[539] Civilis himself, Verax his
nephew, Classicus and Tutor each led one of the attacking parties.
nephew, Classicus and Tutor each led one of the attacking parties.
Tacitus
The Solymi are traditionally placed in Lycia.
Both
Juvenal and Martial use Solymus as equivalent to Judaeus.
[470] The only known King Bocchoris belongs to the eighth
century B. C. , whereas the Exodus is traditionally placed not
later than the sixteenth.
[471] See Exod. xvii.
[472] i. e. an ass. The idea that this animal was sacred to the
Jews was so prevalent among 'the Gentiles' that Josephus takes
the trouble to refute it.
[473] Cp. Lev. xvi. 3, 'a young bullock for a sin offering,
and a ram for a burnt offering. ' Tacitus' reasons are of
course errors due to the prevalent confusion of Jewish and
Egyptian history.
[474] Cp. Luke xviii. 12, 'I fast twice a week. '
[475] Cp. Deut. v. 15.
[476] Cp. Lev. xxv. 4, '. . . in the seventh year shall be a
sabbath of solemn rest for the land, a sabbath unto the Lord:
thou shalt neither sow thy field, nor prune thy vineyard. '
[477] The seventh day being named after Cronos or Saturn (cp.
chap. 2, note 464).
[478] Reading _commeent_ (Wölfflin).
[479] This refers to proselytes, who, like Jews resident
abroad, contributed annually to the Temple treasury. They
numbered at this time about four millions. Romans naturally
regarded this diversion of funds with disfavour.
[480] Jewish exclusiveness always roused Roman indignation,
and 'hatred of the human race' was the usual charge against
Christians (see _Ann. _ xv. 44).
[481] The strict regulations of Deut. xxii. &c. give a strange
irony to this slander. Most of these libels originated in
Alexandria.
[482] 'A people,' says the elder Pliny, 'distinguished by
their contemptuous atheism. '
[483] _Agnati_, as used here and in _Germ. _ 19 means a child
born after the father has made his will and therein specified
the number of his children. The mere birth of such a child
invalidated any earlier will that the father had made, but the
fact of its birth might be concealed by making away with the
baby. This crime seems to have been not uncommon, but there is
no evidence that 'exposure of infants' was permitted.
[484] Josephus also alludes to this belief that the corruption
of disease chained the soul to the buried body, while violent
death freed it to live for ever in the air and protect
posterity.
[485] Under the kings cremation was an honourable form of
burial, but in Babylon the Jews came to regard fire as a
sacred element which should not be thus defiled.
[486] This was over the door of the Temple. Aristobulus gave
it as a present to Pompey.
[487] Plutarch shared this error, which seems somehow to have
been based on a misinterpretation of the Feast of Tabernacles,
at which they were to 'take . . . the fruit of goodly trees, . . .
and willows of the brook; and . . . rejoice before the Lord your
God seven days' (Lev. xxiii. 40).
[488] Over Coele-Syria, from the range of Lebanon.
[489] i. e. from Mount Hermon, nearly 9,000 feet high.
[490] Merom; Gennesareth; the Dead Sea.
[491] 'Then the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah
brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven; and he
overthrew those cities, and all the Plain' (Gen. xix. 24).
[492] These were not concentric, but an enemy approaching from
the north-west would have to carry all three before reaching
the temple, which stood on Mount Moriah at the eastern
extremity of the city.
[493] Cp. Luke i. 8-10, where Zacharias entered the temple to
burn incense, 'and the whole multitude of the people were
praying without. '
[494] The Seleucids.
[495] Antiochus Epiphanes (176-164 B. C. ).
[496] This was really in the reign of Antiochus II (260-245 B. C. ).
[497] Of the Hasmonean or Maccabean family.
[498] 63 B. C. when he was called in to decide between
Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus.
[499] At the invitation of the Maccabean Antigonus, who thus
recovered the throne.
[500] Ventidius and Sosius were Antony's officers. The former
was famous as having begun life as a mule-driver and risen to
be a consul and to hold the first triumph over the Parthians.
[501] Herod the Great, who on the return of Antigonus had fled
to Rome and chosen the winning side.
[502] One of Herod's slaves.
[503] Archelaus, Herod Antipas, and Philip.
[504] A. D. 40.
[505] A freedman, Procurator of Judaea, A. D. 52-60 (cp. Acts xxiv).
[506] Claudius' mother, Antonia, was the daughter of Antony's
first marriage.
[507] A. D. 64-66.
[508] A. D. 67 and 68.
[509] A. D. 69.
[510] Chap. 1.
[511] Jerusalem stands on a rock which rises into three main
hills, Zion (south), Acra (north), and Moriah (east). It is
not clear to which two of these Tacitus alludes; probably Zion
and Moriah.
[512] Of this no traces remain, and the tradition may have
been based on the metaphorical prophecy that a fount of living
water would issue from the Sanctuary.
[513] i. e. the Galilean towns captured by Vespasian in A. D. 67 and 68.
[514] Simon was a bandit from the east of Jordan; John of
Gischala headed a party of refugees from Galilee; Eleazar was
the leader of the Jewish war-party, and related to the high
priests.
[515] They submitted to John's authority and were not killed.
[516] 'Ye shall not . . . use enchantments, nor practise augury'
(Lev. xix. 26).
[517] e. g. 'And in the days of those kings shall the God of
heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, nor
shall the sovereignty thereof be left to another people; but
it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms' (Dan.
ii. 44). The Jews were looking for Messiah: the Romans thought
of Vespasian.
THE END OF THE GERMAN REVOLT
After the severe reverse at Trier[518] Civilis recruited his army 14
in Germany, and pitched his camp near Vetera. The position was a safe
one, and he hoped to inspirit his native troops with the memory of
their former victories there. [519] Cerialis followed in his footsteps,
with forces now doubled by the arrival of the Second,[520] Thirteenth,
and Fourteenth legions, besides auxiliary troops, both horse and
foot,[521] who had long received their summons and came hurrying on
the news of victory. Neither general was dilatory, but a vast plain
lay between them. It was by nature swampy, and Civilis had built a dam
projecting into the Rhine, which stemmed the current and flooded the
adjacent fields. The treacherous nature of the ground, where the
shallows were hard to find, told against our men, who were heavily
armed and afraid of swimming. The Germans, on the other hand, were
used to rivers, lightly armed, and tall enough to keep their heads
above water.
Provoked by the Batavi, the bravest of our troops opened the 15
engagement at once, but soon fell into a panic when their arms and
horses began to sink in the deep marshes. The Germans, who knew the
fords, came leaping across them, often leaving our front alone and
running round to the flanks or the rear. It was not like an infantry
engagement at close quarters, but more like a naval battle. The men
floundered about in the water or, finding firm foothold, strove with
all their might for possession of it. Thus, wounded and whole, those
who could swim and those who could not, struggled helplessly with each
other and perished all alike. However, considering the confusion, our
loss was less than might have been expected, for the Germans, not
daring to venture out of the marsh, withdrew to their camp. The result
of this engagement gave each of the generals a different motive for
hastening on a decisive battle. Civilis wanted to follow up his
success, Cerialis to wipe out his disgrace. Success stimulated the
pride of the Germans; the Romans thrilled with shame. The natives
spent the night singing uproariously, while our men muttered angry
threats.
At daybreak Cerialis formed up his cavalry and the auxiliary 16
cohorts on his front, with the legions behind them, while he himself
held a picked body in reserve for emergencies. Civilis did not deploy
his line, but halted them in columns,[522] with the Batavi and
Cugerni[523] on his right, and the forces from across the Rhine[524]
near the river on the left. Neither general followed the usual custom
of haranguing the whole army. They rode along and addressed their
various divisions in turn. Cerialis spoke of the ancient glory of the
Roman name and of all their victories old and new. He urged them 'to
blot out for ever their treacherous and cowardly enemy whom they had
already beaten. They had to punish not to fight them. They had just
fought against superior numbers and had yet routed the Germans, and,
moreover, the pick of their troops. This remnant had their hearts full
of panic and all their wounds behind them. ' He then gave special
encouragement to each of the legions, calling the Fourteenth the
conquerors of Britain,[525] reminding the Sixth that the influence of
their example had set Galba on the throne,[526] and telling the Second
that in the coming fight they would for the first time dedicate their
new colours and their new eagle to Rome's service. [527] Then riding
along to the German army,[528] he pointed with his hand and bade them
recover their own river-bank and their own camp[529] at the enemy's
expense. They all cheered with hearts the lighter for his words. Some
longed for battle after a long spell of quiet: others were weary of
war and pined for peace, hoping that the future would bring them rest
and recompense.
Nor was there silence in Civilis' lines. As he formed them up he 17
appealed to the spot as evidence of their valour. The Germans and
Batavians were standing, he told them, 'on the field of their glory,
trampling the charred bones of Roman soldiers under foot. Wherever the
Romans turned their eyes they saw nothing but menacing reminders of
surrender and defeat. They must not be alarmed by that sudden change
of fortune in the battle at Trier. It was their own victory which
hampered the Germans there: they had dropped their weapons and filled
their hands with loot. Since then everything had gone in their favour
and against the Romans. He had taken every possible precaution, as
befitted a cunning general. They themselves were familiar with these
soaking plains, but the swamps would be a deadly trap for the enemy.
They had the Rhine and the gods of Germany before their eyes, and in
the might of these they must go to battle, remembering their wives and
parents and their fatherland. This day would either gild the glory of
their ancestors or earn the execration of posterity. ' They applauded
his words according to their custom by dancing and clashing their
arms, and then opened the battle with showers of stones and leaden
balls and other missiles, trying to lure on our men, who had not yet
entered the marsh.
Their missiles exhausted, the enemy warmed to their work and made 18
an angry charge. Thanks to their great height and their very long
spears they could thrust from some distance at our men, who were
floundering and slipping about in the marsh. While this went on, a
column[530] of Batavi swam across from the dam which, as we described
above,[531] had been built out into the Rhine. This started a panic
and the line of our auxiliaries began to be driven back. Then the
legions took up the fight and equalized matters by staying the enemy's
wild charge. Meanwhile a Batavian deserter approached Cerialis,
avowing that he could take the enemy in the rear if the cavalry were
sent round the edge of the swamp: the ground was solid there, and the
Cugerni, whose task it was to keep watch, were off their guard. Two
squadrons of horse were sent with the deserter, and succeeded in
outflanking the unsuspecting enemy. The legions in front, when the din
told them what had happened, redoubled their efforts. The Germans were
beaten and fled to the Rhine. This day might have brought the war to
an end, had the Roman fleet[532] arrived in time. As it was, even the
cavalry were prevented from pursuit by a sudden downpour of rain
shortly before nightfall.
On the next day the Fourteenth legion were sent to join Annius 19
Gallus[533] in Upper Germany, and their place in Cerialis' army was
filled by the Tenth from Spain. Civilis was reinforced by the
Chauci. [534] Feeling that he was not strong enough to hold the
Batavian capital,[535] he took whatever was portable with him, burnt
everything else, and retired into the island. He knew that the Romans
had not enough ships to build a bridge, and that they had no other
means of getting across. He also destroyed the mole built by Drusus
Germanicus. [536] As the bed of the Rhine here falls towards Gaul, his
removal of all obstacles gave it free course; the river was
practically diverted, and the channel between the Germans and the
island became so small and dry as to form no barrier between them.
Tutor and Classicus also crossed the Rhine,[537] together with a
hundred and thirteen town-councillors from Trier, among whom was
Alpinius Montanus, who, as we have already seen,[538] had been sent by
Antonius Primus into Gaul. He was accompanied by his brother. By
arousing sympathy and by offering presents, the others, too, were all
busy raising reinforcements among these eagerly adventurous tribes.
The war was far from being over. Dividing his forces, Civilis 20
suddenly made a simultaneous attack on all four Roman garrisons--the
Tenth at Arenacum, the Second at Batavodurum, and the auxiliary horse
and foot at Grinnes and at Vada.
[539] Civilis himself, Verax his
nephew, Classicus and Tutor each led one of the attacking parties.
They could not hope all to be successful, but reckoned that, if they
made several ventures, fortune would probably favour one or the other.
Besides, Cerialis, they supposed, was off his guard; on receiving news
from several places at once he would hurry from one garrison to
another, and might be cut off on his way. The party told off against
the Tenth considered it no light task to storm a legion, so they fell
on the soldiers, who had come outside to cut timber, and killed the
camp-prefect, five senior centurions, and a handful of the men. The
rest defended themselves in the trenches. Meanwhile another party of
Germans endeavoured to break the bridge[540] which had been begun at
Batavodurum, but nightfall put an end to the battle before it was won.
The attack on Grinnes and Vada proved more formidable. Civilis led 21
the assault on Vada, Classicus on Grinnes. Nothing could stop them.
The bravest of the defenders had fallen, among them, commanding a
cavalry squadron, Briganticus, whom we have seen already, as a
faithful ally of Rome and a bitter enemy of his uncle Civilis. [541]
However, when Cerialis came to the rescue with a picked troop of
horse, the tables were turned, and the Germans were driven headlong
into the river. While Civilis was trying to stop the rout he was
recognized, and finding himself a target, he left his horse and swam
across the river. Verax escaped in the same way, while some boats put
in to fetch Tutor and Classicus.
Even now the Roman fleet had not joined the army. They had, indeed,
received orders, but fear held them back, and the rowers were employed
on various duties elsewhere. It must be admitted, also, that Cerialis
did not give them time enough to carry out his orders. He was a man of
sudden resolves and brilliant successes. Even when his strategy had
failed, good luck always came to his rescue. Thus neither he nor his
army cared much about discipline. A few days later, again, he narrowly
escaped being taken prisoner and did not escape disgrace. He had 22
gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the winter quarters that were
being built for his legions, and was returning with the fleet. [542]
The Germans noticed that his escort[543] straggled, and that watch was
carelessly kept at night. So they planned a surprise. Choosing a night
black with clouds they slipped down stream and made their way
unmolested into the camp. [544] For the first onslaught they called
cunning to their aid. They cut the tent-ropes and slaughtered the
soldiers as they struggled under their own canvas. Another party fell
on the ships, threw hawsers aboard, and towed them off. Having
surprised the camp in dead silence, when once the carnage began they
added to the panic by making the whole place ring with shouts.
Awakened by their wounds the Romans hunted for weapons and rushed
along the streets,[545] some few in uniform, most of them with their
clothes wrapped round their arms and a drawn sword in their hand. The
general, who was half-asleep and almost naked, was only saved by the
enemy's mistake. His flag-ship being easily distinguishable, they
carried it off, thinking he was there. But Cerialis had been spending
the night elsewhere; as most people believed, carrying on an intrigue
with a Ubian woman named Claudia Sacrata. The sentries sheltered their
guilt under the general's disgrace, pretending that they had orders to
keep quiet and not disturb him: so they had dispensed with the
bugle-call and the challenge on rounds, and dropped off to sleep
themselves. In full daylight the enemy sailed off with their captive
vessels and towed the flag-ship up the Lippe as an offering to
Veleda. [546]
Civilis was now seized with a desire to make a naval display. He 23
manned all the available biremes and all the ships with single banks
of oars, and added to this fleet an immense number of small craft.
These carry thirty or forty men apiece and are rigged like Illyrian
cruisers. [547] The small craft he had captured[548] were worked with
bright, parti-coloured plaids, which served as sails and made a fine
show. He chose for review the miniature sea of water where the Rhine
comes pouring down to the ocean through the mouth of the Maas. [549]
His reason for the demonstration--apart from Batavian vanity--was to
scare away the provision-convoys that were already on their way from
Gaul. Cerialis, who was less alarmed than astonished, at once formed
up a fleet. Though inferior in numbers, he had the advantage of larger
ships, experienced rowers, and clever pilots. The Romans had the
stream with them, the Germans the wind. So they sailed past each
other, and after trying a few shots with light missiles they parted.
Civilis without more ado retired across the Rhine. [550] Cerialis
vigorously laid waste the island of the Batavi, and employed the
common device of leaving Civilis's houses and fields untouched. [551]
They were now well into autumn. The heavy equinoctial rains had set
the river in flood and thus turned the marshy, low-lying island into a
sort of lake. Neither fleet nor provision-convoys had arrived, and
their camp on the flat plain began to be washed away by the force of
the current.
Civilis afterwards claimed that at this point the Germans could 24
have crushed the Roman legions and wanted to do so, but that he had
cunningly dissuaded them. Nor does this seem far from true, since his
surrender followed in a few days' time. Cerialis had been sending
secret messages, promising the Batavians peace and Civilis pardon,
urging Veleda and her relatives[552] to change the fortune of a war
that had only brought disaster after disaster, by doing a timely
service to Rome. [553] 'The Treviri,' he reminded them, 'had been
slaughtered; the allegiance of the Ubii recovered; the Batavians
robbed of their home. By supporting Civilis they had gained nothing
but bloodshed, banishment, and bereavement. He was a fugitive exile, a
burden to those who harboured him. Besides, they had earned blame
enough by crossing the Rhine so often: if they took any further
steps,--from the one side they might expect insult and injury, from
the other vengeance and the wrath of heaven. '
Thus Cerialis mingled threats and promises. The loyalty of the 25
tribes across the Rhine was shaken, and murmurs began to make
themselves heard among the Batavi. 'How much further is our ruin to
go? ' they asked. 'One tribe cannot free the whole world from the yoke.
What good have we done by slaughtering and burning Roman legions
except to bring out others, larger and stronger? If it was to help
Vespasian that we have fought so vigorously, Vespasian is master of
the world. If we are challenging Rome--what an infinitesimal fraction
of the human race we Batavians are! We must remember what burdens
Raetia and Noricum and all Rome's other allies bear. From us they levy
no tribute, only our manhood and our men. [554] That is next door to
freedom. And, after all, if we have to choose our masters, it is less
disgrace to put up with Roman emperors than with German priestesses. '
Thus the common people: the chieftains used more violent language. 'It
was Civilis' lunacy that had driven them to war. He wanted to remedy
his private troubles[555] by ruining his country. The Batavians had
incurred the wrath of heaven by blockading Roman legions, murdering
Roman officers, and plunging into a war which was useful for one of
them and deadly for the rest. Now they had reached the limit, unless
they came to their senses and openly showed their repentance by
punishing the culprit. '
Civilis was well aware of their changed feelings and determined to 26
forestall them. He was tired of hardship, and he felt, besides, that
desire to live which so often weakens the resolution of the bravest
spirits. He demanded an interview. The bridge over the river
Nabalia[556] was broken down in the middle, and the two generals
advanced on to the broken ends. Civilis began as follows: 'If I were
defending myself before one of Vitellius' officers, I could expect
neither pardon for my conduct nor credence for my words. Between him
and me there has been nothing but hatred. He began the quarrel, I
fostered it. Towards Vespasian I have from the beginning shown
respect. When he was a private citizen, we were known as friends.
Antonius Primus was aware of this when he wrote urging me to take up
arms to prevent the legions from Germany and the Gallic levies from
crossing the Alps. [557] The instructions which Antonius gave in his
letter Hordeonius Flaccus ratified by word of mouth. I raised the
standard in Germania, as did Mucianus in Syria, Aponius in Moesia,
Flavianus in Pannonia. . . . '
[The rest is lost. ]
FOOTNOTES:
[518] iv. 78.
[519] Cp. iv. 28, 33, 35.
[520] Adiutrix.
[521] Before this Cerialis had five legions, I, IV, XVI, XXI,
and XXII, but of these only XXI was in full force, so these
new reinforcements may have doubled his army. The auxiliaries
had been called out by Hordeonius Flaccus (iv. 24).
[522] Perhaps 'in wedge-formation' (see note 283).
[523] Cp. iv. 26.
[524] Bructeri, Tencteri, &c. (cp. iv. 23).
[525] Cp. ii. 11.
[526] Cp. iii. 44.
[527] They had been newly enrolled (see iv. 68).
[528] i. e. the Roman army of occupation which had joined the
Gauls and come over again.
[529] Vetera.
[530] See note 522.
[531] Chap. 14.
[532] Stationed in the Rhine (see chap. 21).
[533] Cp. iv. 68.
[534] Cp. iv. 79.
[535] ? Cleves.
[536] This mole, begun by Drusus in A. D. 9, was built out from
the left bank of the Rhine near Cleves. It turned most of the
water into the Lek, thus making the island easily accessible
from the Roman side and barring access from the north. Civilis
now reversed this position. His friends were now on the north.
The swollen Waal would be an obstacle to the Romans.
[537] i. e. the Waal.
[538] See iii. 35.
[539] These places cannot be certainly identified. They must
have lain on the south of the Waal, probably east and west of
Nymwegen.
[540] Across the now swollen Waal.
[541] See iv. 70.
[542] Which he had found on his way.
[543] Marching along the bank.
[544] Pitched on the left bank somewhere between Novaesium and
Vetera. The German assailants were probably Tencteri.
[545] Dividing the different portions of the camp.
[546] Cp. iv. 61.
[547] Cp. ii. 16.
[548] See chap. 22 and iv. 16 and 79. But the ships captured
by Civilis were not small craft. Perhaps _luntres_ is here
repeated from the preceding sentence by mistake for _naves_ or
_puppes_.
[549] The de Noord channel carries the combined waters of the
Maas and the Waal into the Lek a few miles above Rotterdam.
From the point of this confluence to the sea the Lek takes the
name of Maas.
[550] Into the country of the Frisii up toward the Zuyder Zee.
[551] To make his party suspect that he was in league with the
Romans.
[552] Cp. iv. 65.
[553] i. e. by betraying Civilis to them.
[554] Tacitus remarks in the _Germania_ (chap. 29) that the
Batavi do not suffer the indignity of paying tribute, but,
'like armour and weapons are reserved for use in war. '
[555] Cp. iv. 13.
[556] Perhaps the Neue Yssel, near Arnhem.
[557] Cp. iv. 13, 32.
INDEX OF NAMES
[The references are to the chapters of the Latin text as given in the
margin. The Roman numerals denote the book. ]
Abraham, v 2 n. 467.
Actium, i 1.
Acts of the Apostles, v 9 n. 505.
Adriatic, iii 2.
Adrumetum, iv 50.
Adua, ii 40 n. 298.
Aedui, i 51, 64; ii 61; iii 35; iv 17, 57.
Aegialus, i 37.
Aelianus, Plautius, iv 53.
Aenus (Inn), iii 5.
Aerias, ii 3.
Aesculapius, iv 84.
Africa, i 7, 11, 37, 49, 70, 73, 76, 78; ii 58, 97; iii 48; iv 38, 48-50.
Juvenal and Martial use Solymus as equivalent to Judaeus.
[470] The only known King Bocchoris belongs to the eighth
century B. C. , whereas the Exodus is traditionally placed not
later than the sixteenth.
[471] See Exod. xvii.
[472] i. e. an ass. The idea that this animal was sacred to the
Jews was so prevalent among 'the Gentiles' that Josephus takes
the trouble to refute it.
[473] Cp. Lev. xvi. 3, 'a young bullock for a sin offering,
and a ram for a burnt offering. ' Tacitus' reasons are of
course errors due to the prevalent confusion of Jewish and
Egyptian history.
[474] Cp. Luke xviii. 12, 'I fast twice a week. '
[475] Cp. Deut. v. 15.
[476] Cp. Lev. xxv. 4, '. . . in the seventh year shall be a
sabbath of solemn rest for the land, a sabbath unto the Lord:
thou shalt neither sow thy field, nor prune thy vineyard. '
[477] The seventh day being named after Cronos or Saturn (cp.
chap. 2, note 464).
[478] Reading _commeent_ (Wölfflin).
[479] This refers to proselytes, who, like Jews resident
abroad, contributed annually to the Temple treasury. They
numbered at this time about four millions. Romans naturally
regarded this diversion of funds with disfavour.
[480] Jewish exclusiveness always roused Roman indignation,
and 'hatred of the human race' was the usual charge against
Christians (see _Ann. _ xv. 44).
[481] The strict regulations of Deut. xxii. &c. give a strange
irony to this slander. Most of these libels originated in
Alexandria.
[482] 'A people,' says the elder Pliny, 'distinguished by
their contemptuous atheism. '
[483] _Agnati_, as used here and in _Germ. _ 19 means a child
born after the father has made his will and therein specified
the number of his children. The mere birth of such a child
invalidated any earlier will that the father had made, but the
fact of its birth might be concealed by making away with the
baby. This crime seems to have been not uncommon, but there is
no evidence that 'exposure of infants' was permitted.
[484] Josephus also alludes to this belief that the corruption
of disease chained the soul to the buried body, while violent
death freed it to live for ever in the air and protect
posterity.
[485] Under the kings cremation was an honourable form of
burial, but in Babylon the Jews came to regard fire as a
sacred element which should not be thus defiled.
[486] This was over the door of the Temple. Aristobulus gave
it as a present to Pompey.
[487] Plutarch shared this error, which seems somehow to have
been based on a misinterpretation of the Feast of Tabernacles,
at which they were to 'take . . . the fruit of goodly trees, . . .
and willows of the brook; and . . . rejoice before the Lord your
God seven days' (Lev. xxiii. 40).
[488] Over Coele-Syria, from the range of Lebanon.
[489] i. e. from Mount Hermon, nearly 9,000 feet high.
[490] Merom; Gennesareth; the Dead Sea.
[491] 'Then the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah
brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven; and he
overthrew those cities, and all the Plain' (Gen. xix. 24).
[492] These were not concentric, but an enemy approaching from
the north-west would have to carry all three before reaching
the temple, which stood on Mount Moriah at the eastern
extremity of the city.
[493] Cp. Luke i. 8-10, where Zacharias entered the temple to
burn incense, 'and the whole multitude of the people were
praying without. '
[494] The Seleucids.
[495] Antiochus Epiphanes (176-164 B. C. ).
[496] This was really in the reign of Antiochus II (260-245 B. C. ).
[497] Of the Hasmonean or Maccabean family.
[498] 63 B. C. when he was called in to decide between
Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus.
[499] At the invitation of the Maccabean Antigonus, who thus
recovered the throne.
[500] Ventidius and Sosius were Antony's officers. The former
was famous as having begun life as a mule-driver and risen to
be a consul and to hold the first triumph over the Parthians.
[501] Herod the Great, who on the return of Antigonus had fled
to Rome and chosen the winning side.
[502] One of Herod's slaves.
[503] Archelaus, Herod Antipas, and Philip.
[504] A. D. 40.
[505] A freedman, Procurator of Judaea, A. D. 52-60 (cp. Acts xxiv).
[506] Claudius' mother, Antonia, was the daughter of Antony's
first marriage.
[507] A. D. 64-66.
[508] A. D. 67 and 68.
[509] A. D. 69.
[510] Chap. 1.
[511] Jerusalem stands on a rock which rises into three main
hills, Zion (south), Acra (north), and Moriah (east). It is
not clear to which two of these Tacitus alludes; probably Zion
and Moriah.
[512] Of this no traces remain, and the tradition may have
been based on the metaphorical prophecy that a fount of living
water would issue from the Sanctuary.
[513] i. e. the Galilean towns captured by Vespasian in A. D. 67 and 68.
[514] Simon was a bandit from the east of Jordan; John of
Gischala headed a party of refugees from Galilee; Eleazar was
the leader of the Jewish war-party, and related to the high
priests.
[515] They submitted to John's authority and were not killed.
[516] 'Ye shall not . . . use enchantments, nor practise augury'
(Lev. xix. 26).
[517] e. g. 'And in the days of those kings shall the God of
heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, nor
shall the sovereignty thereof be left to another people; but
it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms' (Dan.
ii. 44). The Jews were looking for Messiah: the Romans thought
of Vespasian.
THE END OF THE GERMAN REVOLT
After the severe reverse at Trier[518] Civilis recruited his army 14
in Germany, and pitched his camp near Vetera. The position was a safe
one, and he hoped to inspirit his native troops with the memory of
their former victories there. [519] Cerialis followed in his footsteps,
with forces now doubled by the arrival of the Second,[520] Thirteenth,
and Fourteenth legions, besides auxiliary troops, both horse and
foot,[521] who had long received their summons and came hurrying on
the news of victory. Neither general was dilatory, but a vast plain
lay between them. It was by nature swampy, and Civilis had built a dam
projecting into the Rhine, which stemmed the current and flooded the
adjacent fields. The treacherous nature of the ground, where the
shallows were hard to find, told against our men, who were heavily
armed and afraid of swimming. The Germans, on the other hand, were
used to rivers, lightly armed, and tall enough to keep their heads
above water.
Provoked by the Batavi, the bravest of our troops opened the 15
engagement at once, but soon fell into a panic when their arms and
horses began to sink in the deep marshes. The Germans, who knew the
fords, came leaping across them, often leaving our front alone and
running round to the flanks or the rear. It was not like an infantry
engagement at close quarters, but more like a naval battle. The men
floundered about in the water or, finding firm foothold, strove with
all their might for possession of it. Thus, wounded and whole, those
who could swim and those who could not, struggled helplessly with each
other and perished all alike. However, considering the confusion, our
loss was less than might have been expected, for the Germans, not
daring to venture out of the marsh, withdrew to their camp. The result
of this engagement gave each of the generals a different motive for
hastening on a decisive battle. Civilis wanted to follow up his
success, Cerialis to wipe out his disgrace. Success stimulated the
pride of the Germans; the Romans thrilled with shame. The natives
spent the night singing uproariously, while our men muttered angry
threats.
At daybreak Cerialis formed up his cavalry and the auxiliary 16
cohorts on his front, with the legions behind them, while he himself
held a picked body in reserve for emergencies. Civilis did not deploy
his line, but halted them in columns,[522] with the Batavi and
Cugerni[523] on his right, and the forces from across the Rhine[524]
near the river on the left. Neither general followed the usual custom
of haranguing the whole army. They rode along and addressed their
various divisions in turn. Cerialis spoke of the ancient glory of the
Roman name and of all their victories old and new. He urged them 'to
blot out for ever their treacherous and cowardly enemy whom they had
already beaten. They had to punish not to fight them. They had just
fought against superior numbers and had yet routed the Germans, and,
moreover, the pick of their troops. This remnant had their hearts full
of panic and all their wounds behind them. ' He then gave special
encouragement to each of the legions, calling the Fourteenth the
conquerors of Britain,[525] reminding the Sixth that the influence of
their example had set Galba on the throne,[526] and telling the Second
that in the coming fight they would for the first time dedicate their
new colours and their new eagle to Rome's service. [527] Then riding
along to the German army,[528] he pointed with his hand and bade them
recover their own river-bank and their own camp[529] at the enemy's
expense. They all cheered with hearts the lighter for his words. Some
longed for battle after a long spell of quiet: others were weary of
war and pined for peace, hoping that the future would bring them rest
and recompense.
Nor was there silence in Civilis' lines. As he formed them up he 17
appealed to the spot as evidence of their valour. The Germans and
Batavians were standing, he told them, 'on the field of their glory,
trampling the charred bones of Roman soldiers under foot. Wherever the
Romans turned their eyes they saw nothing but menacing reminders of
surrender and defeat. They must not be alarmed by that sudden change
of fortune in the battle at Trier. It was their own victory which
hampered the Germans there: they had dropped their weapons and filled
their hands with loot. Since then everything had gone in their favour
and against the Romans. He had taken every possible precaution, as
befitted a cunning general. They themselves were familiar with these
soaking plains, but the swamps would be a deadly trap for the enemy.
They had the Rhine and the gods of Germany before their eyes, and in
the might of these they must go to battle, remembering their wives and
parents and their fatherland. This day would either gild the glory of
their ancestors or earn the execration of posterity. ' They applauded
his words according to their custom by dancing and clashing their
arms, and then opened the battle with showers of stones and leaden
balls and other missiles, trying to lure on our men, who had not yet
entered the marsh.
Their missiles exhausted, the enemy warmed to their work and made 18
an angry charge. Thanks to their great height and their very long
spears they could thrust from some distance at our men, who were
floundering and slipping about in the marsh. While this went on, a
column[530] of Batavi swam across from the dam which, as we described
above,[531] had been built out into the Rhine. This started a panic
and the line of our auxiliaries began to be driven back. Then the
legions took up the fight and equalized matters by staying the enemy's
wild charge. Meanwhile a Batavian deserter approached Cerialis,
avowing that he could take the enemy in the rear if the cavalry were
sent round the edge of the swamp: the ground was solid there, and the
Cugerni, whose task it was to keep watch, were off their guard. Two
squadrons of horse were sent with the deserter, and succeeded in
outflanking the unsuspecting enemy. The legions in front, when the din
told them what had happened, redoubled their efforts. The Germans were
beaten and fled to the Rhine. This day might have brought the war to
an end, had the Roman fleet[532] arrived in time. As it was, even the
cavalry were prevented from pursuit by a sudden downpour of rain
shortly before nightfall.
On the next day the Fourteenth legion were sent to join Annius 19
Gallus[533] in Upper Germany, and their place in Cerialis' army was
filled by the Tenth from Spain. Civilis was reinforced by the
Chauci. [534] Feeling that he was not strong enough to hold the
Batavian capital,[535] he took whatever was portable with him, burnt
everything else, and retired into the island. He knew that the Romans
had not enough ships to build a bridge, and that they had no other
means of getting across. He also destroyed the mole built by Drusus
Germanicus. [536] As the bed of the Rhine here falls towards Gaul, his
removal of all obstacles gave it free course; the river was
practically diverted, and the channel between the Germans and the
island became so small and dry as to form no barrier between them.
Tutor and Classicus also crossed the Rhine,[537] together with a
hundred and thirteen town-councillors from Trier, among whom was
Alpinius Montanus, who, as we have already seen,[538] had been sent by
Antonius Primus into Gaul. He was accompanied by his brother. By
arousing sympathy and by offering presents, the others, too, were all
busy raising reinforcements among these eagerly adventurous tribes.
The war was far from being over. Dividing his forces, Civilis 20
suddenly made a simultaneous attack on all four Roman garrisons--the
Tenth at Arenacum, the Second at Batavodurum, and the auxiliary horse
and foot at Grinnes and at Vada.
[539] Civilis himself, Verax his
nephew, Classicus and Tutor each led one of the attacking parties.
They could not hope all to be successful, but reckoned that, if they
made several ventures, fortune would probably favour one or the other.
Besides, Cerialis, they supposed, was off his guard; on receiving news
from several places at once he would hurry from one garrison to
another, and might be cut off on his way. The party told off against
the Tenth considered it no light task to storm a legion, so they fell
on the soldiers, who had come outside to cut timber, and killed the
camp-prefect, five senior centurions, and a handful of the men. The
rest defended themselves in the trenches. Meanwhile another party of
Germans endeavoured to break the bridge[540] which had been begun at
Batavodurum, but nightfall put an end to the battle before it was won.
The attack on Grinnes and Vada proved more formidable. Civilis led 21
the assault on Vada, Classicus on Grinnes. Nothing could stop them.
The bravest of the defenders had fallen, among them, commanding a
cavalry squadron, Briganticus, whom we have seen already, as a
faithful ally of Rome and a bitter enemy of his uncle Civilis. [541]
However, when Cerialis came to the rescue with a picked troop of
horse, the tables were turned, and the Germans were driven headlong
into the river. While Civilis was trying to stop the rout he was
recognized, and finding himself a target, he left his horse and swam
across the river. Verax escaped in the same way, while some boats put
in to fetch Tutor and Classicus.
Even now the Roman fleet had not joined the army. They had, indeed,
received orders, but fear held them back, and the rowers were employed
on various duties elsewhere. It must be admitted, also, that Cerialis
did not give them time enough to carry out his orders. He was a man of
sudden resolves and brilliant successes. Even when his strategy had
failed, good luck always came to his rescue. Thus neither he nor his
army cared much about discipline. A few days later, again, he narrowly
escaped being taken prisoner and did not escape disgrace. He had 22
gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the winter quarters that were
being built for his legions, and was returning with the fleet. [542]
The Germans noticed that his escort[543] straggled, and that watch was
carelessly kept at night. So they planned a surprise. Choosing a night
black with clouds they slipped down stream and made their way
unmolested into the camp. [544] For the first onslaught they called
cunning to their aid. They cut the tent-ropes and slaughtered the
soldiers as they struggled under their own canvas. Another party fell
on the ships, threw hawsers aboard, and towed them off. Having
surprised the camp in dead silence, when once the carnage began they
added to the panic by making the whole place ring with shouts.
Awakened by their wounds the Romans hunted for weapons and rushed
along the streets,[545] some few in uniform, most of them with their
clothes wrapped round their arms and a drawn sword in their hand. The
general, who was half-asleep and almost naked, was only saved by the
enemy's mistake. His flag-ship being easily distinguishable, they
carried it off, thinking he was there. But Cerialis had been spending
the night elsewhere; as most people believed, carrying on an intrigue
with a Ubian woman named Claudia Sacrata. The sentries sheltered their
guilt under the general's disgrace, pretending that they had orders to
keep quiet and not disturb him: so they had dispensed with the
bugle-call and the challenge on rounds, and dropped off to sleep
themselves. In full daylight the enemy sailed off with their captive
vessels and towed the flag-ship up the Lippe as an offering to
Veleda. [546]
Civilis was now seized with a desire to make a naval display. He 23
manned all the available biremes and all the ships with single banks
of oars, and added to this fleet an immense number of small craft.
These carry thirty or forty men apiece and are rigged like Illyrian
cruisers. [547] The small craft he had captured[548] were worked with
bright, parti-coloured plaids, which served as sails and made a fine
show. He chose for review the miniature sea of water where the Rhine
comes pouring down to the ocean through the mouth of the Maas. [549]
His reason for the demonstration--apart from Batavian vanity--was to
scare away the provision-convoys that were already on their way from
Gaul. Cerialis, who was less alarmed than astonished, at once formed
up a fleet. Though inferior in numbers, he had the advantage of larger
ships, experienced rowers, and clever pilots. The Romans had the
stream with them, the Germans the wind. So they sailed past each
other, and after trying a few shots with light missiles they parted.
Civilis without more ado retired across the Rhine. [550] Cerialis
vigorously laid waste the island of the Batavi, and employed the
common device of leaving Civilis's houses and fields untouched. [551]
They were now well into autumn. The heavy equinoctial rains had set
the river in flood and thus turned the marshy, low-lying island into a
sort of lake. Neither fleet nor provision-convoys had arrived, and
their camp on the flat plain began to be washed away by the force of
the current.
Civilis afterwards claimed that at this point the Germans could 24
have crushed the Roman legions and wanted to do so, but that he had
cunningly dissuaded them. Nor does this seem far from true, since his
surrender followed in a few days' time. Cerialis had been sending
secret messages, promising the Batavians peace and Civilis pardon,
urging Veleda and her relatives[552] to change the fortune of a war
that had only brought disaster after disaster, by doing a timely
service to Rome. [553] 'The Treviri,' he reminded them, 'had been
slaughtered; the allegiance of the Ubii recovered; the Batavians
robbed of their home. By supporting Civilis they had gained nothing
but bloodshed, banishment, and bereavement. He was a fugitive exile, a
burden to those who harboured him. Besides, they had earned blame
enough by crossing the Rhine so often: if they took any further
steps,--from the one side they might expect insult and injury, from
the other vengeance and the wrath of heaven. '
Thus Cerialis mingled threats and promises. The loyalty of the 25
tribes across the Rhine was shaken, and murmurs began to make
themselves heard among the Batavi. 'How much further is our ruin to
go? ' they asked. 'One tribe cannot free the whole world from the yoke.
What good have we done by slaughtering and burning Roman legions
except to bring out others, larger and stronger? If it was to help
Vespasian that we have fought so vigorously, Vespasian is master of
the world. If we are challenging Rome--what an infinitesimal fraction
of the human race we Batavians are! We must remember what burdens
Raetia and Noricum and all Rome's other allies bear. From us they levy
no tribute, only our manhood and our men. [554] That is next door to
freedom. And, after all, if we have to choose our masters, it is less
disgrace to put up with Roman emperors than with German priestesses. '
Thus the common people: the chieftains used more violent language. 'It
was Civilis' lunacy that had driven them to war. He wanted to remedy
his private troubles[555] by ruining his country. The Batavians had
incurred the wrath of heaven by blockading Roman legions, murdering
Roman officers, and plunging into a war which was useful for one of
them and deadly for the rest. Now they had reached the limit, unless
they came to their senses and openly showed their repentance by
punishing the culprit. '
Civilis was well aware of their changed feelings and determined to 26
forestall them. He was tired of hardship, and he felt, besides, that
desire to live which so often weakens the resolution of the bravest
spirits. He demanded an interview. The bridge over the river
Nabalia[556] was broken down in the middle, and the two generals
advanced on to the broken ends. Civilis began as follows: 'If I were
defending myself before one of Vitellius' officers, I could expect
neither pardon for my conduct nor credence for my words. Between him
and me there has been nothing but hatred. He began the quarrel, I
fostered it. Towards Vespasian I have from the beginning shown
respect. When he was a private citizen, we were known as friends.
Antonius Primus was aware of this when he wrote urging me to take up
arms to prevent the legions from Germany and the Gallic levies from
crossing the Alps. [557] The instructions which Antonius gave in his
letter Hordeonius Flaccus ratified by word of mouth. I raised the
standard in Germania, as did Mucianus in Syria, Aponius in Moesia,
Flavianus in Pannonia. . . . '
[The rest is lost. ]
FOOTNOTES:
[518] iv. 78.
[519] Cp. iv. 28, 33, 35.
[520] Adiutrix.
[521] Before this Cerialis had five legions, I, IV, XVI, XXI,
and XXII, but of these only XXI was in full force, so these
new reinforcements may have doubled his army. The auxiliaries
had been called out by Hordeonius Flaccus (iv. 24).
[522] Perhaps 'in wedge-formation' (see note 283).
[523] Cp. iv. 26.
[524] Bructeri, Tencteri, &c. (cp. iv. 23).
[525] Cp. ii. 11.
[526] Cp. iii. 44.
[527] They had been newly enrolled (see iv. 68).
[528] i. e. the Roman army of occupation which had joined the
Gauls and come over again.
[529] Vetera.
[530] See note 522.
[531] Chap. 14.
[532] Stationed in the Rhine (see chap. 21).
[533] Cp. iv. 68.
[534] Cp. iv. 79.
[535] ? Cleves.
[536] This mole, begun by Drusus in A. D. 9, was built out from
the left bank of the Rhine near Cleves. It turned most of the
water into the Lek, thus making the island easily accessible
from the Roman side and barring access from the north. Civilis
now reversed this position. His friends were now on the north.
The swollen Waal would be an obstacle to the Romans.
[537] i. e. the Waal.
[538] See iii. 35.
[539] These places cannot be certainly identified. They must
have lain on the south of the Waal, probably east and west of
Nymwegen.
[540] Across the now swollen Waal.
[541] See iv. 70.
[542] Which he had found on his way.
[543] Marching along the bank.
[544] Pitched on the left bank somewhere between Novaesium and
Vetera. The German assailants were probably Tencteri.
[545] Dividing the different portions of the camp.
[546] Cp. iv. 61.
[547] Cp. ii. 16.
[548] See chap. 22 and iv. 16 and 79. But the ships captured
by Civilis were not small craft. Perhaps _luntres_ is here
repeated from the preceding sentence by mistake for _naves_ or
_puppes_.
[549] The de Noord channel carries the combined waters of the
Maas and the Waal into the Lek a few miles above Rotterdam.
From the point of this confluence to the sea the Lek takes the
name of Maas.
[550] Into the country of the Frisii up toward the Zuyder Zee.
[551] To make his party suspect that he was in league with the
Romans.
[552] Cp. iv. 65.
[553] i. e. by betraying Civilis to them.
[554] Tacitus remarks in the _Germania_ (chap. 29) that the
Batavi do not suffer the indignity of paying tribute, but,
'like armour and weapons are reserved for use in war. '
[555] Cp. iv. 13.
[556] Perhaps the Neue Yssel, near Arnhem.
[557] Cp. iv. 13, 32.
INDEX OF NAMES
[The references are to the chapters of the Latin text as given in the
margin. The Roman numerals denote the book. ]
Abraham, v 2 n. 467.
Actium, i 1.
Acts of the Apostles, v 9 n. 505.
Adriatic, iii 2.
Adrumetum, iv 50.
Adua, ii 40 n. 298.
Aedui, i 51, 64; ii 61; iii 35; iv 17, 57.
Aegialus, i 37.
Aelianus, Plautius, iv 53.
Aenus (Inn), iii 5.
Aerias, ii 3.
Aesculapius, iv 84.
Africa, i 7, 11, 37, 49, 70, 73, 76, 78; ii 58, 97; iii 48; iv 38, 48-50.
