bazus. 'It shall be so,' said the king; ' I give it
thee; but I charge thee not to wear it. ' Tiribazus,
who, though not a bad man, was giddy and vain, dis-
regarding the restriction, soon put on the robe, and at
the same time tricked himself out with some golden
ornaments, fit only for queens. The court expressed
- great indignation, because it was a thing contrary to
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? 202
PLUTARCH.
their laws and customs: but the king only laughed,
and said to him, ' I allow thee to wear the trinkets as a
woman, and the robe as a madman. '
None had been admitted to the king of Persia's
table but his mother and his wife; the former of which
sat above him, and the latter below him: Artaxerxes,
nevertheless, did that honor to Ostanes and Oxathres,
two of his younger brothers. But what afforded the
Persians the most pleasing spectacle was the queen
Statira always riding in her chariot with the curtains
open, and admitting the women of the country to ap-
proach and salute her. These things made his admi-
nistration popular. Yet there were some turbulent and
factious men, who represented that the affairs of Persia
required a king of such a magnificent spirit, so able a
warrior, and so generous a master as Cyrus was; and
that the dignity of so great an empire could not be
supported without a prince of high thoughts and noble
ambition. It was not therefore without a confidence in
some of the Persians, as well as in the maritime pro-
vinces, that Cyrus undertook the war.
He wrote also to the Lacedaemonians for assistance;
promising that to the foot he would give horses, and to
the horsemen chariots: that on those who had farms
he would bestow villages, and on those who had vil-
lages, cities. As for their pay, he assured them it
should not be counted, but measured out to them.
At
the same time he spoke in very high terms of himself,
telling them he had a greater and more princely heart
than his brother; that he was the better philosopher,
being instructed in the doctrines of the magi; and that
he could drink and bear more wine than his brother.
Artaxerxes, he said, was so timorous and effeminate a
man, that he could not sit a horse in hunting, nor a
chariot in time of war. The Lacedaemonians therefore
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? ARTAXERXES.
203
sent the scytale to Clearchus, with orders to serve
Cyrus in every thing he demanded.
Cyrus began his march against the king with a nu-
merous army of barbarians, and almost thirteen thou-
sand Greek mercenaries. He found one pretence after
another for having such an armament on foot; but his
real designs did not remain long undiscovered; for
Tissaphernes went in person to inform the king of
them.
This news put the court in great disorder. Parysatis
was censured as the principal cause of this war, and
her friends were suspected of a private intelligence
with Cyrus. Statira, in her distress about the war,
gave Parysatis the most trouble. 'Where is now,'
she cried, 'that faith which you pledged? Where
your intercessions, by which you saved the man that
was conspiring against his brother? Have they not
brought war and all its calamities on us V These ex-
postulations fixed in the heart of Parysatis, who was
naturally vindictive and barbarous in her resentment
and revenge, such a hatred of Statira, that she con-
trived to take her off. Dinon writes that this cruel
purpose was put in execution during the war: but
Ctesias assures us it was after it. And it is not pro-
bable that he, who was an eye-witness to the transac-
tions of that court, could either be ignorant of the time
when the assassination took place, or could have any
reason to misrepresent the date of it, though he often
deviates into fictitious tales, and loves to give us in-
vention instead of truth. We shall therefore leave
this story to the order of time in which he has placed
it.
While Cyrus was on his march, he had accounts
brought him that the king did not design to try the
fortune of the field by giving battle immediately, but
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? PLUTARCH.
to wait in Persia till his forces were assembled there
from all parts of his kingdom: and though he had
drawn a trench across the plain ten fathoms wide, as
many deep, and four hundred furlongs in length, yet
he suffered Cyrus to pass him, and to march almost to
Babylon. Tiribazus, we are told, was the first who
ventured to remonstrate to the king, that he ought not
any longer to avoid an action, nor to abandon Media,
Babylon, and even Susa, to the enemy, and hide him-
self in Persia, since he had an army infinitely greater
than theirs, and ten thousand satrapae and other offi-
cers, all of them superior to those of Cyrus both in
courage and conduct.
On this he took a resolution to come to action as
soon as possible. His sudden appearance with an army
of nine hundred thousand men, well prepared and ac-
coutred, extremely surprised the rebels; who, through
the confidence they had in themselves, and contempt
of their enemy, were marching in great confusion, and
even without their arms: so that it was with great dif-
ficulty that Cyrus reduced them to any order; and he
could not do it at last without much noise and tumult.
As the king advanced in silence, and at a slow pace,
the good discipline of his troops afforded an astonish-
ing spectacle to the Greeks, who expected amongst
such a multitude nothing but disorderly shouts and
motions, and every other instance of distraction and
confusion. He showed his judgment, too, in placing
the strongest of his armed chariots before that part of
his phalanx which was opposite to the Greeks, that, by
the impetuosity of their motion, they might break the
enemy's ranks before they came to close combat.
Many historians have described this battle; but Xe-
nophon has done it with such life and energy, that we
do not read an account of it--we see it, and feel all
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? AHTAXERXIiS.
205
the danger. It would be very absurd therefore to at-
tempt any thing after him, except the mentioning some
material circumstances which he has omitted.
The place where the battle was fought is called Cu-
naxa, and is five hundred furlongs from Babylon. A
little before the action Clearchus advised Cyrus to post
himself behind the Macedonians, and not risk his per-
son; on which he is reported to have said, 'What ad-
vice is this, Clearchus 1 Would you have me, at the
very time I am aiming at a crown, to show myself un-
worthy of one? ' Cyrus, indeed, committed an error
in rushing into the midst of the greatest danger without
care or caution; but Clearchus was guilty of another
as great, if not greater, in not consenting to place his
Greeks opposite to the king, and in getting the river
on his right, to prevent his being surrounded: for, if
safety was his principal object, and he was by all means
to avoid loss, he ought to have stayed at home. But
to carry his arms ten thousand furlongs from the sea,
without necessity or constraint, and solely with a view
to place Cyrus on the throne of Persia, and then not
to be solicitous for a post where he might best defend
the prince whose pay he received, but for one in which
he might act most at ease and in the greatest safety,
was to behave like a man who, on the sight of present
danger, abandons the whole enterprise, and forgets the
purpose of his expedition. For it appears from the
course of the action, that if the Greeks had charged
those that were posted about the king's person, they
would not have stood the shock; and after Artaxerxes
had been slain, or put to flight, the conqueror must
have gained the crown without farther interruption.
Therefore the ruin of Cyrus' affairs, and his death, is
much rather to be ascribed to the caution of Clearchus
than to his own rashness: for, if the king himself had
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? 206
PLUTARCH.
been to choose a post for the Greeks, where they might
do him the least prejudice, he could not have pitched
on a better than that which was most remote from him-
self and the troops about him. At the distance he was
from Clearchus, he knew not of the defeat of that part
of his army which was near the river, and Cyrus was
cut off before he could avail himself of the advantages
gained by the Greeks. Cyrus, indeed, was sensible
what disposition would have been of most service to
him, and for that reason ordered Clearchus to charge
in the centre; but Clearchus ruined all, notwithstand-
ing his assurances of doing every thing for the best;
for the Greeks beat the barbarians with ease, and pur-
sued them a considerable way.
In the mean time, Cyrus being mounted on Pasacas,
a horse of great spirit, but at the same time headstrong
and unruly, fell in, as Ctesias tells us, with Artager-
ses, general of the Cadusians, who met him on the
gallop, and called out to him in these terms: 'Most
unjust and most stupid of men, who disgracest the
name of Cyrus, the most august of all names among
the Persians: thou leadest these brave Greeks a vile
way to plunder thy country, and to destroy thy brother
and thy king, who has many millions of servants that
are better men than thou. Try if he has not, and here
thou shalt lose thy head before thou canst see the face
of the king. ' So saying, he threw his javelin at him
with all his force; but his cuirass was of such excel-
lent temper, that he was not wounded, though the vio-
lence of the blow shook him in his seat. Then, as
Artagerses was turning his horse, Cyrus aimed a stroke
at him with his spear, and the point of it entered at his
collar-bone, and pierced through his neck. That Ar-
tagerses fell by the hand of Cyrus, almost all histo-
rians agree. As to the death of Cyrus himself, since
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? ARTAXERXES.
Xenophon has given a very short account of it, hecanse
he was not on the spot when it happened, perhaps it
may not be amiss to give the manner of it in detail, as
Dinon and Ctesias have represented it.
Dinon tells us that Cyrus, after he had slain Arta-
gerses, charged the vanguard of Artaxerxes with great
fury, wounded the king's horse, and dismounted him.
Tiribazus immediately mounted him on another horse,
and said, 'Sir, remember this day; for it deserves not
to be forgotten. ' At the second attack Cyrus spurred
his horse against the king, and gave him a wound: at
the third, Artaxerxes, in great indignation, said to
those that were by, 'It is better to die than to suffer
all this. ' At the same time he advanced against Cy-
rus, who was rashly advancing to meet a shower of
darts. The king wounded him with his javelin, and
others did the same. Thus fell Cyrus, as some say,
by the blow which the king gave him; but according
to others, it was a Carian soldier who despatched him,
and who afterwards, for his exploit, had the honor of
carrying a golden cock at the head of the army, on the
point of his spear: for the Persians called the Carians
cocks, on account of the crests with which they adorned
their helmets.
Ctesias' story is very long, but the purport of it is
this: when Cyrus had slain Artagerses, he pushed his
horse up towards the king, and the king advanced
against him; both in silence. Ariacus, one of the
friends of Cyrus, first aimed a blow at the king, but
did not wound him. Then the king threw his javelin
at Cyrus, but missed him; the weapon however did
execution on Tissaphernes, a man of approved valor,
and a faithful servant to Cyrus. It was now Cyrus'
turn to try his javelin: it pierced the king's cuirass,
and going two fingers deep into his breast, brought
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? 208 PLUTARCH.
him from his horse. This caused such disorder in his
troops that they fled: hut the king, recovering, re-
tired with a few of his men, among whom was Ctesias,
to an eminence not far off, and there reposed himself.
In the mean time, Cyrus' horse, grown more furious
hy the action, carried him deep amongst the enemy;
and as night was coming on, they did not know him,
and his own men sought for him in vain. Elated how-
ever with victory, and naturally daring and impetuous,
he kept on, crying out in the Persian language as he
went, ' Make way, ye slaves, make way! ' They hum-
bled themselves, and opened their ranks; but his tiara
happened to fall from his head; and a young Persian,
named Mithridates, in passing, wounded him with his
lance in the temple near his eye, without knowing who
he was. Such a quantity of blood issued from the
wound, that he was seized with a giddiness, and fell
senseless from his horse. The horse, having lost his
rider, wandered about the field; the furniture too had
fallen off, and the servant of Mithridates, who had
given him the wound, took it up, all stained with
blood.
At last Cyrus, with much difficulty, began to reco-
ver from his swoon; and a few slaves, who attended
him, endeavored to mount him on another horse, and
so to carry him out of danger: but as he was too weak
to sit a horse, he thought it better to walk, and the slaves
supported him as he went. His head was still heavy,
and he tottered at every step; yet he imagined himself
victorious, because be heard the fugitives calling Cyrus
king, and imploring mercy.
At that instant some Caunians of mean condition,
who performed the most servile offices for the royal
army, happened to mix with the company of Cyrus as
friends. They perceived, however, though not without
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? ARTAXERXES.
difficulty, that the clothing of his people was red,
whereas that given by the king their master was white.
One of these then ventured to give Cyrus a stroke with
his spear behind, without knowing him to be the prince.
The weapon hit his ham, and cut the sinew; on which
he fell, and in falling dashed his wounded temple
against a stone, and died on the spot. Such is Ctesias'
story of the death of Cyrus, which, like a blunt wea-
pon, hacks and hews him a long time, and can hardly
kill him at last.
Soon after Cyrus expired an officer, who was called
the King's Eye, passed that way. Artasyras (for that
was his name) knowing the slaves, who were mourning
over the corpse, addressed him who appeared to be
most faithful to his master, and said, ' Pariscas, who
is that whom thou art lamenting so much ? '--' O Arta-
syras! ' answered the slave, ' see you not prince Cyrus
dead V Artasyras was astonished at the event: how-
ever, he desired the slave to compose himself, and take
care of the corpse; and then rode at full speed to Ar-
taxerxes, who had given up all for lost, and was ready
to faint, both with thirst and with the anguish of his
wound. In these circumstances the officer found him,
and with a joyful accent hailed him in these words, ' I
have seen Cyrus dead. ' The king, at first, was impa-
tient to see the dead body himself, and commanded
Artasyras immediately to conduct him to it: but find-
ing all the field full of terror and dismay, on a report
that the Greeks, victorious in their quarter, were pur-
suing the fugitives, and putting all to the sword, he
thought proper to send out a greater number to recon-
noitre the place which Artasyras had told him of.
Accordingly thirty men went with flambeaux in their
hands. Still the king was almost dying of thirst, and
the slave Satibarzanes sought every place for water;
PLUT. VoL. Vll. O
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? PLUTARCH.
for the field afforded none, and they were at a great
distance from the camp. After much search, he found
one of those poor Caunians had about two quarts of
bad water in a mean bottle, and he took it, and carried
it to the king. After the king had drunk it all up, the
slave asked him, ' If be did not find it a disagreeable
beverage V On which he swore by all the gods, ' that
he bad never drunk the most delicious wine, nor the
lightest and clearest water, with so much pleasure. I
wish only,' continued he, ' that I could find the man
who gave it thee, that I might make him a recompense.
In the mean time I intreat the gods to make him hap-
py and rich. ' ,
While he was speaking, the thirty men, whom he had
sent out, returned in great exultation, and confirmed
the news of his unexpected good fortune. Now likewise
numbers of his troops repaired to him again, and,
dismissing his fears, he descended from the eminence,
with many torches carried before him. When he came
to the dead body, according to the law of the Per-
sians, the right hand and the head were cut off; and
having ordered the head to be brought to him, he took
it by the hair, which was long and thick, and showed
it to the fugitives, and to such as were still doubtful of
the fortune of the day. They were astonished at the
sight, and prostrated themselves before him. Seventy
thousand men soon assembled about him, and with
them he returned to his camp. Ctesias tells us he had
led four hundred thousand men that day into the field;
but Dinon and Xenophon make that number much
greater. As to the number of the killed, Ctesias says,
an account only of nine thousand was brought to Arta-
xerxes; whereas there appeared to Ctesias himself to
be no fewer than twenty thousand. That article there-
fore must be left dubious: but nothing can be a more
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? pdlpa&le falsity than what Ctesias adds, that he was
sent ambassador to the Greeks in conjunction with
Phayllus, the Zacynthian, and some others; for Xe-
nophon knew that Ctesias was at the Persian court:
he mentions him in his works, and it is plain that he
had met with his books. Therefore, if he had been
joined in commission to settle such important affairs,
lie would not have passed him by unnoticed, but would
have mentioned him with Phayllus. Ctesias, indeed,
was a man of unbounded vanity, as well as strong at-
tachment to Clearchus; and for that reason always
leaves a corner in the story for himself, when he is
dressing out the praises of Clearchus and the Lacedae-
monians.
After the battle, the king sent great and valuable pre-
sents to the son of Artagerses, who was slain by Cy-
rus. He rewarded also Ctesias and others in a dis-
tinguished manner; and having found the Caunian
who gave him the bottle of water, he raised him from
indigence and obscurity to riches and honors. There
was something of an analogy between his punishments
and the crime. One Arbaces a Mede, in the battle de-
serted to Cyrus, and, after that prince was killed,
came back to his colors. As he perceived that the man
had done it rather out of cowardice than any treason-
able design, all the penalty he laid on him was to car-
ry about a woman on his shoulders a whole day in the
market-place. Another, besides deserting, had given it
out that he had killed two of the enemy; and for his
punishment he only ordered his tongue to be pierced
through with three needles.
He supposed, and he was desirous of having it pass
on the world that Cyrus fell by his hand. This in-
duced him to send valuable presents to Mithridates,
who gave him the first wound, and to instruct the mes-
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? 212
PLUTARCH.
sengers to say, ' the king does you this honor, be-
cause you found the furniture of Cyrus' horse, and
brought it to him. ' And when the Carian, who gave
Cyrus the stroke in his ham that caused his death,
asked for his reward, he ordered those who gave it
him to say, 'the king bestows this on you, because
you were the second person that brought him good
tidings: for Artasyras was the first, and you the next
that brought him an account of the death of Cyrus. '
Mithridates went away in silence, though not without
concern. But the unhappy Carian could not conquer
the common disease of vanity. Elated with what he
thought his good fortune, and aspiring to things above
his walk in life, he would not receive his reward for
tidings, but angrily insisted, and called the gods and
men to witness, that he, and no other man, killed Cy-
rus; and that it was not just to rob him of the glory.
The king was so much incensed at this, that he or-
dered the man's head to be cut off: but his mother Pa-
rysatis, being present, said, 'Let not this villanous
Carian go off so: leave him to me, and he shall have
the reward which his audacious tongue deserves. '
Accordingly the king gave him up to her, and she de-
livered him to the executioners, with orders to torture
him for ten days, and then to tear out his eyes, and
pour molten brass into his ears, till he expired.
Mithridates also came to a miserable end soon
after, through his own folly. Being invited one even-
ing to supper, where both the slaves of the king, and
those of his mother were present, he went in a robe
embroidered with gold, which he had received from
the king. During the entertainment, Parysatis' prin-
cipal slave took occasion to say, ' What a beautiful
garment is this, Mithridates, which the king has given
you! how handsome are those bracelets and that
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? ARTAXERXES.
213
chain! how valuable your cimeter!
