They found it in
the records on which their works were, based ; and felt compelled to
hand it on.
the records on which their works were, based ; and felt compelled to
hand it on.
Cambridge History of India - v1
of Orientalists, 1906; and Rh.
D.
, Buddhist India,
140-61.
5 For this view see the references given by Winternitz, Gesch. d. ind. Lit. II,
i, p. 10, note 3.
6 Udine VII, 10; Samyutta IV', 110-13.
i l'inaya IT, 127 ; IV, 198 ; Majjhima II, 97 ; Jātaka III, 157.
8 Petri-lutthu Commentary ] 10.
9 In Nor. nan's Drammapa la Commentary I, 161-230.
## p. 167 (#201) ############################################
VII]
THE VAMSAS
167
near
the Mākandika-avadāna'. It is quite a good story, but how far each episode
may be founded on fact is another question. The capital was Kosambi, the
site of which has been much discussed”. It seems to have been on the south
bank of the Jumna, at a point about 400 miles by road from Ujjeni, and
about 230 miles up stream from Benares. One route from Ujjeni to
Kosambi lay through Vedisa, and other places whose names are given but of
which nothing else is at present known! There were already in the time of
the Buddha four establishments or settlements of the Order in or
Kosambi, each of them a group of huts under trees. One of them was in
the ārāma or pleasaunce of Ghosita, two more in similar parks, and one in
Pāvāriya's Mango Grove'. The Buddha was often there, at one or other of
these settlements ; and discourses he held on those occasions have been
handed down in the Canon. King Udena was at first indifferent or even
unfriendly. On one occasion, in a fit of drunken jealousy he tortured a
leading member of the Order, Piņdola Bhāradvāja, by having a basket full of
brown ants tied to his body. But long afterwards, in consequence of a con-
versation he had with this same man Piņdola, he professed himself a disciple.
We have no evidence that he progressed very far along the path ; but his
fame has lasted in a curious way in Buddhist legends. For instance there is
an early list of the seven Con-natals (sahajātā), persons born on the same
day as the Buddha? . The details of the lists differ; and already in the Lalita-
vistara it has grown into several tens of thousands, still arranged however
in seven groups8. Many centuries afterwards we find the name of Udena
appearing in similar lists recurring in Tibetan and Chinese books'.
THE FIRST GREAT GAP
The passages referred to above tell us a good deal of the political
condition of India during the Buddha's life, and enable us to draw certain
conclusions as to previous conditions for some time before the birth of the
Buddha. There are also one or two passages in the Canon which must refer
to dates after the Buddha's death. Perhaps the most remarkable is the verse
in the Pārāyana (a poem now included in the Sutta Nipāta) which, referring
to a time when the Buddha was alive, calls Vesāli a Magadha city10. Now we
know from the Mahā-parinibbana Suttanta that (at the time when that very
composite work was put together in its present shape) Vesāli and the whole
Vajjian confederacy was considered to have remained independent of
1 Divyāvadāna 515-544. (Ed. Cowell and Neil. )
2 For different views see T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang, I, 366-9 and Chapter XXI.
3 Buddhist India, p. 36.
4 Sutta Nipāta, 1011.
5 Vin. IV. 16 ; Sum. 319.
6 Jätaka IV, 375.
7 See Rh. D. , Buddhist Birth Stories, note on p. 68.
8 Lalita-vistaraed Rajendralal Mitra, p. 109.
9 Rockhill, Life, 16, 17; Watters, On Yuan Chwang, I, 368.
10 Sutta Nipäta, 1013.
## p. 168 (#202) ############################################
168
[ch.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE BUDDHISTS
Magadba up to the end of the Buddha's life! . If therefore the reading in
our text of the Pārāyana be correct, the expression 'Magadha city' must be
taken in the sense of ‘now a Magadha city,' and as alluding to the conquest
of Vesāli as described above, p. 164. But it is apparently the only passage
in the Canon which takes cognisance of that event. Again in the Anguttara
we have a sutta' in which a king Munda, dwelling at Pāțaliputta, is so over-
whelmed with grief at the death of his wife Bhaddā that he refuses to have
the cremation carried out according to custom. But aftor a simple talk
with a thera named Nārada he recovers his self-possession. We learn from
the chronicles that King Munda was the grandson of Ajātasattu and began
to reign about the year 40 A. B. " It is a fair inference from this episode that
Pāțaliputta had already at that time become the capital of Magadha.
Nārada is said to have lived in the Kukkuțārāma, no doubt consisting of a
few huts or cottages scattered under the trees in the pleasaunce so called,
It was a well-known resting place for the Buddhist Wanderers, and Asoka
is said to have built a monastery on the site of it. '
The long poem of old Pārāpariya, a laudator temporis acti, on the
decay of religion since the death of the Master', adds nothing to political
history. So also the edifying ghost-story recorded in the Peta-vatthu (II
10) can only, at most, give us the name of a sort of public-works officer at
Kosambi shortly after the Buddha's death.
These few details are all that we can glean from the Theravāda Canon
concerning the history of India for more than a hundred and sixty years.
And the chroniclers and commentators do not add very much more. They
have preserved indeed a dynastic list of the kings of Magadha with regnal
years of most of the kings. The list is as follows:
Ajātasattu reigned 32 years
Udãyi-bhadda
Anuruddha
Munda
Nágadāsaka
24
Susunāga
Kālāsoka
His 10 sons
22
Nine Nandas
Chandagutta
24
There are other lists extant, not so complete, and not always with the
regnal years given, in Jain, Hindu, or Buddhist Sanskrit works. They have
been carefully compared and discussed by W. Geiger, in a very reasonable
1 Dialogues, II, 78-80.
2 A. III, 57-63.
3 Jahāvamsa IV, 2, 3 ; Divyāvadānı 369.
4 S. V, 171; d. V, 312 ; J. I, 350 ; Divy. 368, 434 ; T. Watters, On]Yuan
Chuang, II, 98, 99.
5 Thera-gåthā, 9. 20-48.
16
}
8
18
28
22
? ?
## p. 169 (#203) ############################################
VII]
CHANDAGUTTA
169
and scholarly way 1. He comes to the conclusion that, on the whole, the
above list is better supported than the others. This may well be the case ;
but at the same time it must be confessed that the numbers seem much too
regular, with their multiples of six and eight, to be very probably in
accordance with fact. And we are told nothing at all of any of the other
kingdoms in India, or even of the acts of the kings thus named, or of the
extent of the growing kingdom of Magadha during any of their reigns. The
list gives us only the bare bones of the skeleton of the history of one
district.
CAANDAGUTTA
When the curtain rises again we have before us a picture blurred and
indistinct in detail, but in its main features made more or less intelligible by
what has been set out above.
India, as shown in the authorities there quoted, appeared as a number
of kingdoms and republics with a constant tendency towards amalgamation.
This process had proceeded further in Kosala than elsewhere ; that great
kingdom being by far the most important state in Northern India, and very
nearly if not quite as large as modern France. It occupied the very centre
of the territories mentioned in those authorities ; it had its capital near the
borders of what is now Nepāl ; and it included all the previous states
or duchies between the Himālayas on the north and the Ganges on the west
and south. The original nucleus of this great kingdom was the territory
now the seat of the Gurkhas, and these Kosalans were almost certainly, in
the main at least, of Āryan race. For the heads of houses among them (the
gahapatis) are called rājāno, the same as the clansman (the kula-puttā) in the
free republics. Of the surrounding kingdoms Magadha, though much
smaller, was the most progressive. It had just absorbed Anga, and at the
Jast moment we saw it attacking, and with success, the powerful Vajjiap
confederation. The rise of this new star in the extreme South-East was the
most interesting factor in the older picture.
The new picture as shown in the Ceylon Chronicles and in the classi-
cal authors (especially those based on the statemerts in the Indika of Megas-
thenese) show us Magadha triumphant. All the kingdoms, duchies, and
clans have lost their independence. Even the great Kosalan dominion has
been absorbed. And for the first time in the history there is one paramount
authority from Bengal to Afghānistān, and from the Himālayas down to
the Vindbya range.
We shall probably never know how these great changes, and especially
the fall of Kosala, were brought about. And we have no information as to
the degree in which the various local authorities retained any shadow of
power. Were the taxes fixed by the central power and collected by its own
1 Mahāramsa (English, translation), Intr. pr. xl-xlvi.
## p. 170 (#204) ############################################
170
[CH.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE BUDDHISTS
officers ? Or were the local rates maintaind and collected by a local
authority ? If the latter, were the actual sums received paid over to the
central office at Pataliputta, or was a yearly tribute fixed by the paramount
power ? On these and similar questions we are still quite in the dark. But
our two sets of authorities, which are quite independent of one another,
agree in the little they do tell us.
Unfortunately each set is open to very serious objections. The
Chronicles are quite good as chronicles go, and we have them not only com-
plete but well edited and translated. But of course we cannot expect
from documents written fifteen hundred years or more ago, any of that
historical criticism that we are only just beginning to use in the West. They
are written throughout for edification, and in the Mahāvamsa sometimes
also for amusement ; they are in verse, and are not infrequently nearer to
poetry than history; and though based on a continuous tradition, that
tradition is now lost. On the other hand, the work of Megasthenes,
written during the life-time of Chandagutta, is itself lost. What we have
are fragments preserved more or less accurately, and with the best
intentions, by later Latin and Greek authors. Where what is evidently
intended as a quotation from the same passage in Megasthenes is found in
more than one of these later authors the presentations of it do not, in
several cases, agree. This throws doubt on the correctness of those quota-
tions which, being found in one author only, cannot be so tested. A number
of the quotations contain statements that, as they stand. , are glaringly
absurd-stories of gold-digging ants, men with ears large enough to sleep in,
men without mouths, and so Strabo therefore calls Megasthenes
mendacious. But surely such stories and other things) only show that
Megasthenes was just as ignorant of the modern rules of historical
evidence as the Chroniclers were and for the same reason, Strabo's idea of .
criticism is no better than that of those who ignore the Chroniclers on the
ground that they are mendacious. As will be seen in Chapter XVI which
deals more fully with the Greek and Latin writers on Ancient India, it is
more probable that in these fairy-tales of his Megasthenes, like Herodotus
before him, had either accepted in good faith stories which were current in
the India of his day, or had merely misunderstood some Indian expression.
AGE OF THE AUTHORITIES USED
It remains now to give some account of the literature from which our
knowledge of early Buddhism is chiefly derived, and so form some
estimate of its value as source of history. This literature which deals
mainly with ethics and religion, grew up gradually among those followers of
the Buddha who dwelt in the republics and kingdoms specified above.
There are now 27 books, and only three of them deal with the rules of the
Order. But these 27 are mostly anthologies of earlier shorter passages.
on.
## p. 171 (#205) ############################################
VII ]
ANTIQUITY OF SOURCES
171
>
The Pātimokkha for instance-one of the earliest documents - has 227
suttas, and they are of the average length of about three lines; and the
Silas, a string of moral injunctions, are, if taken separately, quite short.
But neither of these tracts, each of them already a compilation, now exists
as a separate book. They are found only as imbedded in longer works of
later date. It took about a century for the more important works, the
Vinaya and the four Nikāyas', to be nearly finished about as we have
them. (See p. 173 )
The next century and a half saw the competition of the supplementary
works-the supplements to the Vinaya and the four Nikāyas; the thirteen
books of the supplementary fifth Nikāya (much of it based on older
material) ; and the seven Abhidhamıma books, mainly a new classification of
the psychological ethics the four Nikāyas.
So far the books had been divided into Dhamma and Vinaya ; that is
to say, religion and the regulations of the Order. Now, after the close of
the canon, a new division begins to appear, that into three Pițakas (or
Baskets) of Vinaya, Sutta, and Abhidhamma. We do not yet know exactly
when or why this new division arose and superseded the older one”. As late
as the fifth cent. A. D. we find Buddhaghosha still putting the Vinaya and
the Abhidhamma into the supplementary fifth Nikāya", though he and other
commentators also use the newer phrase'.
The authorities on which our account of early Buddhist history is
based are therefore the Nikāyas, with occasional use of other works
mainly of such as are included in the fifth or supplementary Nikāya.
Concerning the period to which the Nikāyas belong we have some evidence,
partly internal and partly external. To take the latter first :
Asoka in the Bhabra Edict recommends his co-religionists the special
study of seven selected passages. Two of the titles given are ambiguous.
Four of the others are from the four Nikāyas, and the remaining one from
the Sutta Nipāta now included in the fifth Nikāya. As was pointed
out a quarter of a century ago it is a critical mistake to take these titles as
the names of books extant in Asoka's time.
They are the names of
1 The titles of the five Nikāyas are as follows ; 1. Digha=the long Suttas; 2.
Majjhima=the Suttas of medium length; 3. Samyuta=Suttas forming connected
groups ; 4. Anguttara=Suttas arranged according to a progressive enumeration (from
one to eleven) of the subjects with which they deal; 5. Khuddaka=smaller works
and miscellanea,
? Perhaps the oldest reference to the three Pițakas is in Kanishka's Inscr. , Ep.
Ind. VIII, 176.
3 Attha-sālini, 26.
4 Ibid. 27; Sum. V'il. I, 15. So also Mil. 21, 90 ; Thig. A. 199; Dhp. A. III, 385.
5 Rh. D. , Questions of King Milinda, I, xxxvii ff.
## p. 172 (#206) ############################################
172
[CH.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE BUDDHISTS
edifying passages selected from an existing literature. It is as if an old
inscription had been found asking Christians to learn and ponder over the
Beatitudes, the Prodigal Son, the exhortation to the Corinthians on
Charity, and so on.
There are
no such titles in the New Testament,
Before short passages could be spoken of by name in this familiar manner
a certain period of time must have elapsed; and we should be justified in
assuming that the literature in which the passages were found was therefore
older than the inscription'.
Further, in certain inscriptions in the Asoka characters of a
somewhat later date there are recorded names of donors to Buddhist
monuments. The names being similar, distinguishing epithets are used
--X. who knows Suttantas, X. who knows the Pitaka (or perhaps the
Pitakas, Peaki), X. who knows the five Nikāyas. These technical terms as
names fir books are, with one exception, found only is that collection we
now call the Pāli Pitakas. The exception is the word Pijaka. That is not
found in the four Nikāyas in that sense ; and even in the fifth Nikāya it is
only approximating to that sense and has not yet reached it. One
would naturally think, if these Nikāyas had been put together after these
inscriptions, that they would have used the term in the sense it then
had, and has ever since continued to have ; more especially as that sense--
the whole collection of the books-is so very convenient, and expresses an
idea for which they have no other word.
Thirdly, the commentators both in India and Ceylon say that the
Kathā-vatthu, the latest book in the three Pitakas, as we now have them,
was composed by Moggaliputta Tissa at Asoka's court at Pataliputta in
N. India at the time of the Council held there in the eighteenth year of
Asok a's reign. At the time when they made this entry, the commentators
held the Pițakas to be the word of the Buddha, and believed also that
the Dhamma had been already recited at the Council held at Rājagaha
after the death of the Buddha. It seems quite impossible, therefore, that
they could have invented this information about Tissa.
They found it in
the records on which their works were, based ; and felt compelled to
hand it on. Being evidence, as it were, against themselves, it is especially
worthy of credit. And it is in accord with all that we otherwise know.
Anyone at all acquainted with the history of the gradual change in
Buddhist doctrine, and able to read the Kathāvatthu, will find that it is
just what we should expect for a book composed in Asoka's time. It has
now been edited and translated for the Pāli Text Society; and not a single
phrase or even word has been found in it referable to a later date. It
quotes largely from all five Nikāyas? .
1 See J. P. T. S. , 1896.
2 See the passages collectnd in Dialogues of the Buddha, I, pp. xi, xii.
## p. 173 (#207) ############################################
VII]
THE NIKĀYAS
173
or
The above is all the external evidence as yet discovered, and the
third point, though external as regards the Nikāyas, is internal at regards
the Pitakas. The internal evidence for the age of the Nikāyas is very
small, but it is very curious.
Firstly, the four Nikāyas quote one another. Thus Anguttara v, 46
quotes Samyutta í 126 ; but in giving the name of the work quoted it
does not say Samyutta but Kumāri-pañha—the title of the particular Sutta
quoted. The Samyutta quotes two Suttantas in the Digha by name-
the Sakka-pañha and the Brahma-Jāla'. It follows that, at the time when
the four Nikāyas were put together in their present form, Suttas and
Suttantas known by their present titles were already current, and handed
down by memory, in the community.
More than that there are, in each of the four Nikāyas, a very large
number of stock passages on ethics found in identical words in one
more of the others These accepted forms of teaching, varying in length
from half a page to a page or more, formed part of the already existing
material out of which the Nikāyas were composed. Some of the longer
Suttantas consist almost entirely of strings of such stock passages.
There are also entire episodes containing names of persons and
places and accounts of events-episodes which recur in identical terms in
two or more of the Nikāyas. About two-thirds of the Mahā-parinibbāna
Suttanta consists of such recurring episodes or stock passages? . This
will help to show the manner in which the books were built up.
Several conversations recorded in the Nikāyas relate to events which
occurred two or three years after the Buddha's death ; and one passage
(Anguttara 111 57-62) is based on an event about 40 years after it.
The four Nikāyas occupy sixteen volumes of Pāli text. They contain
a very large number of references to places, No place on the East
of India south of Kalinga, and no place on the West of India, south
of the Godāvari, is mentioned. The Asoka Edicts, dealing in a few
pages with similar matter, show a much wider knowledge of South India,
and even of Ceylon. We must allow some generations for this increase of
knowledge
At the end of each of the four Nikāyas there are added portions
which are later, both in language and in psychological theory, than the
bulk of each Nikāya.
1 S. III, 13 (with a difference of reading), and S. IV, 287.
. For instance, the Samgiti, D. III, 207,
3 See the table of references, and detailed discussion, in the introduction to
Dialogues, II, 71. 77.
4 This point is disc issed more fully in Buddhist India, pp. 28. 34.
## p. 174 (#208) ############################################
174
[ch.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE BUDDHISTS
All the facts thus emphasised would be explained if these collections
had been put together out of older material at a period about half
way between the death of the Buddha and the accession of Asoka.
Everything has had to be stated here with the utmost brevity. But
it is important to add that this is the only working hypothesis that has been
put forward. It is true that the old battle cries, such as 'Ceylon books' or
'Southern Buddhism' are still sometimes heard. But what do they mean?
The obvious interpretation is that the Pāli Pițakas were composed in
Ceylon - that is, that when the Ceylon bhikkhus began to write in Pāli
(which was about Buddhaghosa's time) they wrote the works on which
Buddhaghosa had already commented. This involves so many palpable
absurdities that it cannot be the meaning intended. Until those who use
such terms tell us what they mean by them, we must decline to accept
as a working hypothesis the vague insinuation of question-begging epithets.
We do not demand too much. A working hypothesis need not propose to
settle all questions. But it must take into consideration the evidence set
out above ; and it must give a rational explanation of such facts as that this
literature does not mention Asoka, or S. India, or Ceylon; and that,
though there is a clear progress in its psychology and its Buddhology, it
gives no connected life of the Buddha, such as we find in Sanskrit poems
and Pāli commentaries.
On the last point the evidence, being very short, may be given here.
There are a large number of references to the places at which the Buddha
was stopping, when some conversation or other on an ethical or philosophi-
cal question took place. These have not yet been collected and analysed.
Then there are a small number of short references, in a sentence or two or
a page or two, to some incident in his life. And lastly we have two episodes,
of a considerable number of pages, describing the two important crises in
his career, the beginning and the close of his mission. Out of approximately
6000 pages of text in the four Nikāyas less than two hundred in all are
devoted to the Buddha's life.
Of the long episodes the first is in the Majjhima', and describes the
events of the period from the time when he had first become a Wanderer
down to his attainment of Nibbāna (or Arahantship) under the Bodhi Tree. ?
The events are not the names and dates of kings and battles, but events in
religious experience, the gradually increased grasp of ethical and philosophi-
cal concepts, the victory won over oneself. The Vinaya, very naturally,
continues this episode down to the time of the founding of the Order,
the sending forth of the sixty and the accession of the most famous
of the Arahants. This episode covers about seven years, the Vinaya
1 Vol. I, pp. 163-175 and 240-249. Repeated at vol. II, p. 93, and again p. 212.
2 Tho werd Nibhana occurs, p. 167.
3 Vinaya I, 1. 44.
## p. 175 (#209) ############################################
VII ]
GROWTH OF LITERATURE
175
;
addition to it being responsible for one. The other long episode, about
twice as long as the first, describes in detail the events of the last month of
the Buddha's life. It is contained in the Digha, and forms a whole
Suttanta, the Mahā-parinibbana Suttanta, referred to above as a composite
document.
We have no space to consider the shorter references, but the following
table specifies the more important, arranged chronologically :
1. Youth ; three residences. Digha II, 21 ; Ang. I, 145.
2. The going forth. Digha, I, 115 ; II, 151 ; Ang. I, 146 ; Majjhima I, 163 ; S. N. 405.
424.
3. His teachers. Majjhima I, 163 ; Samyutta IV, 83 ; Digha III, 126.
4. His trial of asceticism. Majjhima I. 17-24, 114, 167, 240-248.
5. Nibbằna. Majjhima I, 23, 116-118, 167, 73, 248. 250 ; Vinaya J, 1-4.
6. Explanation of the Path. Samyutta JII, 66 ; IV, 34 ; 421 ; Majjihima I, 135,
300 ; Vinaya I, 8. 14.
7. Sending out of the Sixty. Samyutta I, 105 ; Vinaya I, 21.
8. The last month. Dīgha II, 72. 168.
The relative age, within the Canon, of each of these passages, has to
be considered as a question distinct from that of the book into which they
are now incorporated. Towards the solution of these questions some little
progress has been made, and the tentative conclusions so far reached are
shown in the following table.
GROWTH OF BUDDHIST LITERATURE FROM THE TIME OF THE BUDDHA
DOWN TO ASOKA
1. The simple statements of doctrine now found in identical words
recurring in two or more of the present books -- the stock passages or
Suttas.
2. Episodes (not of doctrine only) similarly recurring.
Books quoted in the present books but no longer existing sepa-
rately-the Silas, the Pārāyana, the Octades, the Pātimokkha, etc.
4. Certain poems, ballads, or prose passages found similarly recur-
ring in the present anthologies, or otherwise showing signs of greater age.
5. The four Nikayās, the Sutta Vibhanga and the Khandakas.
Approximate dates 100 A. B.
6. Sutta Nipāta, Thera- and Theri-gatha, the Udanas, the Kuddaka
Patha.
7. The Jātakas (verses only), and the Dhammapadas.
8. The Niddesa, the Iti-vuttakas, and the Patisambhidā.
9. The Peta- and Vimāna-vatthu, the Apadānas, and the Buddha-
vamsa.
10. The Abhidhamma books, the latest of which is the Kathā-vatthu
and the oldest, perhaps, the Dhamma-sargaội.
## p. 176 (#210) ############################################
CHAPTER VIII
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS ACCORDING TO EARLY
PUDDHIST LITERATURE
The following analysis is constructed from a number of incidental
allusions to economic conditions in the great Pāli thesaurus of the Jātaka,
and, to a more limited extent in the Vinaya, and also in the other books of
the Sutta Pițaka, of which the Jātaka is a part Dr. Fick's admirable mono.
graph Die sociale Gliederuny in Indien is similarly based. That work deals
chiefly with social conditions. The present chapter, on the other hand, is
mainly economic in scope, and only in a minor degree sociological. It is
true that the evidence is drawn very largely from stories. But it is fairly
clear that the folk in those tales have given them a parochial setting and
local colour. And this is frequently borne out by the coincident testimony
of other books not dealing with folk-lore.
The rural economy of India at the coming of Buddhism was based
chiefly on a system of village communities of landowners, or what in
Europe is known as peisant proprietorship. The Jätaka bears very clear
testimony to this. There is no such clear testimony in it to isolated large
estates, or to great feudatories, or to absolute lords of the soil holding such
estates. In the monarchies, the king, though autocratic and actively govern-
ing, had a right to a tithe on raw produce, collected as a yearly tax ; and
only to this extent could he be considered the ultimate owner of the soil.
All abandoned, all forest land the king might dispose of1 ; and under this
right was included the reversion to the crown of all property left intestate or
'ownerless”? a custom which may or may not be a survival of an older
feudalism. The sovereign was moreover entitled to ‘milk money,' a
perquisite paid by the nation when an heir was born to him? , and he could
declare a general indemnity for prisoners at any festal occasion“. Besides
1 D. I, 87.
2 S. I, 89 (Kinrired Sayings, I, 115) ; Jūt, III, 3023 ; cf. IV, 485 ; VI, 348.
3 16. IV, 323.
4 1b. IV, 176 ; V', 285 ; VI, 327.
176
## p. 177 (#211) ############################################
VIII]
TITHES AND TAXES -
177
these privileges he could impose forced labour or rājakāriya on the people,
but this may have been limited to the confines of his own estates. Thus
the peasant proprietors enclose a deer-reserve for their king, that they
might not be summoned to leave their tillage to beat up game for himi. A
much more oppressive extent of corvee is predicted only of a state
of civic decay? The tithe on produce was levied in kind, measured
out either by the village syndic or headman (gāma-bhojaka), or by an
official (a mahāmatta) at the barn doors, or by survey of the crops
Some of the rice and other grain may presumably have been told off
for the special granaries kept filled for urgency, in war or famine", but
Buddhist books make no clear reference to such an institution. The amount
levied seems to have varied from to 19, according to the decision of the
ruling power? or other circumstances. And the contributions raised at one
or more gāmas (villages), rural or suburban, could be made over by a
monarch (or by his chief queen®) to anyone he wished to endow, e. g. , to a
daughte ron her marriage', a ministerio, a Brahman', a merchant, etc12
Again, the king could remit the tithe to any person 13 or group".
4
We have no direct evidence of such a tithe or other tax being levied
on the commonwealth by any of the republics or oligarchies mentioned in
the Buddhist capon, such as the Sākiyas, Koliyas, Licchavis, Mallas, etc15.
But that they did so raise the state revenue, in the case at least of the
Sākiyas, seems to be attested by Asoka's inscription on the Lumbini or
Rumminder pillar6. The tithe thus remitted on the occasion of Asoka's
visit to the birthplace of the Buddha, must have been imposed by the
Sākiyas at a date prior to the Mauryan hegemony. The Sākiyas and
other republics are recorded as meeting for political business at their own
mote-halls"? , and must inevitably have had a financial policy to discuss
and carry out. That their enactments could be somewhat drastically
paternal appears in the case of the Malla clansmen of Kusinārā, who
imposed a fine of 500 (pieces) on anyone who 'went not forth to welcome
the Blessed One' when he drew near, on his tour, to their town18. These
Mallas were also possessed of a mote-hall (santhāgāra) for parliamentary
1 At Benares, Jāt I, 149; the Añjana Wood at Sāketa, ib. III, 270.
2 16. I, 339. A certain familiarity with oppressive taxation is suggested by ib. V,
99 ff ; cf. I, 339 ; II. 240.
3 Ib. II, 378.
4 lb. IV, 169.
5 Ind. Aạt. , 1896, pp. 261 f.
6 Cf Gautama X, 24 : Manu. VII, 130 ; Bühler, Trans Vienna Acad. Jan. 1897 ;
V. A. Smith, J.
140-61.
5 For this view see the references given by Winternitz, Gesch. d. ind. Lit. II,
i, p. 10, note 3.
6 Udine VII, 10; Samyutta IV', 110-13.
i l'inaya IT, 127 ; IV, 198 ; Majjhima II, 97 ; Jātaka III, 157.
8 Petri-lutthu Commentary ] 10.
9 In Nor. nan's Drammapa la Commentary I, 161-230.
## p. 167 (#201) ############################################
VII]
THE VAMSAS
167
near
the Mākandika-avadāna'. It is quite a good story, but how far each episode
may be founded on fact is another question. The capital was Kosambi, the
site of which has been much discussed”. It seems to have been on the south
bank of the Jumna, at a point about 400 miles by road from Ujjeni, and
about 230 miles up stream from Benares. One route from Ujjeni to
Kosambi lay through Vedisa, and other places whose names are given but of
which nothing else is at present known! There were already in the time of
the Buddha four establishments or settlements of the Order in or
Kosambi, each of them a group of huts under trees. One of them was in
the ārāma or pleasaunce of Ghosita, two more in similar parks, and one in
Pāvāriya's Mango Grove'. The Buddha was often there, at one or other of
these settlements ; and discourses he held on those occasions have been
handed down in the Canon. King Udena was at first indifferent or even
unfriendly. On one occasion, in a fit of drunken jealousy he tortured a
leading member of the Order, Piņdola Bhāradvāja, by having a basket full of
brown ants tied to his body. But long afterwards, in consequence of a con-
versation he had with this same man Piņdola, he professed himself a disciple.
We have no evidence that he progressed very far along the path ; but his
fame has lasted in a curious way in Buddhist legends. For instance there is
an early list of the seven Con-natals (sahajātā), persons born on the same
day as the Buddha? . The details of the lists differ; and already in the Lalita-
vistara it has grown into several tens of thousands, still arranged however
in seven groups8. Many centuries afterwards we find the name of Udena
appearing in similar lists recurring in Tibetan and Chinese books'.
THE FIRST GREAT GAP
The passages referred to above tell us a good deal of the political
condition of India during the Buddha's life, and enable us to draw certain
conclusions as to previous conditions for some time before the birth of the
Buddha. There are also one or two passages in the Canon which must refer
to dates after the Buddha's death. Perhaps the most remarkable is the verse
in the Pārāyana (a poem now included in the Sutta Nipāta) which, referring
to a time when the Buddha was alive, calls Vesāli a Magadha city10. Now we
know from the Mahā-parinibbana Suttanta that (at the time when that very
composite work was put together in its present shape) Vesāli and the whole
Vajjian confederacy was considered to have remained independent of
1 Divyāvadāna 515-544. (Ed. Cowell and Neil. )
2 For different views see T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang, I, 366-9 and Chapter XXI.
3 Buddhist India, p. 36.
4 Sutta Nipāta, 1011.
5 Vin. IV. 16 ; Sum. 319.
6 Jätaka IV, 375.
7 See Rh. D. , Buddhist Birth Stories, note on p. 68.
8 Lalita-vistaraed Rajendralal Mitra, p. 109.
9 Rockhill, Life, 16, 17; Watters, On Yuan Chwang, I, 368.
10 Sutta Nipäta, 1013.
## p. 168 (#202) ############################################
168
[ch.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE BUDDHISTS
Magadba up to the end of the Buddha's life! . If therefore the reading in
our text of the Pārāyana be correct, the expression 'Magadha city' must be
taken in the sense of ‘now a Magadha city,' and as alluding to the conquest
of Vesāli as described above, p. 164. But it is apparently the only passage
in the Canon which takes cognisance of that event. Again in the Anguttara
we have a sutta' in which a king Munda, dwelling at Pāțaliputta, is so over-
whelmed with grief at the death of his wife Bhaddā that he refuses to have
the cremation carried out according to custom. But aftor a simple talk
with a thera named Nārada he recovers his self-possession. We learn from
the chronicles that King Munda was the grandson of Ajātasattu and began
to reign about the year 40 A. B. " It is a fair inference from this episode that
Pāțaliputta had already at that time become the capital of Magadha.
Nārada is said to have lived in the Kukkuțārāma, no doubt consisting of a
few huts or cottages scattered under the trees in the pleasaunce so called,
It was a well-known resting place for the Buddhist Wanderers, and Asoka
is said to have built a monastery on the site of it. '
The long poem of old Pārāpariya, a laudator temporis acti, on the
decay of religion since the death of the Master', adds nothing to political
history. So also the edifying ghost-story recorded in the Peta-vatthu (II
10) can only, at most, give us the name of a sort of public-works officer at
Kosambi shortly after the Buddha's death.
These few details are all that we can glean from the Theravāda Canon
concerning the history of India for more than a hundred and sixty years.
And the chroniclers and commentators do not add very much more. They
have preserved indeed a dynastic list of the kings of Magadha with regnal
years of most of the kings. The list is as follows:
Ajātasattu reigned 32 years
Udãyi-bhadda
Anuruddha
Munda
Nágadāsaka
24
Susunāga
Kālāsoka
His 10 sons
22
Nine Nandas
Chandagutta
24
There are other lists extant, not so complete, and not always with the
regnal years given, in Jain, Hindu, or Buddhist Sanskrit works. They have
been carefully compared and discussed by W. Geiger, in a very reasonable
1 Dialogues, II, 78-80.
2 A. III, 57-63.
3 Jahāvamsa IV, 2, 3 ; Divyāvadānı 369.
4 S. V, 171; d. V, 312 ; J. I, 350 ; Divy. 368, 434 ; T. Watters, On]Yuan
Chuang, II, 98, 99.
5 Thera-gåthā, 9. 20-48.
16
}
8
18
28
22
? ?
## p. 169 (#203) ############################################
VII]
CHANDAGUTTA
169
and scholarly way 1. He comes to the conclusion that, on the whole, the
above list is better supported than the others. This may well be the case ;
but at the same time it must be confessed that the numbers seem much too
regular, with their multiples of six and eight, to be very probably in
accordance with fact. And we are told nothing at all of any of the other
kingdoms in India, or even of the acts of the kings thus named, or of the
extent of the growing kingdom of Magadha during any of their reigns. The
list gives us only the bare bones of the skeleton of the history of one
district.
CAANDAGUTTA
When the curtain rises again we have before us a picture blurred and
indistinct in detail, but in its main features made more or less intelligible by
what has been set out above.
India, as shown in the authorities there quoted, appeared as a number
of kingdoms and republics with a constant tendency towards amalgamation.
This process had proceeded further in Kosala than elsewhere ; that great
kingdom being by far the most important state in Northern India, and very
nearly if not quite as large as modern France. It occupied the very centre
of the territories mentioned in those authorities ; it had its capital near the
borders of what is now Nepāl ; and it included all the previous states
or duchies between the Himālayas on the north and the Ganges on the west
and south. The original nucleus of this great kingdom was the territory
now the seat of the Gurkhas, and these Kosalans were almost certainly, in
the main at least, of Āryan race. For the heads of houses among them (the
gahapatis) are called rājāno, the same as the clansman (the kula-puttā) in the
free republics. Of the surrounding kingdoms Magadha, though much
smaller, was the most progressive. It had just absorbed Anga, and at the
Jast moment we saw it attacking, and with success, the powerful Vajjiap
confederation. The rise of this new star in the extreme South-East was the
most interesting factor in the older picture.
The new picture as shown in the Ceylon Chronicles and in the classi-
cal authors (especially those based on the statemerts in the Indika of Megas-
thenese) show us Magadha triumphant. All the kingdoms, duchies, and
clans have lost their independence. Even the great Kosalan dominion has
been absorbed. And for the first time in the history there is one paramount
authority from Bengal to Afghānistān, and from the Himālayas down to
the Vindbya range.
We shall probably never know how these great changes, and especially
the fall of Kosala, were brought about. And we have no information as to
the degree in which the various local authorities retained any shadow of
power. Were the taxes fixed by the central power and collected by its own
1 Mahāramsa (English, translation), Intr. pr. xl-xlvi.
## p. 170 (#204) ############################################
170
[CH.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE BUDDHISTS
officers ? Or were the local rates maintaind and collected by a local
authority ? If the latter, were the actual sums received paid over to the
central office at Pataliputta, or was a yearly tribute fixed by the paramount
power ? On these and similar questions we are still quite in the dark. But
our two sets of authorities, which are quite independent of one another,
agree in the little they do tell us.
Unfortunately each set is open to very serious objections. The
Chronicles are quite good as chronicles go, and we have them not only com-
plete but well edited and translated. But of course we cannot expect
from documents written fifteen hundred years or more ago, any of that
historical criticism that we are only just beginning to use in the West. They
are written throughout for edification, and in the Mahāvamsa sometimes
also for amusement ; they are in verse, and are not infrequently nearer to
poetry than history; and though based on a continuous tradition, that
tradition is now lost. On the other hand, the work of Megasthenes,
written during the life-time of Chandagutta, is itself lost. What we have
are fragments preserved more or less accurately, and with the best
intentions, by later Latin and Greek authors. Where what is evidently
intended as a quotation from the same passage in Megasthenes is found in
more than one of these later authors the presentations of it do not, in
several cases, agree. This throws doubt on the correctness of those quota-
tions which, being found in one author only, cannot be so tested. A number
of the quotations contain statements that, as they stand. , are glaringly
absurd-stories of gold-digging ants, men with ears large enough to sleep in,
men without mouths, and so Strabo therefore calls Megasthenes
mendacious. But surely such stories and other things) only show that
Megasthenes was just as ignorant of the modern rules of historical
evidence as the Chroniclers were and for the same reason, Strabo's idea of .
criticism is no better than that of those who ignore the Chroniclers on the
ground that they are mendacious. As will be seen in Chapter XVI which
deals more fully with the Greek and Latin writers on Ancient India, it is
more probable that in these fairy-tales of his Megasthenes, like Herodotus
before him, had either accepted in good faith stories which were current in
the India of his day, or had merely misunderstood some Indian expression.
AGE OF THE AUTHORITIES USED
It remains now to give some account of the literature from which our
knowledge of early Buddhism is chiefly derived, and so form some
estimate of its value as source of history. This literature which deals
mainly with ethics and religion, grew up gradually among those followers of
the Buddha who dwelt in the republics and kingdoms specified above.
There are now 27 books, and only three of them deal with the rules of the
Order. But these 27 are mostly anthologies of earlier shorter passages.
on.
## p. 171 (#205) ############################################
VII ]
ANTIQUITY OF SOURCES
171
>
The Pātimokkha for instance-one of the earliest documents - has 227
suttas, and they are of the average length of about three lines; and the
Silas, a string of moral injunctions, are, if taken separately, quite short.
But neither of these tracts, each of them already a compilation, now exists
as a separate book. They are found only as imbedded in longer works of
later date. It took about a century for the more important works, the
Vinaya and the four Nikāyas', to be nearly finished about as we have
them. (See p. 173 )
The next century and a half saw the competition of the supplementary
works-the supplements to the Vinaya and the four Nikāyas; the thirteen
books of the supplementary fifth Nikāya (much of it based on older
material) ; and the seven Abhidhamıma books, mainly a new classification of
the psychological ethics the four Nikāyas.
So far the books had been divided into Dhamma and Vinaya ; that is
to say, religion and the regulations of the Order. Now, after the close of
the canon, a new division begins to appear, that into three Pițakas (or
Baskets) of Vinaya, Sutta, and Abhidhamma. We do not yet know exactly
when or why this new division arose and superseded the older one”. As late
as the fifth cent. A. D. we find Buddhaghosha still putting the Vinaya and
the Abhidhamma into the supplementary fifth Nikāya", though he and other
commentators also use the newer phrase'.
The authorities on which our account of early Buddhist history is
based are therefore the Nikāyas, with occasional use of other works
mainly of such as are included in the fifth or supplementary Nikāya.
Concerning the period to which the Nikāyas belong we have some evidence,
partly internal and partly external. To take the latter first :
Asoka in the Bhabra Edict recommends his co-religionists the special
study of seven selected passages. Two of the titles given are ambiguous.
Four of the others are from the four Nikāyas, and the remaining one from
the Sutta Nipāta now included in the fifth Nikāya. As was pointed
out a quarter of a century ago it is a critical mistake to take these titles as
the names of books extant in Asoka's time.
They are the names of
1 The titles of the five Nikāyas are as follows ; 1. Digha=the long Suttas; 2.
Majjhima=the Suttas of medium length; 3. Samyuta=Suttas forming connected
groups ; 4. Anguttara=Suttas arranged according to a progressive enumeration (from
one to eleven) of the subjects with which they deal; 5. Khuddaka=smaller works
and miscellanea,
? Perhaps the oldest reference to the three Pițakas is in Kanishka's Inscr. , Ep.
Ind. VIII, 176.
3 Attha-sālini, 26.
4 Ibid. 27; Sum. V'il. I, 15. So also Mil. 21, 90 ; Thig. A. 199; Dhp. A. III, 385.
5 Rh. D. , Questions of King Milinda, I, xxxvii ff.
## p. 172 (#206) ############################################
172
[CH.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE BUDDHISTS
edifying passages selected from an existing literature. It is as if an old
inscription had been found asking Christians to learn and ponder over the
Beatitudes, the Prodigal Son, the exhortation to the Corinthians on
Charity, and so on.
There are
no such titles in the New Testament,
Before short passages could be spoken of by name in this familiar manner
a certain period of time must have elapsed; and we should be justified in
assuming that the literature in which the passages were found was therefore
older than the inscription'.
Further, in certain inscriptions in the Asoka characters of a
somewhat later date there are recorded names of donors to Buddhist
monuments. The names being similar, distinguishing epithets are used
--X. who knows Suttantas, X. who knows the Pitaka (or perhaps the
Pitakas, Peaki), X. who knows the five Nikāyas. These technical terms as
names fir books are, with one exception, found only is that collection we
now call the Pāli Pitakas. The exception is the word Pijaka. That is not
found in the four Nikāyas in that sense ; and even in the fifth Nikāya it is
only approximating to that sense and has not yet reached it. One
would naturally think, if these Nikāyas had been put together after these
inscriptions, that they would have used the term in the sense it then
had, and has ever since continued to have ; more especially as that sense--
the whole collection of the books-is so very convenient, and expresses an
idea for which they have no other word.
Thirdly, the commentators both in India and Ceylon say that the
Kathā-vatthu, the latest book in the three Pitakas, as we now have them,
was composed by Moggaliputta Tissa at Asoka's court at Pataliputta in
N. India at the time of the Council held there in the eighteenth year of
Asok a's reign. At the time when they made this entry, the commentators
held the Pițakas to be the word of the Buddha, and believed also that
the Dhamma had been already recited at the Council held at Rājagaha
after the death of the Buddha. It seems quite impossible, therefore, that
they could have invented this information about Tissa.
They found it in
the records on which their works were, based ; and felt compelled to
hand it on. Being evidence, as it were, against themselves, it is especially
worthy of credit. And it is in accord with all that we otherwise know.
Anyone at all acquainted with the history of the gradual change in
Buddhist doctrine, and able to read the Kathāvatthu, will find that it is
just what we should expect for a book composed in Asoka's time. It has
now been edited and translated for the Pāli Text Society; and not a single
phrase or even word has been found in it referable to a later date. It
quotes largely from all five Nikāyas? .
1 See J. P. T. S. , 1896.
2 See the passages collectnd in Dialogues of the Buddha, I, pp. xi, xii.
## p. 173 (#207) ############################################
VII]
THE NIKĀYAS
173
or
The above is all the external evidence as yet discovered, and the
third point, though external as regards the Nikāyas, is internal at regards
the Pitakas. The internal evidence for the age of the Nikāyas is very
small, but it is very curious.
Firstly, the four Nikāyas quote one another. Thus Anguttara v, 46
quotes Samyutta í 126 ; but in giving the name of the work quoted it
does not say Samyutta but Kumāri-pañha—the title of the particular Sutta
quoted. The Samyutta quotes two Suttantas in the Digha by name-
the Sakka-pañha and the Brahma-Jāla'. It follows that, at the time when
the four Nikāyas were put together in their present form, Suttas and
Suttantas known by their present titles were already current, and handed
down by memory, in the community.
More than that there are, in each of the four Nikāyas, a very large
number of stock passages on ethics found in identical words in one
more of the others These accepted forms of teaching, varying in length
from half a page to a page or more, formed part of the already existing
material out of which the Nikāyas were composed. Some of the longer
Suttantas consist almost entirely of strings of such stock passages.
There are also entire episodes containing names of persons and
places and accounts of events-episodes which recur in identical terms in
two or more of the Nikāyas. About two-thirds of the Mahā-parinibbāna
Suttanta consists of such recurring episodes or stock passages? . This
will help to show the manner in which the books were built up.
Several conversations recorded in the Nikāyas relate to events which
occurred two or three years after the Buddha's death ; and one passage
(Anguttara 111 57-62) is based on an event about 40 years after it.
The four Nikāyas occupy sixteen volumes of Pāli text. They contain
a very large number of references to places, No place on the East
of India south of Kalinga, and no place on the West of India, south
of the Godāvari, is mentioned. The Asoka Edicts, dealing in a few
pages with similar matter, show a much wider knowledge of South India,
and even of Ceylon. We must allow some generations for this increase of
knowledge
At the end of each of the four Nikāyas there are added portions
which are later, both in language and in psychological theory, than the
bulk of each Nikāya.
1 S. III, 13 (with a difference of reading), and S. IV, 287.
. For instance, the Samgiti, D. III, 207,
3 See the table of references, and detailed discussion, in the introduction to
Dialogues, II, 71. 77.
4 This point is disc issed more fully in Buddhist India, pp. 28. 34.
## p. 174 (#208) ############################################
174
[ch.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE BUDDHISTS
All the facts thus emphasised would be explained if these collections
had been put together out of older material at a period about half
way between the death of the Buddha and the accession of Asoka.
Everything has had to be stated here with the utmost brevity. But
it is important to add that this is the only working hypothesis that has been
put forward. It is true that the old battle cries, such as 'Ceylon books' or
'Southern Buddhism' are still sometimes heard. But what do they mean?
The obvious interpretation is that the Pāli Pițakas were composed in
Ceylon - that is, that when the Ceylon bhikkhus began to write in Pāli
(which was about Buddhaghosa's time) they wrote the works on which
Buddhaghosa had already commented. This involves so many palpable
absurdities that it cannot be the meaning intended. Until those who use
such terms tell us what they mean by them, we must decline to accept
as a working hypothesis the vague insinuation of question-begging epithets.
We do not demand too much. A working hypothesis need not propose to
settle all questions. But it must take into consideration the evidence set
out above ; and it must give a rational explanation of such facts as that this
literature does not mention Asoka, or S. India, or Ceylon; and that,
though there is a clear progress in its psychology and its Buddhology, it
gives no connected life of the Buddha, such as we find in Sanskrit poems
and Pāli commentaries.
On the last point the evidence, being very short, may be given here.
There are a large number of references to the places at which the Buddha
was stopping, when some conversation or other on an ethical or philosophi-
cal question took place. These have not yet been collected and analysed.
Then there are a small number of short references, in a sentence or two or
a page or two, to some incident in his life. And lastly we have two episodes,
of a considerable number of pages, describing the two important crises in
his career, the beginning and the close of his mission. Out of approximately
6000 pages of text in the four Nikāyas less than two hundred in all are
devoted to the Buddha's life.
Of the long episodes the first is in the Majjhima', and describes the
events of the period from the time when he had first become a Wanderer
down to his attainment of Nibbāna (or Arahantship) under the Bodhi Tree. ?
The events are not the names and dates of kings and battles, but events in
religious experience, the gradually increased grasp of ethical and philosophi-
cal concepts, the victory won over oneself. The Vinaya, very naturally,
continues this episode down to the time of the founding of the Order,
the sending forth of the sixty and the accession of the most famous
of the Arahants. This episode covers about seven years, the Vinaya
1 Vol. I, pp. 163-175 and 240-249. Repeated at vol. II, p. 93, and again p. 212.
2 Tho werd Nibhana occurs, p. 167.
3 Vinaya I, 1. 44.
## p. 175 (#209) ############################################
VII ]
GROWTH OF LITERATURE
175
;
addition to it being responsible for one. The other long episode, about
twice as long as the first, describes in detail the events of the last month of
the Buddha's life. It is contained in the Digha, and forms a whole
Suttanta, the Mahā-parinibbana Suttanta, referred to above as a composite
document.
We have no space to consider the shorter references, but the following
table specifies the more important, arranged chronologically :
1. Youth ; three residences. Digha II, 21 ; Ang. I, 145.
2. The going forth. Digha, I, 115 ; II, 151 ; Ang. I, 146 ; Majjhima I, 163 ; S. N. 405.
424.
3. His teachers. Majjhima I, 163 ; Samyutta IV, 83 ; Digha III, 126.
4. His trial of asceticism. Majjhima I. 17-24, 114, 167, 240-248.
5. Nibbằna. Majjhima I, 23, 116-118, 167, 73, 248. 250 ; Vinaya J, 1-4.
6. Explanation of the Path. Samyutta JII, 66 ; IV, 34 ; 421 ; Majjihima I, 135,
300 ; Vinaya I, 8. 14.
7. Sending out of the Sixty. Samyutta I, 105 ; Vinaya I, 21.
8. The last month. Dīgha II, 72. 168.
The relative age, within the Canon, of each of these passages, has to
be considered as a question distinct from that of the book into which they
are now incorporated. Towards the solution of these questions some little
progress has been made, and the tentative conclusions so far reached are
shown in the following table.
GROWTH OF BUDDHIST LITERATURE FROM THE TIME OF THE BUDDHA
DOWN TO ASOKA
1. The simple statements of doctrine now found in identical words
recurring in two or more of the present books -- the stock passages or
Suttas.
2. Episodes (not of doctrine only) similarly recurring.
Books quoted in the present books but no longer existing sepa-
rately-the Silas, the Pārāyana, the Octades, the Pātimokkha, etc.
4. Certain poems, ballads, or prose passages found similarly recur-
ring in the present anthologies, or otherwise showing signs of greater age.
5. The four Nikayās, the Sutta Vibhanga and the Khandakas.
Approximate dates 100 A. B.
6. Sutta Nipāta, Thera- and Theri-gatha, the Udanas, the Kuddaka
Patha.
7. The Jātakas (verses only), and the Dhammapadas.
8. The Niddesa, the Iti-vuttakas, and the Patisambhidā.
9. The Peta- and Vimāna-vatthu, the Apadānas, and the Buddha-
vamsa.
10. The Abhidhamma books, the latest of which is the Kathā-vatthu
and the oldest, perhaps, the Dhamma-sargaội.
## p. 176 (#210) ############################################
CHAPTER VIII
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS ACCORDING TO EARLY
PUDDHIST LITERATURE
The following analysis is constructed from a number of incidental
allusions to economic conditions in the great Pāli thesaurus of the Jātaka,
and, to a more limited extent in the Vinaya, and also in the other books of
the Sutta Pițaka, of which the Jātaka is a part Dr. Fick's admirable mono.
graph Die sociale Gliederuny in Indien is similarly based. That work deals
chiefly with social conditions. The present chapter, on the other hand, is
mainly economic in scope, and only in a minor degree sociological. It is
true that the evidence is drawn very largely from stories. But it is fairly
clear that the folk in those tales have given them a parochial setting and
local colour. And this is frequently borne out by the coincident testimony
of other books not dealing with folk-lore.
The rural economy of India at the coming of Buddhism was based
chiefly on a system of village communities of landowners, or what in
Europe is known as peisant proprietorship. The Jätaka bears very clear
testimony to this. There is no such clear testimony in it to isolated large
estates, or to great feudatories, or to absolute lords of the soil holding such
estates. In the monarchies, the king, though autocratic and actively govern-
ing, had a right to a tithe on raw produce, collected as a yearly tax ; and
only to this extent could he be considered the ultimate owner of the soil.
All abandoned, all forest land the king might dispose of1 ; and under this
right was included the reversion to the crown of all property left intestate or
'ownerless”? a custom which may or may not be a survival of an older
feudalism. The sovereign was moreover entitled to ‘milk money,' a
perquisite paid by the nation when an heir was born to him? , and he could
declare a general indemnity for prisoners at any festal occasion“. Besides
1 D. I, 87.
2 S. I, 89 (Kinrired Sayings, I, 115) ; Jūt, III, 3023 ; cf. IV, 485 ; VI, 348.
3 16. IV, 323.
4 1b. IV, 176 ; V', 285 ; VI, 327.
176
## p. 177 (#211) ############################################
VIII]
TITHES AND TAXES -
177
these privileges he could impose forced labour or rājakāriya on the people,
but this may have been limited to the confines of his own estates. Thus
the peasant proprietors enclose a deer-reserve for their king, that they
might not be summoned to leave their tillage to beat up game for himi. A
much more oppressive extent of corvee is predicted only of a state
of civic decay? The tithe on produce was levied in kind, measured
out either by the village syndic or headman (gāma-bhojaka), or by an
official (a mahāmatta) at the barn doors, or by survey of the crops
Some of the rice and other grain may presumably have been told off
for the special granaries kept filled for urgency, in war or famine", but
Buddhist books make no clear reference to such an institution. The amount
levied seems to have varied from to 19, according to the decision of the
ruling power? or other circumstances. And the contributions raised at one
or more gāmas (villages), rural or suburban, could be made over by a
monarch (or by his chief queen®) to anyone he wished to endow, e. g. , to a
daughte ron her marriage', a ministerio, a Brahman', a merchant, etc12
Again, the king could remit the tithe to any person 13 or group".
4
We have no direct evidence of such a tithe or other tax being levied
on the commonwealth by any of the republics or oligarchies mentioned in
the Buddhist capon, such as the Sākiyas, Koliyas, Licchavis, Mallas, etc15.
But that they did so raise the state revenue, in the case at least of the
Sākiyas, seems to be attested by Asoka's inscription on the Lumbini or
Rumminder pillar6. The tithe thus remitted on the occasion of Asoka's
visit to the birthplace of the Buddha, must have been imposed by the
Sākiyas at a date prior to the Mauryan hegemony. The Sākiyas and
other republics are recorded as meeting for political business at their own
mote-halls"? , and must inevitably have had a financial policy to discuss
and carry out. That their enactments could be somewhat drastically
paternal appears in the case of the Malla clansmen of Kusinārā, who
imposed a fine of 500 (pieces) on anyone who 'went not forth to welcome
the Blessed One' when he drew near, on his tour, to their town18. These
Mallas were also possessed of a mote-hall (santhāgāra) for parliamentary
1 At Benares, Jāt I, 149; the Añjana Wood at Sāketa, ib. III, 270.
2 16. I, 339. A certain familiarity with oppressive taxation is suggested by ib. V,
99 ff ; cf. I, 339 ; II. 240.
3 Ib. II, 378.
4 lb. IV, 169.
5 Ind. Aạt. , 1896, pp. 261 f.
6 Cf Gautama X, 24 : Manu. VII, 130 ; Bühler, Trans Vienna Acad. Jan. 1897 ;
V. A. Smith, J.
