This author, for the sake of a present
momentary
credit, will hazard any future and permanent dis grace.
Edmund Burke
Gradually they are habituated to other company ; and a change in their habitudes soon makes a way for a change in their opinions.
Certain persons are no longer so very frightful, when they come to be known and to be serviceable.
As to
their old friends, the transition is easy ; from friend ship to civility ; from civility to enmity: few are tho steps from dereliction to persecution.
People not very well grounded in the principles of public morality find a set of maxims in offiee ready made for them, which they assume as naturally and
inevitably, as any of the insignia or instruments of the situation. A certain tone of the solid and prac
? ? ? ? OBSERVATIONS ON A LATE PUBLICATION
tical is immediately acquired. Every former profes sion of public spirit is to be considered as a debauch of youth, or, at best, as a visionary scheme of unat tainable perfection. The very idea of consistency is
The convenience of the business of the day is to furnish the principle for doing it. Then the whole ministerial cant is quickly got by heart. The prevalence of faction is to be lamented. All opposition is to be regarded as the effect of envy and disappointed ambition. All administrations are de clared to be alike. The same necessity justifies all their measures. It is no longer a matter of discus sion, who or what administration is; but that admin istration is to be supported, is a general maxim. Flat tering themselves that their power is become necessary to the support of all order and government;
thing which tends to the support of that power is sanctified, and becomes a part of the public interest.
Growing every day more formed to affairs, and bet ter knit in their limbs, when the occasion (now the only rule) requires they become capable of sacri ficing those very persons to whom they had before sacrificed their original friends. It now 'only in the ordinary course of business to alter an opinion, or to betray connection. Frequently relinquishing one set of men and adopting another, they grow into
total indifference to human feeling, as they had before to moral obligation; until at length, no one original impression remains upon their minds: every principle obliterated every sentiment eflaced.
In the mean time, that power, which all these changes aimed at securing, remains still as tottering and as uncertain as ever. They are delivered up into the hands of those who feel neither respect for
exploded.
? every
? ? is
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a
a
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? on' THE PRESENT smrn or THE NATION. 423
their persons, nor gratitude for their favors; who are put about them in appearance to serve, in reality to govern them; and, when the signal is given, to abandon and destroy them in order to set up some new dupe of ambition, who in his turn is to be aban doned and destroyed. Thus living in a state of con tinual uneasiness and ferment, softened only by the miserable consolation of giving now and then prefer ments to those for whom they have no value; they are unhappy in their situation, yet find it impossible to resign. Until, at length, soured in temper, and disappointed by the very attainment of their ends, in some angry, in some haughty, or some negligent mo ment, they incur the displeasure of those upon whom they have rendered their very being dependent. Then
perierunt tempera longi servitii; they are cast off with scorn; they are turned out, emptied of all nat ural character, of all intrinsic worth, of all essential dignity, and deprived of every consolation of friend ship. Having rendered all retreat to old principles ridiculous, and to old regards impracticable, not be ing able to counterfeit pleasure, or to discharge dis content, nothing being sincere, or right, or balanced
in their minds, it is more than a chance, that, in the delirium of the last stage of their distempered power, they make an insane political testament, by which they throw all their remaining weight and conse quence into the scale of their declared enemies, and
the avowed authors of their destruction. Thus they finish their course. Had it been possible that the Whole, or even a great part of these effects on their minds, I say nothing of the effect upon their fortunes, could have appeared to them in their first departure from the right line, it is certain they would have rc
? ? ? ? 424 OBSERVATIONS on A LATE PUBLICATION
jected every temptation with horror. The principle of these remarks, like every good principle in moral ity, is trite; but its frequent application is not the less necessary.
As to others, who are plain practical men, they have been guiltless at all times of all public pretence. Neither the author nor any one else has reason to be angry with them. They . belonged to his friend for their interest; for their interest they quitted him; and when it is their interest, he may depend upon they will return to their former connection. Such people subsist at all times, and, though the nuisance of all, are at no time worthy subject of discussion.
false virtue and plausible error that do the mis chief.
If men come to government with right dispositions, they have not that unfavorable subject which this au thor represents to work upon. Our circumstances are indeed critical; but then they are the critical circumstances of strong and mighty nation. corruption and meanness are greatly spread, they are not spread universally. Many public men are hith erto examples of public spirit and integrity. Whole parties, as far as large bodies can be uniform, have preserved character. However they may be deceived in some particulars, know of no set of men amongst us, which does not contain persons on whom the na tion, in difficult exigcnce, may well value itself. Private life, which the nursery of the common wealth, yet in general pure, and on the whole dis posed to virtue and the people at large want neither generosity nor spirit. No small part of that very luxury, which so much the subject of the author's declamation, but which, in most parts of life, by be
? ? ? is ;
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It is
a
? on run PRESENT surn on THE NATION. 4:25
ing well balanced and diffused, is only decency and convenience, has perhaps as many, or more good than evil consequences attending it. It certainly excites in dustry, nourishes emulation, and inspires some sense of personal value into all ranks of people. What we want is to establish more fully an opinion of uniform ity, and consistency of character, in the leading men of the state; such as will restore some confidence to
profession and appearance, such as will fix subordi nation upon esteem. Without this, all schemes are begun at the wrong end. All who join in them are liable to their consequences. All men who, under whatever pretext, take a part in the formation or the support of systems constructed in such a manner as must, in their nature, disable them from the execu tion of their duty, have made themselves guilty of all
the present distraction, and of the future ruin, which they may bring upon their country.
It is a serious affair, this studied disunion in gov ernment. In cases where union is most consulted in the constitution of a ministry, and where persons are best disposed to promote differences, from the va
rious ideas of men, will arise; and from their pas sions will often ferment into violent heats, so as greatly to disorder all public business. What must
be the consequence, when the very distemper made the basis of the constitution; and the original weak ness of human nature still further enfeebled by art and contrivance It must subvert government from the very foundation. It turns our public councils into the most mischievous cabals where the consid
? not how the nation's business shall be car ried 0n, but how those who ought to carry on shall circumvent each other. In such state of things, no
eration
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is,
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? 426 OBSERVATIONS on A LATE PUBLICATION
order, uniformity, dignity, or effect, can appear in our proceedings, either at home or abroad. Nor will it make much difference, whether some of the constitu ent parts of such an administration are men of vir tue or ability, or not ; supposing it possible that such men, with their eyes open, should choose to make a
'
hand of Providence. I do not like to answer, as our author so readily does, for the event of any specula tion. But surely the nature of our disorders, if any thing, must indicate the proper remedy. Men who act steadily on the principles I have stated may in all events be very serviceable to their country; in one case, by furnishing (if their sovereign should be so advised) an administration formed upon ideas very different from those which have for some time been unfortunately fashionable. But, if this should not be the case, they may be still serviceable; for the ex ample of a large body of men, steadily sacrificing am
bition to principle, can never be without use. It will certainly be prolific, and draw others to an imitation.
Vera gloria radices agit, atque etiam propagatur.
I do not think myself of consequence enough to im
itate my author, in troubling the world with the prayers or wishes I may form for the public: full as little am I disposed to imitate his professions; those professions are long since worn out in the political service. If the work will not speak for the author, his own declarations deserve but little credit.
part in such a body.
The effects of all human contrivances are in the
U'
? ? ? ? ON THE PRESENT STATE OF THE NATION.
APPENDIX.
in "-1
much misplaced industry has been used by the SOauthor of " The State of the Nation," as well as by other writers, to infuse discontent into the people, on account of the late war, and of the effects of our national debt ; that nothing ought to be omitted which
may tend to disabuse the public upon these subjects. When I had gone through the foregoing sheets, I rec ollected, that, in pages 58, 59, 60, I only gave the comparative states of the duties collected by the ex cise at large; together with the quantities of strong beer brewed in the two periods which are'there com
It might be still thought, that some other ar ticles of popular consumption, of general convenience, and connected with our manufactures, might possibly have declined. I therefore now think it right to lay before the reader the state of the produce of three cap ital duties on such articles; duties which have fre quently been made the subject of popular complaint.
The duty on candles; that on soap, paper, &c. ; and that on hides.
Average of net produce of duty on soap,
&c. , for eight years ending 1767 . . . ? 264,902
Average of ditto for eight years ending 1754. . . . . . . . . . . 228,114
Average increase . . ? 36,78--8
? pared.
? ? ? 428 OBSERVATIONS on A LATE PUBLICATION
Average of net produce of duty on can
dles for eight years ending 1767 . . . . ? 155,789
Average of ditto for eight years ending
\1754 136 ,716
Average increase . he t\ \ 073 7
Average net produce of duty on hides, _
eight years, ending 1767 . . . . . ? 189,216 Ditto eight years, ending 1754 . . . . 168,200
Average increase . . . ? 21,016
This increase has not arisen from any additional du ties. None have been imposed on these articles dur ing the war. Notwithstanding the burdens of the war, and the late dearness of provisions, the con sumption of all these articles has increased, and the revenue along with it. "
in Jamaica. "Orders were given," says he, " in August, 1765, for the free admission of Spanish vessels into all the co1onies. "* He then observes, that the exports to Jamaica fell 40,904l. short of those of 1764; and that the exports of the succeeding year, 1766, fell short of those of 1765, about eighty pounds ; from whence he wisely infers, that this decline of ex ports being since the relaxation of the laws of trade, there is a just ground of suspicion, that the colonies have been supplied with foreign commodities instead of British.
* His note, p. 22.
? There is another point in
tion," to which, I fear, I have not been so full in my
ports
I ought to have been, and as I am well
answer as
warranted to be. The author has endeavored to throw a suspicion, or something more, on that salu tary, and indeed necessary measure of opening the
The State of the Na
? ? ? on THE PRESENT surn or run NATION.
Here, as usual with him, the author builds on a fact which is absolutely false; and which, being so, renders his whole hypothesis absurd and impossible. He asserts, that the order for admitting Spanish ves sels was given in August, 1765. That order was not signed at the treasury board until the 15th dag qf the Novernberfollowing ; and therefore so far from aifect ing the exports of the year 1765, that, supposing all possible diligence in the commissioners of the cus toms in expediting that order, and every advantage of
vessels ready to sail, and the most favorable wind, it would hardly even arrive in Jamaica, within the lim its of that year.
This order could therefore by no possibility be a cause of the decrease of exports in 1765. If it had any mischievous operation, it could not be before 1766. In that year, according to om' author, the ex ports fell short of the preceding, just eighty pounds. He is welcome to that diminution; and to all the cou sequences he can draw from it.
But, as an auxiliary to account for this dreadful loss, he brings in the Free-port Act, which he observes (for his convenience) to have been made in spring, 1766; but (for his convenience likewise) he forgets, that, by the express provision of the act, the regula tion was not to be in force in Jamaica until the No vember following. Miraculous must be the activity of that contraband whose operation in America could,
before the end of that year, have reacted upon Eng land, and checked the exportation from hence! Un less he chooses to suppose, that the merchants at Whose solicitation this act had been obtained, were so frightened at the accomplishment of their own most earnest and anxious desire, that, before any good or
429
? ? ? ? 480 OBSERVATIONS on A LATE PUBLICATION
evil eifect from it could happen, they immediately put a stop to all further exportation.
It is obvious that we must look for the true effect of that act at the time of its first possible operation, that is, in the year 1767. On this idea how stands
the account?
A
1764, Exports to Jamaica . . . . ? 456,528
1765 . . . . . . . . . . . . 1766 . . . . . . . . . . . . 1767 (first year of the Free-port Act) .
This author, for the sake of a present momentary credit, will hazard any future and permanent dis grace. At the time he wrote, the account of 1767 could not be made up. This was the very first year of the trial of the Free-port Act; and we find that the sale of British commodities is so far from being lessened by that act, that the export of 1767 amounts to 52,000l. more than that of either of the two pre ceding years, and is 11,000l. above that of his stand ard year 1764. If I could prevail on myself to ar gue in favor of a great commercial scheme from the appearance of things in a single year, I should from this increase of export infer the beneficial effects of that measure. In truth, it is not wanting. Nothing but the thickest ignorance of the Jamaica trade could have made any one entertain a fancy, that the least ill effect on our commerce could follow from this opening of the ports. But, if the author argues the effect of regulations in the American trade from the export of the year in which they are made, or even of the following; why did he not apply this rule to his own? He had the same paper before him which I have now before me. He must have seen that in
_
415,624 415,544 467,681
? ? ? ? ON THE PRESENT
surn or rmI2 NATION.
431
his standard year (the year 1'7 04), the 9,. incipal yea, of his new regulati<m=. >, the export fell no less man 128,450l. short of that in 1763! Did the export trade revive by these regulations in
1765, during which year they continued in their full_force? It
fell about 40,000l. still lower. Here is a fall of 168,000l. ; to account for which, would have become the author much better than piddling for an 80l. fall in the year 1766 (the only year in which the order he objects to could operate), or in presuming a fall of exports from a regulation which took place only in November, 1766 ; whose effects could not appear un til the following year; and which, when they do ap pear, utterly overthrow all his flimsy reasons and af fected suspicions upon the effect of opening the ports.
This author, in the same paragraph, says, that "it Was asserted by the American factors and agents, that the commanders of our ships of war and tenders, hav
ing custom-house commissions, and the strict orders given in 1764 for a due execution of the laws of trade in the colonies, had deterred the Spaniards from trad ing with us; that the sale of British manufactures in the West Indies had been greatly lessened, and the
receipt of large sums of specie prevented. "
If the American factors and agents asserted this,
they had good ground for their assertion.
knew that the Spanish vessels had been driven from our ports. The author does not positively deny the fact. If he should, it will be proved. When the fac tors connected this measure, and its natural conse quences, with an actual fall in the exports to Ja
maica, to no less an amount than 128,450l. in one year, and with a further fall in the next, is their assertioll very wonderful? The author himself is
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OBSERVATIONS
on A_ LATE PUBLICATION.
by a _fall of only 40,000l. ; for giving mm the facts which he chooses to coin, it is no more. The "expulsion of the Spanish vessels must
certainly have been one cause, if not of the first de clension of the exports, yet of their continuance in their reduced state. Other causes had their opera tion, without doubt. In what degree each cause pro duced its effect, it is hard to determine. But the fact of a fall of exports upon the restraining plan, and of a rise upon the taking place of the enlarging plan, is established beyond all contradiction.
This author says, that the facts relative to the Spanish trade were asserted" by American factors and agents; insinuating, that the ministry of 1766 had no better authority for their plan of enlargement than such assertions. The moment he chooses he shall see the very same thing asserted by governors of provinces, by commanders of men-of-war, and by offi cers of the customs persons the most bound in duty to prevent contraband, and the most interested in the seizures to be made in consequence of strict regula tion. suppress them for the present; wishing that the author may not drive me to more full discussion of this matter than may be altogether prudent to enter into. wish he had not made any of these dis cussions necessary.
full as much alarmed
1. . + .
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it
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THE CAUSE OF THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS.
Hoc vero ooeultum, intestinum, domesticum malum, non modo nou existit, verum etiam opprimit, antequam perspicere atque explorare
? potueris.
von. 1.
Cxc.
'
I770. 28
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_
_. . '4'l~nqq-q
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'
? THOUGHTS
THE CAUSE OF THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS.
ITis an undertaking of some degree of delicacy to examine into the cause of public disorders. If a man happens not to succeed in such an inquiry, he will be thought weak and visionary; if he touches
the true grievance, there is a danger that he may come near to persons of weight and consequence, who will rather be exasperated at the discovery of their errors, than thankful for the occasion of cor recting them. If he should be obliged to blame the favorites of the people, he will be considered as the tool of power; if he censures those in power, he will be looked on as an instrument of faction. But in all exertions of duty something is to be hazarded. In cases of tumult and disorder, our law has invested
every man, in some sort, with the authority of a mag istrate. When the affairs of the nation are distracted, private people are, by the spirit of that law, justified in stepping a little out of their ordinary sphere. They enjoy a privilege, of somewhat more dignity and effect, than that of idle lamentation over the ca lamities of their country. They may look into them
narrowly; they may reason upon them liberally; and if'they should be so fortunate as to discover the true source of the mischief, and to suggest any prob
? ? ? ? 436 THOUGHTS on THE causn
able method of removing though they may dis please the rulers for the day, they are certainly of service to the cause of government. Government deeply interested in everything which, even through the medium of some temporary uneasiness, may tend finally to compose the minds of the subject, and to conciliate their affections. have nothing to do here
with the abstract value of the voice of the people. But as long as reputation, the most precious posses sion of every individual, and as long as opinion, the great support of the state, depend entirely upon that voice, can never be considered as thing of little consequence either to individuals or to governments. Nations are not primarily ruled by laws less by vio lence. Whatever original energy may be supposed either in force or regulation, the operation of both
in truth, merely instrumental. Nations are governed by the same methods, and on the same principles, which an individual without authority often able to govern those who are his equals or his superiors by
knowledge of their temper, and by judicious man agement of it; mean,--when public affairs are steadily and quietly conducted; not when govern ment nothing but continued scuffle between the magistrate and the multitude; in which sometimes the one and sometimes the other uppermost; in which they alternately yield and prevail, in series of contemptible victories, and scandalous submis sions. The temper of the people amongst whom he presides ought therefore to be the first study of statesman. And the knowledge of this temper
by no means impossible for him to attain, he has not an interest in being ignorant of what his duty to learn.
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;
is
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437
To_complain of the age we live in, to murmur at the present possessors of power, to lament the past, to conceive extravagant hopes of the future, are the common dispositions of the greatest part of mankind ; indeed the necessary effects of the ignorance and lev ity of the vulgar. Such complaints and humors have existedin all times; yet as all times have not been alike, true political sagacity manifests itself in distin
guishing that complaint which only characterizes the general infirmity of human nature, from those which are symptoms of the particular distemperature of our own air and season.
Nobody, I believe, will consider it merely as the language of spleen or disappointment, if I say, that there is something particularly alarming in the pres ent conjuncture. There is hardly a man, in or out of power,_who holds any other language. That govern ment is at once dreaded and contemned ; that the laws are despoiled of all their respected and salutary ter
rors; that their inaction is a subject of ridicule, and their exertion of abhorrence; that rank, and ofiice and title, and all the solemn plausibilities of the world, have lost their reverence and effect; that our foreign politics are as much deranged as our domestic econ omy; that our dependencies are slackened in their affection, and loosened from their obedience ; that we know neither how to yield nor how to enforce; that
hardly anything above or below, abroad or at home, is sound and entire ; but that disconnection and con fusion, in offices, in parties, in families, in Parlia ment, in the nation, prevail beyond the disorders of any former time : these are facts universally admitted
and lamented.
This state of things is the more extraordinary, be
? ? ? ? 438 THOUGHTS on THE oausn
cause the great parties which formerly divided and agitated the kingdom are known to be in a manner entirely dissolved. No great external calamity has visited the nation; no pestilence or famine. We do not labor at present under any scheme of taxation new or oppressive in the quantity or in the mode. Nor are we engaged in unsuccessful war; in which, our misfortunes might easily pervert our judgment; and our minds, sore from the loss of national glory, might feel every blow of fortune as a crime in gov ernment.
It is impossible that the cause of this strange dis temper should not sometimes become a subject of dis course. It is a compliment due, and which I willingly pay, to those who administer our affairs, to take notice in the first place of their speculation. Our minis ters are of opinion, that the increase of our trade and manufactures, that our growth by colonization, and by conquest, have concurred to accumulate immense wealth in the hands of some individuals; and this again being dispersed among the people, has rendered them universally proud, ferocious, and ungoverna ble; that the insolence of some from their enormous wealth, and the boldness of others from a guilty pov erty, have rendered them capable of the most atrocious attempts ; so that they have trampled upon all subor dination, and violently borne down the unarmed laws of a free government ; barriers too feeble against the fury of a populace so fierce and licentious as ours. They contend, that no adequate provocation has been given for so spreading a discontent ; "our affairs having been conducted throughout with remarkable temper and consummate wisdom. The wicked industry of some libellers, joined to the intrigues of a few disap
_! '_"_
? ? ? ? or THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS. 439
pointed politicians, have, in their opinion, been able to produce this unnatural ferment in the nation.
Nothing indeed can be more unnatural than tho present convulsions of this country, if the above ac coimt be a true one. I confess I shall assent to it with great reluctance, and only on the compulsion of the clearest and firmest proofs ; because their account resolves itself into this short, but discouraging proposi tion, " That we have a very good ministry, but that we are a very bad people " ; that we set ourselves to bite the hand that feeds us ; that with a malignant insan ity, we oppose the measures, and ungratefully vilify the persons, of those whose sole object is our own peace and prosperity. If a few puny libcllers, acting under a knot of factious politicians, without virtue,
parts, or character, (such they are constantly repre sented by these gentlemen,) are sufficient to excite this disturbance, very perverse must be the disposi tion of that people, amongst whom such a disturbance can be excited by such means. It is besides no small aggravation of the public misfortune, that the
disease, on this hypothesis, appears to be without rem edy. If the wealth of the nation be the cause of its turbulence, I imagine it is not proposed to introduce poverty, as a constable to keep the peace. If our do
minions abroad are the roots which feed all this rank luxuriance of sedition, it is not intended to cut them off in order to famish the fruit. If our liberty has enfeebled the executive power, there is no design, I
hope, to call in the aid of despotism, to fill up the deficiencies of law. Whatever may be intended, these things are not yet professed. We seem there
fore to be driven to absolute despair ; for we have no other materials to work upon, but those out of which
? ? ? ? 440 THOUGHTS on THE CAUSE
God has been pleased to form the inhabitants of this island. If these be radically and essentially vicious, all that can be said that those men are very un happy, to whose fortune or duty falls to administer the affairs of this untoward people. hear indeed sometimes asserted, that steady perseverance in the present measures, and rigorous punishment of those who oppose them, will in course of time infallibly put an end to these disorders. But this, in my opinion,
said without much observation of our present dis position, and without any knowledge at all of the general nature of mankind. If the matter of which this nation composed be so very fermentable as these
describe leaven never will be wanting to work up, as long as discontent, revenge, and am bition, have existence in the world. Particular pun ishments are the cure for accidental distempers in the state; they inflame rather than allay those heats which arise from the settled mismanagement of the government, or from natural indisposition in the
? gentlemen
of the utmost moment not to make mistakes in the use of strong measures and firmness
then only virtue when accompanies the most
people.
wisdom. In truth, inconstancy sort of natural corrective of folly and ignorance.
am not one of those who think that the people are never in the wrong. They have been so, fre quently and outrageously, both in other countries and in this. But do say, that in all disputes between them and their rulers, the presumption at least
perfect
upon par in favor of the people.
perhaps justify me in going further.
discontents have been very prevalent,
affirmed and supported, that there has been generally
Experience may When popular
may well be
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it
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something found amiss in the constitution, or in the conduct of government. The people have no interest in disorder. When they do wrong, it is their error, and not their crime. But with the governing part of the state, it is far otherwise. They certainly may act ill by design, as well as by mistake. "Les re? volutions qui arrivent dans les grands e? tats ne sont
point un efect du hazard, ni du caprice des peuples. Rien rte re? volte les grands d'un royaurne comm; un gouvernement foible et de? range? . Pour la populace, ce n'est jarnais par envie d'attaquer *qu'elle se soule? ve,
mais par impatience de soufl'rir. " These are the words of a great man; of a minister of state ; and a zealous assertor of monarchy. They are applied to the system offavoritism which was adopted by Henry the Third of France, and to the dreadful conse quences it produced. What he says of revolutions, is equally true of all great disturbances. If this pre sumption in favor of the subjects against the trustees of power be not the more probable, I am sure it is the more comfortable speculation; because it is more easy to change an administration, than to reform a people.
Upon a supposition, therefore, that, in the opening of the cause, the presumptions stand equally bal anced between the parties, there seems sufficient ground to entitle any person to a fair hearing, who
some other scheme beside that easy one which is fashionable in some fashionable companies, to account for the present discontents. It is not to be argued that we endure no grievance, because our grievances are not of the same sort with those under which we labored formerly ; not precisely those which
'1' Me? m. de Sully, tom. i. p. 133.
? attempts
? ? ? 442 THOUGHTS on THE causn .
we bore from the Tudors, or vindicated on the Stu arts. A great change has taken place in the affairs of this country. For in the silent lapse of events as material alterations have been insensibly brought about in the policy and character of governments and nations, as those which have been marked by the
have constantly observed, that the generality of peo ple are fifty years, at least, behindhand in their poli tics. There are but very few who are capable of com paring and digesting what passes before their eyes at diiferent times and occasions, so as to form the whole into a distinct system. But in books everything is settled for them, without the exertion of any consid erable diligence or sagacity. For which reason men are wise with but little reflection, and good with little self-denial, in the business of all times except their own. We are very uncorrupt and tolerably enlight ened judges of the transactions of past ages; where no passions deceive, and where the whole train of circumstances, from the trifling cause to the tragical event, is set in an orderly series before us. Few are the partisans of departed tyranny ; and to be a Whig on the business of an hundred years ago, is very con sistent with every advantage of present servility. This retrospective wisdom, and historical patriotism, are things of wonderful convenience, and serve ad mirably to reconcile the old quarrel between specula tion and practice. Many a stern republican, after gorging himself with a full feast of admiration of the Grecian commonwealths and of our true Saxon con
tumult of public revolutions.
_
It is very rare indeed for men to be wrong in their feelings concerning public misconduct ; as rare to be right in their speculation upon the cause of it. I
? ? ? ? _
or THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS. 443
stitution, and discharging all the splendid bile of his virtuous indignation on King John and King James, sits down perfectly satisfied to the coarsest work and homeliest job of the day he lives in. I believe there was no professed admirer of Henry the Eighth among the instruments of the last King James; nor in the court of Henry the Eighth was there, I dare say, to be found a single advocate for the favorites of Richard the Second. .
No complaisance to our court, or to our age, can make me believe nature to be so changed, but that public liberty will be among us as among our ances tors, obnoxious to some person or other; and that
? will be furnished for attempting, at least, some alteration to the prejudice of our con
stitution. These attempts will naturally vary in their mode according to times and circumstances.
their old friends, the transition is easy ; from friend ship to civility ; from civility to enmity: few are tho steps from dereliction to persecution.
People not very well grounded in the principles of public morality find a set of maxims in offiee ready made for them, which they assume as naturally and
inevitably, as any of the insignia or instruments of the situation. A certain tone of the solid and prac
? ? ? ? OBSERVATIONS ON A LATE PUBLICATION
tical is immediately acquired. Every former profes sion of public spirit is to be considered as a debauch of youth, or, at best, as a visionary scheme of unat tainable perfection. The very idea of consistency is
The convenience of the business of the day is to furnish the principle for doing it. Then the whole ministerial cant is quickly got by heart. The prevalence of faction is to be lamented. All opposition is to be regarded as the effect of envy and disappointed ambition. All administrations are de clared to be alike. The same necessity justifies all their measures. It is no longer a matter of discus sion, who or what administration is; but that admin istration is to be supported, is a general maxim. Flat tering themselves that their power is become necessary to the support of all order and government;
thing which tends to the support of that power is sanctified, and becomes a part of the public interest.
Growing every day more formed to affairs, and bet ter knit in their limbs, when the occasion (now the only rule) requires they become capable of sacri ficing those very persons to whom they had before sacrificed their original friends. It now 'only in the ordinary course of business to alter an opinion, or to betray connection. Frequently relinquishing one set of men and adopting another, they grow into
total indifference to human feeling, as they had before to moral obligation; until at length, no one original impression remains upon their minds: every principle obliterated every sentiment eflaced.
In the mean time, that power, which all these changes aimed at securing, remains still as tottering and as uncertain as ever. They are delivered up into the hands of those who feel neither respect for
exploded.
? every
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? on' THE PRESENT smrn or THE NATION. 423
their persons, nor gratitude for their favors; who are put about them in appearance to serve, in reality to govern them; and, when the signal is given, to abandon and destroy them in order to set up some new dupe of ambition, who in his turn is to be aban doned and destroyed. Thus living in a state of con tinual uneasiness and ferment, softened only by the miserable consolation of giving now and then prefer ments to those for whom they have no value; they are unhappy in their situation, yet find it impossible to resign. Until, at length, soured in temper, and disappointed by the very attainment of their ends, in some angry, in some haughty, or some negligent mo ment, they incur the displeasure of those upon whom they have rendered their very being dependent. Then
perierunt tempera longi servitii; they are cast off with scorn; they are turned out, emptied of all nat ural character, of all intrinsic worth, of all essential dignity, and deprived of every consolation of friend ship. Having rendered all retreat to old principles ridiculous, and to old regards impracticable, not be ing able to counterfeit pleasure, or to discharge dis content, nothing being sincere, or right, or balanced
in their minds, it is more than a chance, that, in the delirium of the last stage of their distempered power, they make an insane political testament, by which they throw all their remaining weight and conse quence into the scale of their declared enemies, and
the avowed authors of their destruction. Thus they finish their course. Had it been possible that the Whole, or even a great part of these effects on their minds, I say nothing of the effect upon their fortunes, could have appeared to them in their first departure from the right line, it is certain they would have rc
? ? ? ? 424 OBSERVATIONS on A LATE PUBLICATION
jected every temptation with horror. The principle of these remarks, like every good principle in moral ity, is trite; but its frequent application is not the less necessary.
As to others, who are plain practical men, they have been guiltless at all times of all public pretence. Neither the author nor any one else has reason to be angry with them. They . belonged to his friend for their interest; for their interest they quitted him; and when it is their interest, he may depend upon they will return to their former connection. Such people subsist at all times, and, though the nuisance of all, are at no time worthy subject of discussion.
false virtue and plausible error that do the mis chief.
If men come to government with right dispositions, they have not that unfavorable subject which this au thor represents to work upon. Our circumstances are indeed critical; but then they are the critical circumstances of strong and mighty nation. corruption and meanness are greatly spread, they are not spread universally. Many public men are hith erto examples of public spirit and integrity. Whole parties, as far as large bodies can be uniform, have preserved character. However they may be deceived in some particulars, know of no set of men amongst us, which does not contain persons on whom the na tion, in difficult exigcnce, may well value itself. Private life, which the nursery of the common wealth, yet in general pure, and on the whole dis posed to virtue and the people at large want neither generosity nor spirit. No small part of that very luxury, which so much the subject of the author's declamation, but which, in most parts of life, by be
? ? ? is ;
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ing well balanced and diffused, is only decency and convenience, has perhaps as many, or more good than evil consequences attending it. It certainly excites in dustry, nourishes emulation, and inspires some sense of personal value into all ranks of people. What we want is to establish more fully an opinion of uniform ity, and consistency of character, in the leading men of the state; such as will restore some confidence to
profession and appearance, such as will fix subordi nation upon esteem. Without this, all schemes are begun at the wrong end. All who join in them are liable to their consequences. All men who, under whatever pretext, take a part in the formation or the support of systems constructed in such a manner as must, in their nature, disable them from the execu tion of their duty, have made themselves guilty of all
the present distraction, and of the future ruin, which they may bring upon their country.
It is a serious affair, this studied disunion in gov ernment. In cases where union is most consulted in the constitution of a ministry, and where persons are best disposed to promote differences, from the va
rious ideas of men, will arise; and from their pas sions will often ferment into violent heats, so as greatly to disorder all public business. What must
be the consequence, when the very distemper made the basis of the constitution; and the original weak ness of human nature still further enfeebled by art and contrivance It must subvert government from the very foundation. It turns our public councils into the most mischievous cabals where the consid
? not how the nation's business shall be car ried 0n, but how those who ought to carry on shall circumvent each other. In such state of things, no
eration
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? 426 OBSERVATIONS on A LATE PUBLICATION
order, uniformity, dignity, or effect, can appear in our proceedings, either at home or abroad. Nor will it make much difference, whether some of the constitu ent parts of such an administration are men of vir tue or ability, or not ; supposing it possible that such men, with their eyes open, should choose to make a
'
hand of Providence. I do not like to answer, as our author so readily does, for the event of any specula tion. But surely the nature of our disorders, if any thing, must indicate the proper remedy. Men who act steadily on the principles I have stated may in all events be very serviceable to their country; in one case, by furnishing (if their sovereign should be so advised) an administration formed upon ideas very different from those which have for some time been unfortunately fashionable. But, if this should not be the case, they may be still serviceable; for the ex ample of a large body of men, steadily sacrificing am
bition to principle, can never be without use. It will certainly be prolific, and draw others to an imitation.
Vera gloria radices agit, atque etiam propagatur.
I do not think myself of consequence enough to im
itate my author, in troubling the world with the prayers or wishes I may form for the public: full as little am I disposed to imitate his professions; those professions are long since worn out in the political service. If the work will not speak for the author, his own declarations deserve but little credit.
part in such a body.
The effects of all human contrivances are in the
U'
? ? ? ? ON THE PRESENT STATE OF THE NATION.
APPENDIX.
in "-1
much misplaced industry has been used by the SOauthor of " The State of the Nation," as well as by other writers, to infuse discontent into the people, on account of the late war, and of the effects of our national debt ; that nothing ought to be omitted which
may tend to disabuse the public upon these subjects. When I had gone through the foregoing sheets, I rec ollected, that, in pages 58, 59, 60, I only gave the comparative states of the duties collected by the ex cise at large; together with the quantities of strong beer brewed in the two periods which are'there com
It might be still thought, that some other ar ticles of popular consumption, of general convenience, and connected with our manufactures, might possibly have declined. I therefore now think it right to lay before the reader the state of the produce of three cap ital duties on such articles; duties which have fre quently been made the subject of popular complaint.
The duty on candles; that on soap, paper, &c. ; and that on hides.
Average of net produce of duty on soap,
&c. , for eight years ending 1767 . . . ? 264,902
Average of ditto for eight years ending 1754. . . . . . . . . . . 228,114
Average increase . . ? 36,78--8
? pared.
? ? ? 428 OBSERVATIONS on A LATE PUBLICATION
Average of net produce of duty on can
dles for eight years ending 1767 . . . . ? 155,789
Average of ditto for eight years ending
\1754 136 ,716
Average increase . he t\ \ 073 7
Average net produce of duty on hides, _
eight years, ending 1767 . . . . . ? 189,216 Ditto eight years, ending 1754 . . . . 168,200
Average increase . . . ? 21,016
This increase has not arisen from any additional du ties. None have been imposed on these articles dur ing the war. Notwithstanding the burdens of the war, and the late dearness of provisions, the con sumption of all these articles has increased, and the revenue along with it. "
in Jamaica. "Orders were given," says he, " in August, 1765, for the free admission of Spanish vessels into all the co1onies. "* He then observes, that the exports to Jamaica fell 40,904l. short of those of 1764; and that the exports of the succeeding year, 1766, fell short of those of 1765, about eighty pounds ; from whence he wisely infers, that this decline of ex ports being since the relaxation of the laws of trade, there is a just ground of suspicion, that the colonies have been supplied with foreign commodities instead of British.
* His note, p. 22.
? There is another point in
tion," to which, I fear, I have not been so full in my
ports
I ought to have been, and as I am well
answer as
warranted to be. The author has endeavored to throw a suspicion, or something more, on that salu tary, and indeed necessary measure of opening the
The State of the Na
? ? ? on THE PRESENT surn or run NATION.
Here, as usual with him, the author builds on a fact which is absolutely false; and which, being so, renders his whole hypothesis absurd and impossible. He asserts, that the order for admitting Spanish ves sels was given in August, 1765. That order was not signed at the treasury board until the 15th dag qf the Novernberfollowing ; and therefore so far from aifect ing the exports of the year 1765, that, supposing all possible diligence in the commissioners of the cus toms in expediting that order, and every advantage of
vessels ready to sail, and the most favorable wind, it would hardly even arrive in Jamaica, within the lim its of that year.
This order could therefore by no possibility be a cause of the decrease of exports in 1765. If it had any mischievous operation, it could not be before 1766. In that year, according to om' author, the ex ports fell short of the preceding, just eighty pounds. He is welcome to that diminution; and to all the cou sequences he can draw from it.
But, as an auxiliary to account for this dreadful loss, he brings in the Free-port Act, which he observes (for his convenience) to have been made in spring, 1766; but (for his convenience likewise) he forgets, that, by the express provision of the act, the regula tion was not to be in force in Jamaica until the No vember following. Miraculous must be the activity of that contraband whose operation in America could,
before the end of that year, have reacted upon Eng land, and checked the exportation from hence! Un less he chooses to suppose, that the merchants at Whose solicitation this act had been obtained, were so frightened at the accomplishment of their own most earnest and anxious desire, that, before any good or
429
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evil eifect from it could happen, they immediately put a stop to all further exportation.
It is obvious that we must look for the true effect of that act at the time of its first possible operation, that is, in the year 1767. On this idea how stands
the account?
A
1764, Exports to Jamaica . . . . ? 456,528
1765 . . . . . . . . . . . . 1766 . . . . . . . . . . . . 1767 (first year of the Free-port Act) .
This author, for the sake of a present momentary credit, will hazard any future and permanent dis grace. At the time he wrote, the account of 1767 could not be made up. This was the very first year of the trial of the Free-port Act; and we find that the sale of British commodities is so far from being lessened by that act, that the export of 1767 amounts to 52,000l. more than that of either of the two pre ceding years, and is 11,000l. above that of his stand ard year 1764. If I could prevail on myself to ar gue in favor of a great commercial scheme from the appearance of things in a single year, I should from this increase of export infer the beneficial effects of that measure. In truth, it is not wanting. Nothing but the thickest ignorance of the Jamaica trade could have made any one entertain a fancy, that the least ill effect on our commerce could follow from this opening of the ports. But, if the author argues the effect of regulations in the American trade from the export of the year in which they are made, or even of the following; why did he not apply this rule to his own? He had the same paper before him which I have now before me. He must have seen that in
_
415,624 415,544 467,681
? ? ? ? ON THE PRESENT
surn or rmI2 NATION.
431
his standard year (the year 1'7 04), the 9,. incipal yea, of his new regulati<m=. >, the export fell no less man 128,450l. short of that in 1763! Did the export trade revive by these regulations in
1765, during which year they continued in their full_force? It
fell about 40,000l. still lower. Here is a fall of 168,000l. ; to account for which, would have become the author much better than piddling for an 80l. fall in the year 1766 (the only year in which the order he objects to could operate), or in presuming a fall of exports from a regulation which took place only in November, 1766 ; whose effects could not appear un til the following year; and which, when they do ap pear, utterly overthrow all his flimsy reasons and af fected suspicions upon the effect of opening the ports.
This author, in the same paragraph, says, that "it Was asserted by the American factors and agents, that the commanders of our ships of war and tenders, hav
ing custom-house commissions, and the strict orders given in 1764 for a due execution of the laws of trade in the colonies, had deterred the Spaniards from trad ing with us; that the sale of British manufactures in the West Indies had been greatly lessened, and the
receipt of large sums of specie prevented. "
If the American factors and agents asserted this,
they had good ground for their assertion.
knew that the Spanish vessels had been driven from our ports. The author does not positively deny the fact. If he should, it will be proved. When the fac tors connected this measure, and its natural conse quences, with an actual fall in the exports to Ja
maica, to no less an amount than 128,450l. in one year, and with a further fall in the next, is their assertioll very wonderful? The author himself is
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OBSERVATIONS
on A_ LATE PUBLICATION.
by a _fall of only 40,000l. ; for giving mm the facts which he chooses to coin, it is no more. The "expulsion of the Spanish vessels must
certainly have been one cause, if not of the first de clension of the exports, yet of their continuance in their reduced state. Other causes had their opera tion, without doubt. In what degree each cause pro duced its effect, it is hard to determine. But the fact of a fall of exports upon the restraining plan, and of a rise upon the taking place of the enlarging plan, is established beyond all contradiction.
This author says, that the facts relative to the Spanish trade were asserted" by American factors and agents; insinuating, that the ministry of 1766 had no better authority for their plan of enlargement than such assertions. The moment he chooses he shall see the very same thing asserted by governors of provinces, by commanders of men-of-war, and by offi cers of the customs persons the most bound in duty to prevent contraband, and the most interested in the seizures to be made in consequence of strict regula tion. suppress them for the present; wishing that the author may not drive me to more full discussion of this matter than may be altogether prudent to enter into. wish he had not made any of these dis cussions necessary.
full as much alarmed
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THE CAUSE OF THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS.
Hoc vero ooeultum, intestinum, domesticum malum, non modo nou existit, verum etiam opprimit, antequam perspicere atque explorare
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von. 1.
Cxc.
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? THOUGHTS
THE CAUSE OF THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS.
ITis an undertaking of some degree of delicacy to examine into the cause of public disorders. If a man happens not to succeed in such an inquiry, he will be thought weak and visionary; if he touches
the true grievance, there is a danger that he may come near to persons of weight and consequence, who will rather be exasperated at the discovery of their errors, than thankful for the occasion of cor recting them. If he should be obliged to blame the favorites of the people, he will be considered as the tool of power; if he censures those in power, he will be looked on as an instrument of faction. But in all exertions of duty something is to be hazarded. In cases of tumult and disorder, our law has invested
every man, in some sort, with the authority of a mag istrate. When the affairs of the nation are distracted, private people are, by the spirit of that law, justified in stepping a little out of their ordinary sphere. They enjoy a privilege, of somewhat more dignity and effect, than that of idle lamentation over the ca lamities of their country. They may look into them
narrowly; they may reason upon them liberally; and if'they should be so fortunate as to discover the true source of the mischief, and to suggest any prob
? ? ? ? 436 THOUGHTS on THE causn
able method of removing though they may dis please the rulers for the day, they are certainly of service to the cause of government. Government deeply interested in everything which, even through the medium of some temporary uneasiness, may tend finally to compose the minds of the subject, and to conciliate their affections. have nothing to do here
with the abstract value of the voice of the people. But as long as reputation, the most precious posses sion of every individual, and as long as opinion, the great support of the state, depend entirely upon that voice, can never be considered as thing of little consequence either to individuals or to governments. Nations are not primarily ruled by laws less by vio lence. Whatever original energy may be supposed either in force or regulation, the operation of both
in truth, merely instrumental. Nations are governed by the same methods, and on the same principles, which an individual without authority often able to govern those who are his equals or his superiors by
knowledge of their temper, and by judicious man agement of it; mean,--when public affairs are steadily and quietly conducted; not when govern ment nothing but continued scuffle between the magistrate and the multitude; in which sometimes the one and sometimes the other uppermost; in which they alternately yield and prevail, in series of contemptible victories, and scandalous submis sions. The temper of the people amongst whom he presides ought therefore to be the first study of statesman. And the knowledge of this temper
by no means impossible for him to attain, he has not an interest in being ignorant of what his duty to learn.
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437
To_complain of the age we live in, to murmur at the present possessors of power, to lament the past, to conceive extravagant hopes of the future, are the common dispositions of the greatest part of mankind ; indeed the necessary effects of the ignorance and lev ity of the vulgar. Such complaints and humors have existedin all times; yet as all times have not been alike, true political sagacity manifests itself in distin
guishing that complaint which only characterizes the general infirmity of human nature, from those which are symptoms of the particular distemperature of our own air and season.
Nobody, I believe, will consider it merely as the language of spleen or disappointment, if I say, that there is something particularly alarming in the pres ent conjuncture. There is hardly a man, in or out of power,_who holds any other language. That govern ment is at once dreaded and contemned ; that the laws are despoiled of all their respected and salutary ter
rors; that their inaction is a subject of ridicule, and their exertion of abhorrence; that rank, and ofiice and title, and all the solemn plausibilities of the world, have lost their reverence and effect; that our foreign politics are as much deranged as our domestic econ omy; that our dependencies are slackened in their affection, and loosened from their obedience ; that we know neither how to yield nor how to enforce; that
hardly anything above or below, abroad or at home, is sound and entire ; but that disconnection and con fusion, in offices, in parties, in families, in Parlia ment, in the nation, prevail beyond the disorders of any former time : these are facts universally admitted
and lamented.
This state of things is the more extraordinary, be
? ? ? ? 438 THOUGHTS on THE oausn
cause the great parties which formerly divided and agitated the kingdom are known to be in a manner entirely dissolved. No great external calamity has visited the nation; no pestilence or famine. We do not labor at present under any scheme of taxation new or oppressive in the quantity or in the mode. Nor are we engaged in unsuccessful war; in which, our misfortunes might easily pervert our judgment; and our minds, sore from the loss of national glory, might feel every blow of fortune as a crime in gov ernment.
It is impossible that the cause of this strange dis temper should not sometimes become a subject of dis course. It is a compliment due, and which I willingly pay, to those who administer our affairs, to take notice in the first place of their speculation. Our minis ters are of opinion, that the increase of our trade and manufactures, that our growth by colonization, and by conquest, have concurred to accumulate immense wealth in the hands of some individuals; and this again being dispersed among the people, has rendered them universally proud, ferocious, and ungoverna ble; that the insolence of some from their enormous wealth, and the boldness of others from a guilty pov erty, have rendered them capable of the most atrocious attempts ; so that they have trampled upon all subor dination, and violently borne down the unarmed laws of a free government ; barriers too feeble against the fury of a populace so fierce and licentious as ours. They contend, that no adequate provocation has been given for so spreading a discontent ; "our affairs having been conducted throughout with remarkable temper and consummate wisdom. The wicked industry of some libellers, joined to the intrigues of a few disap
_! '_"_
? ? ? ? or THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS. 439
pointed politicians, have, in their opinion, been able to produce this unnatural ferment in the nation.
Nothing indeed can be more unnatural than tho present convulsions of this country, if the above ac coimt be a true one. I confess I shall assent to it with great reluctance, and only on the compulsion of the clearest and firmest proofs ; because their account resolves itself into this short, but discouraging proposi tion, " That we have a very good ministry, but that we are a very bad people " ; that we set ourselves to bite the hand that feeds us ; that with a malignant insan ity, we oppose the measures, and ungratefully vilify the persons, of those whose sole object is our own peace and prosperity. If a few puny libcllers, acting under a knot of factious politicians, without virtue,
parts, or character, (such they are constantly repre sented by these gentlemen,) are sufficient to excite this disturbance, very perverse must be the disposi tion of that people, amongst whom such a disturbance can be excited by such means. It is besides no small aggravation of the public misfortune, that the
disease, on this hypothesis, appears to be without rem edy. If the wealth of the nation be the cause of its turbulence, I imagine it is not proposed to introduce poverty, as a constable to keep the peace. If our do
minions abroad are the roots which feed all this rank luxuriance of sedition, it is not intended to cut them off in order to famish the fruit. If our liberty has enfeebled the executive power, there is no design, I
hope, to call in the aid of despotism, to fill up the deficiencies of law. Whatever may be intended, these things are not yet professed. We seem there
fore to be driven to absolute despair ; for we have no other materials to work upon, but those out of which
? ? ? ? 440 THOUGHTS on THE CAUSE
God has been pleased to form the inhabitants of this island. If these be radically and essentially vicious, all that can be said that those men are very un happy, to whose fortune or duty falls to administer the affairs of this untoward people. hear indeed sometimes asserted, that steady perseverance in the present measures, and rigorous punishment of those who oppose them, will in course of time infallibly put an end to these disorders. But this, in my opinion,
said without much observation of our present dis position, and without any knowledge at all of the general nature of mankind. If the matter of which this nation composed be so very fermentable as these
describe leaven never will be wanting to work up, as long as discontent, revenge, and am bition, have existence in the world. Particular pun ishments are the cure for accidental distempers in the state; they inflame rather than allay those heats which arise from the settled mismanagement of the government, or from natural indisposition in the
? gentlemen
of the utmost moment not to make mistakes in the use of strong measures and firmness
then only virtue when accompanies the most
people.
wisdom. In truth, inconstancy sort of natural corrective of folly and ignorance.
am not one of those who think that the people are never in the wrong. They have been so, fre quently and outrageously, both in other countries and in this. But do say, that in all disputes between them and their rulers, the presumption at least
perfect
upon par in favor of the people.
perhaps justify me in going further.
discontents have been very prevalent,
affirmed and supported, that there has been generally
Experience may When popular
may well be
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something found amiss in the constitution, or in the conduct of government. The people have no interest in disorder. When they do wrong, it is their error, and not their crime. But with the governing part of the state, it is far otherwise. They certainly may act ill by design, as well as by mistake. "Les re? volutions qui arrivent dans les grands e? tats ne sont
point un efect du hazard, ni du caprice des peuples. Rien rte re? volte les grands d'un royaurne comm; un gouvernement foible et de? range? . Pour la populace, ce n'est jarnais par envie d'attaquer *qu'elle se soule? ve,
mais par impatience de soufl'rir. " These are the words of a great man; of a minister of state ; and a zealous assertor of monarchy. They are applied to the system offavoritism which was adopted by Henry the Third of France, and to the dreadful conse quences it produced. What he says of revolutions, is equally true of all great disturbances. If this pre sumption in favor of the subjects against the trustees of power be not the more probable, I am sure it is the more comfortable speculation; because it is more easy to change an administration, than to reform a people.
Upon a supposition, therefore, that, in the opening of the cause, the presumptions stand equally bal anced between the parties, there seems sufficient ground to entitle any person to a fair hearing, who
some other scheme beside that easy one which is fashionable in some fashionable companies, to account for the present discontents. It is not to be argued that we endure no grievance, because our grievances are not of the same sort with those under which we labored formerly ; not precisely those which
'1' Me? m. de Sully, tom. i. p. 133.
? attempts
? ? ? 442 THOUGHTS on THE causn .
we bore from the Tudors, or vindicated on the Stu arts. A great change has taken place in the affairs of this country. For in the silent lapse of events as material alterations have been insensibly brought about in the policy and character of governments and nations, as those which have been marked by the
have constantly observed, that the generality of peo ple are fifty years, at least, behindhand in their poli tics. There are but very few who are capable of com paring and digesting what passes before their eyes at diiferent times and occasions, so as to form the whole into a distinct system. But in books everything is settled for them, without the exertion of any consid erable diligence or sagacity. For which reason men are wise with but little reflection, and good with little self-denial, in the business of all times except their own. We are very uncorrupt and tolerably enlight ened judges of the transactions of past ages; where no passions deceive, and where the whole train of circumstances, from the trifling cause to the tragical event, is set in an orderly series before us. Few are the partisans of departed tyranny ; and to be a Whig on the business of an hundred years ago, is very con sistent with every advantage of present servility. This retrospective wisdom, and historical patriotism, are things of wonderful convenience, and serve ad mirably to reconcile the old quarrel between specula tion and practice. Many a stern republican, after gorging himself with a full feast of admiration of the Grecian commonwealths and of our true Saxon con
tumult of public revolutions.
_
It is very rare indeed for men to be wrong in their feelings concerning public misconduct ; as rare to be right in their speculation upon the cause of it. I
? ? ? ? _
or THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS. 443
stitution, and discharging all the splendid bile of his virtuous indignation on King John and King James, sits down perfectly satisfied to the coarsest work and homeliest job of the day he lives in. I believe there was no professed admirer of Henry the Eighth among the instruments of the last King James; nor in the court of Henry the Eighth was there, I dare say, to be found a single advocate for the favorites of Richard the Second. .
No complaisance to our court, or to our age, can make me believe nature to be so changed, but that public liberty will be among us as among our ances tors, obnoxious to some person or other; and that
? will be furnished for attempting, at least, some alteration to the prejudice of our con
stitution. These attempts will naturally vary in their mode according to times and circumstances.
