No More Learning

Was it these successes which alienated
the Emperor from Tzimisces ? It may be so, but the truth is not known.
One thing, however, is certain, that in 969 Tzimisces fell from favour.
It is possible, it is even probable, that there were other causes for this
disgrace. Tzimisces was not long in discovering that his former brother-
officer, though under obligations to him, did not shew him proper con-
sideration, treated him just like the other generals, and was ungrateful
towards him. Moreover, what may very well have determined him to
throw in his lot with the discontented, and to weave the conspiracy which
put an end to the reign of Nicephorus, was the influence of Theophano
herself, who had at this time a strong passion for him. In any case, it
was she who helped him in his revolt and urged him on to assassinate
Nicephorus. Finally, Leo Phocas was an inveterate foe of Tzimisces and
constantly accused him to his brother, doing all in his power to embitter
the relations between them. All these causes combined to bring about
first a complete breach and finally a violent hatred between these two
old friends and kinsmen. In 969 Tzimisces had been deprived of his
military rank, had been driven from court, and had received orders to
live in exile on the Asiatic coast on his estates in Chalcedon, whence
he was forbidden to depart. It was, however, from thence that he
set out on the night of 9-10 December to perpetrate the murder which
seated him on the throne. On attaining supreme power Tzimisces was
forty-five years old. He was the widower of a certain Maria, a sister of
Bardas Sclerus, was the lover of Theophano, and was childless. In order
to succeed to the throne after the murder of Nicephorus, he was ready to
accept any conditions which might be laid upon him. .


## p. 79 (#121) #############################################

First measures as Emperor
79
Immediately after his coronation, Tzimisces, as Nicephorus had done,
declared that he would look upon himself merely as the guardian and
protector of the legitimate sovereigns, Basil and Constantine, and as
Regent therefore of the Empire. After this, he set to work to organise
his government. He took as his chief minister the famous Basil, illegitimate
son of Romanus Lecapenus and favourite of Constantine VII, who has
already appeared as the zealous supporter of Nicephorus at the time of
his accession, who became his Parakoimomenos, or chief Chamberlain, and
received the post, created for him, of President of the Senate. Basil, for
the same reasons no doubt as Tzimisces, had abandoned the Emperor,
and when the conspiracy of 969 was formed made common cause with
the plotters. Thus, as soon as Tzimisces was seated on the throne, Basil
became the real head of the government, and by him the first measures
taken were inspired. By his orders the new sovereign was proclaimed in
every quarter of the city, and public gatherings, disorder, and pillage
were forbidden, under pain of beheading. It was not desired that the
revolutionary scenes which had marked the accession of Nicephorus should
be re-enacted in Constantinople. The next step was to dismiss all
functionaries who were in favour of the former Emperor, and to replace
them by new men. Leo Phocas and his sons, with the exception of Peter,
a eunuch, were banished to Methymna and Amasia. In this way
the
position of Tzimisces was secured.
The Patriarch Polyeuctes, who had reached a great age, was near
his end when the events of 10 December 969 took place. What was his
attitude on first hearing of the revolution we do not know, but on the
other hand we know how, despite the burden of his years, he received
Tzimisces, when the new Emperor, a week after his crime, presented
himself at St Sophia in order to be crowned. The Patriarch firmly
refused to take part in any religious ceremony until Tzimisces should
have done penance, exculpated himself from the murder of Nicephorus,
and denounced the criminals. Polyeuctes went further. On this solemn
occasion he took the revenge of his lifetime, issuing to John this ultima-
tum: “Drive first of all from the Sacred Palace the adulterous and guilty
wife, who planned and directed everything and who has certainly been
the chief mover in the crime. ” Finally, feeling perhaps the moral strength
of his own position as against this suppliant murderer, the Patriarch
took another step in advance and exacted, as a striking reparation, the
repeal of the whole of the religious legislation of the late Emperor, the
recall to their sees of all the exiled bishops, and the distribution of
the usurper's private fortune to the poor and the hospitals. John agreed
to everything. The Novels were immediately abrogated, the bishops
recalled, Theophano exiled to Proti and later to Armenia, while John
himself made no scruple of swearing that he had not lifted his hand
against Nicephorus, and denounced on oath several of his late accomplices
CH, Ul.


## p. 80 (#122) #############################################

80
Ecclesiastical affairs
as guilty of the crime. Then, as much from necessity as policy, he gave
great largess to the poor, the peasants, and even the aristocracy. This
done, Polyeuctes crowned John at Christmas 969. Before his death the
Patriarch had a last gratification, that of seeing Tzimisces faithfully fulfil
his promises as to his religious policy. The Church of Antioch having
lost its Patriarch, Christopher, Tzimisces caused Polyeuctes to appoint
in his place a holy hermit, Theodore of Colonea, who had long been known
to him. The Patriarch was spared long enough to perform the consecration
on 8 January 970. His death followed on 28 January.
The successor to Polyeuctes was proposed by Tzimisces to a synod
which he assembled when the vacancy occurred. Basil, like Theodore
of Colonea, was a poor monk of the Olympus, famous for his saintliness
and his prophecies. He was a friend of the Emperor, and when his
consecration took place on 13 February John might certainly flatter
himself that he had made a wise and fortunate choice both for the
Church and for himself. Yet this did not prove to be altogether the
case, for, in fact, in 974 a conflict broke out between the two
authorities; Basil, who had less discernment doubtless than Polyeuctes,
would have liked to turn the Church into one vast convent, and to enforce
reforms which were distasteful to the bishops. Perhaps, indeed, he went
further, and, if we are to believe Leo the Deacon, unwisely began to
super-
vise the conduct of his subordinates rather too closely. With all his
merits, we are told, “he was of a curious and investigating turn of mind. '
What is certain is that complaints were laid against him on this account,
and he was also reproached with maladministration of the Church. In
short, the Emperor was obliged to interfere. He called upon the Patriarch
to appear before his court and clear himself. Basil refused to take any
such step, alleging that he came under no jurisdiction but that of an
Ecumenical Council, which would necessarily bring in the West. This led
to his fall. While Polyeuctes, strong in his right, had maintained himself in
the see of Constantinople against all comers, Basil for his part, being very
possibly guilty of the errors laid to his charge, was deposed and sent into
exile at his monastery on the Scamander. His syncellus, Anthony of the
Studion, succeeded him. Perhaps this deposition of Basil may have some
vague connexion with affairs in Italy, and with the presence at Constanti-
nople of the exiled anti-Pope Boniface. But it seems rather unlikely, and
in any case our authorities do not make the statement. All that has been
said by historians on the subject is mere conjecture.
The death of its patron Nicephorus did not hinder the building
and extension of the Great Laura (monastery) of St Athanasius, founded
in 961. In 970 the community there was numerous enough to allow of
the saint's imposing upon them a rule, a typikon determining the laws
which should govern the monks of the Holy Mountain. Unfortunately
the typikon was ill-received and ill-observed, so much so that a revolt
broke out against the Abbot. The mutineers considered St Athana-


## p. 81 (#123) #############################################

Secular affairs
81
sius and his rules too severe, and appealed to the Emperor. This was the
reason that Tzimisces, after holding an inquiry, granted to the Laura
the chrysobull of 972 confirming the typikon of St Athanasius and
the privileges granted by Nicephorus. The monastery was declared
"autocephalous” under the sole authority of the Abbot (Igumen). The
Golden Bull laid down rules for the administration of the convent, and
its provisions are still in force to-day.
The reign of the soldier John Tzimisces, like that of Nicephorus
Phocas, was military in character, and events of note in home politics
(with the exception of religious events) are few in number. One
of the most important was certainly the revolt of Bardas Phocas in
971. Son of Leo and nephew of Nicephorus, Bardas had been banished
to Pontus on the death of the Emperor. Thanks to the good offices of
his father and other members of his family, of some of the strategi who
had remained loyal to Nicephorus, and even of some among the clergy, he
succeeded in breaking prison and in surrounding himself with partisans.
Then, taking advantage of the Russian war, which Tzimisces was just
beginning, Bardas had himself proclaimed Emperor at Caesarea, amidst
large numbers of adherents. Fortunately, civil war had not time to break
out. The Emperor's brother-in-law, Bardas Sclerus, was immediately
sent against the usurper, who, before he had struck a blow, found himself
deserted by his friends and forced to surrender. He was relegated with
his family to a monastery in the island of Chios. Next year, while
Tzimisces was at the siege of Durostolus (Silistria), Leo Phocas attempted
to regain power, but unsuccessfully. Being taken prisoner at Constanti-
nople he was blinded and in this state re-consigned to his monastery.
While the ineffectual revolt of Bardas Phocas was just about to
break out, and the preparations for the war with Russia were being
pushed feverishly on, Tzimisces took advantage of the situation to form
a fresh union. Being debarred from marrying Theophano, he fell back
upon Theodora, a princess of mature age, daughter of Constantine VII
and aunt of Romanus II. This prudent marriage gave great satisfaction
at Constantinople, for it confirmed the legitimate descendants of Basil I
upon the throne.
Before setting out for the brief and victorious Russian war, in the
spring of 972, Tzimisces found time to receive another German embassy,
which sought Constantinople in order to renew the negotiations, broken
off under Nicephorus, respecting the marriage of Theophano, daughter of
Romanus II, with the youthful Otto II. The embassy headed by Gero,
Archbishop of Cologne, reached Constantinople about the end of 971.
The girl, in spite of certain doubts which have been raised, certainly
appears to have been a genuine princess, born in the purple, and sister
of Basil II; she was betrothed, and set out for Italy. The marriage
took place at Rome on 14 April 972.
ܪ
C. MED. H. VOL. IV. CH. JI.
6


## p. 82 (#124) #############################################

82
Death of John Tzimisces
So far as we can judge from the scanty documents which have
come down to us, Tzimisces seems not to have given much of his
personal attention to the work of internal administration. His wars
occupied him sufficiently. Only one Novel issued in his name has been
preserved; it concerns the slaves taken in war. Basil the Parakoimomenos
remained chief minister up to the death of Tzimisces, and used his position
to enrich himself to a scandalous extent. This meant that the social
difficulty remained unsolved, and became even graver. All the efforts of
his predecessors had thus been fruitless. And yet the Emperor be-
haved liberally to all classes of society. He made large distributions
from his private resources. But the only genuinely useful legislative
measure which he carried out was the abolition of the highly unpopular
tax called the Kapnikon, or poll tax, which was paid only by plebeians.
The reign of John Tzimisces was being made illustrious by his
victories, when suddenly, on his return from a second campaign in
Asia, he died in Constantinople on 10 January 976. Many discussions
have arisen as to this unexpected death. Did the Emperor fall a victim
to poison or to sickness? It cannot be certainly known, but according
to Schlumberger it is most probable that he succumbed to typhus.
However this may be, John Tzimisces left the Empire devoid of all
apparent support and likely soon to be given up to all the fury of revo-
lution. No one, it is plain, foresaw what manner of man Basil II would
prove himself to be.
With Tzimisces the tale of great soldiers raised to the throne breaks
off for the time. Henceforward, power was to return to the Macedonian
House until the rise of the Comneni. The Emperors who were to reign
from 1028 to 1057 might be foreigners or men of no account. For in
fact, in contrast to what followed on the death of Romanus II, the
reins of power were now to be held by the female members of the reigning
house.


## p. 83 (#125) #############################################

CHAPTER IV.
THE MACEDONIAN DYNASTY FROM 976 TO 1057 A. D.
The death of John Tzimisces not only closed for a time the period of
great if usurping generals, but also, except for the reign of Basil II, put
an end to the great military successes of the Empire. Thenceforward, from
the death of Basil II in 1025 down to the day when a new dynasty,
that of the Comneni, came to take up the sceptre of Constantinople, the im-
perial sovereignty, while its condition became ever more and more critical,
remained in the hands of the descendants of Basil I. It was held first by
men and afterwards by women, and was discredited and degraded by
most extraordinary palace intrigues which are barely conceivable to the
Western mind.
John Tzimisces left no heir capable of succeeding him. Besides, as we
have seen, he, like Nicephorus Phocas, had always strictly reserved the
rights of the two imperial children, Basil and Constantine, the sons of
Romanus II and Theophano, of whom he had declared himself the guardian.
It was to them, consequently, that the imperial crown, according to the
hereditary principle, now fell. Basil II was the elder of the two. He was
probably born some time in the year 958, and was crowned on 22 April
960. His brother Constantine was two years younger, having been born
in 960 or 961. He, in his turn, was crowned Emperor on 7 April 961.
They both spent their early years under the guardianship of their mother
and of the two generals who successively raised themselves to the throne,
probably without suffering much, unless morally and intellectually, from
the political events which took place. Few men can have differed more
from each other than these two brothers, whose actual reigns in Constan-
tinople covered a period of 52 years. Basil II, above all a warrior and a
ruler, had no taste for luxury, art, or learning. He was a rough and arbi-
trary man, never able to throw off the soldier, a sort of Nicephorus Phocas
with a better title. Constantine, on the other hand, reminds us of his father,
and especially of his great-great-uncle, Alexander. Like the latter, he always
chose a soft and easy life, preferring the appearance of power to its reality?
and pleasures of every kind to the discipline of work. Thus Constantine
while his brother lived no more governed than did Alexander. Admitted
1 Though Psellus tells us that it was Basil who refused to share power with his
brother.
CH, IY.
6-2


## p. 84 (#126) #############################################

84
First years of Basil II
to a purely honorary share in the sovereignty, he enjoyed its dignities while
knowing nothing of its burdens. Yet, in contrast to Alexander, Con-
stantine appears on certain occasions to have shewn himself a brave
soldier, and at all events he never at any time manifested the evil and
mischievous characteristics of Leo VI's brother. He was a weakling, who
thought himself lucky to have someone more capable than himself
at his
side to undertake the direction of affairs. Of the two brothers only Con-
stantine seems to have married. At some unstated time he took to wife
Helena, the daughter of the patrician Alypius, who was the mother of his
three daughters, Eudocia, Zoë, and Theodora, two of whom were to be
rulers of Constantinople after his death up to 1056. When by the
death of Tzimisces the two young men succeeded to power, their mother
was in a convent, and there was no influential member of their family
with whom their responsibilities might have been shared. They had
no one to depend upon except their great-uncle, the famous eunuch and
parakoimomenos Basil', who had been chief minister under four Emperors,
and Bardas Sclerus the general, brother-in-law of the late Emperor John
Tzimisces, who had promised him the succession.
The first years of Basil II (976–989).
As might be expected, Basil and Bardas detested one another, and
both aspired to the chief power. The former, however, was actually in
Constantinople, and easily seized upon the helm in Basil II's name and
perhaps with his consent, while the other, who was with the army, could
only lay his plans for the future. The eunuch Basil thus, at the outset
of the new reign, remained what he had heretofore been, the real and
all-powerful minister of the Empire.
The first action of the new government was to recall Theophano from
her convent; then immediately afterwards, in order to strengthen his own
position, Basil deprived his rival of the title of Stratelates of the armies
of the East, and gave him the office of Duke of the frontier theme of
Mesopotamia. Other great officers, friends of Sclerus, were dealt with
in the same way: for instance, Michael Burtzes, who was sent to Antioch
with the titles of Duke and magister. The patrician Peter Phocas suc-
ceeded Sclerus as commander of the armies of Anatolia.
At this juncture, Bardas Sclerus appeared in Constantinople, no
doubt to be invested with his new command. The diminished importance
of his position had exasperated him, and he made so little secret of it in
his conversation that Basil ordered him to leave Constantinople at once
and rejoin his troops. This was the signal for revolt. As soon as he
reached Mesopotamia, he stirred up his army to revolt against the
eunuch, having first taken care to recall his son Romanus to his side.
1 Basil, it will be remembered, was brother of Romanus II's mother.


## p. 85 (#127) #############################################

Revolt of Bardas Sclerus
85
Like other revolts, this one, which was destined to last four years,
began with the proclamation of Bardas as Emperor, some time during
the summer of 976. The troops made no difficulty about acclaiming
their commander, and Bardas soon drew fresh and substantial contin-
gents from Armenia and even from several emirs with whom he nego-
tiated. By his orders the military funds were seized upon and the
rich landowners taxed, and in this way he obtained the money that he
needed. Then immediately opening the campaign, he made himself
master of several fortresses such as Kharput and Malatīyah, and set out
for Constantinople. Peter Phocas was at once despatched against him to
Caesarea in Cappadocia. Meanwhile the Bishop of Nicomedia received
orders to approach him with a view to an accommodation. It was labour
lost. Sclerus was bent on empire or war.
The rebel army was for long successful. After a preliminary affair
between vanguards which resulted to the advantage of his troops,
Bardas won a great victory over Peter Phocas at Lepara-Lycandus
in the autumn of 976 which threw Asia Minor open to him. The
revolt spread from place to place. Whole provinces, with their soldiers,
sailors, officials, and rich landowners, quickly ranged themselves on the
side of the victor. Civil war was everywhere, and, in consequence,
Bardas and his army penetrated by way of Caesarea to Cotyaeum.
Constantinople was panic-stricken, but Basil's energy did not fail him.
At the opening of 977 he sent off the protovestiary Leo with dis-
cretionary powers, to lead the imperial army and to buy off the muti-
neers. He was no more fortunate than Peter Phocas had been. If,
at the very outset, thanks to his skilful tactics, he gained an appreciable
advantage at Oxylithus over a detachment of the rebels, he incurred a
defeat at Rhegeas, where Peter Phocas fell, towards the end of 977.
Through this victory, Asia Minor with its fleet and troops fell into the
hands of Sclerus. It was with this great accession of strength that in the
spring of 978 he again set out for Constantinople and laid siege to Nicaea,
which was defended by Manuel Comnenus, surnamed Eroticus. But
Manuel, after a blockade of several weeks, was forced to surrender, and
Sclerus entered Nicaea, his last halting-place before Constantinople. It
was also the scene of his last triumph.
While Sclerus was gaining this brilliant success, his fleet under
the Admiral Curticius was being defeated and annihilated by the
imperial admiral, Theodore Carantenus. Nevertheless, the imperial pre-
tender advanced upon Constantinople, which was in a state of terror.
The situation was rendered graver by a revolt of the Bulgarians and a
Scarcity of soldiers. But once again the aged Basil saved the Empire,
this time by making an appeal to one of his former enemies, Bardas
Phocas, himself once a leader of revolt, who had been reduced to
impotence by the very Bardas Sclerus whom he was now about to meet
and overthrow. Bardas Phocas, having received full powers, did not
CH
. .


## p. 86 (#128) #############################################

86
Defeat of Sclerus: fall of the eunuch Basil
spend time over the defence of Constantinople. He threw himself into
Caesarea, where the broken remains of the imperial army lay under the
command of Maleinus, in order to take the army of Sclerus in the rear,
and oblige him to retrace his way into Asia Minor. This, in fact, was what
happened. Sclerus was forced to retreat from before Constantinople in
order to meet the danger from Phocas, whom he encountered not far from
Amorium in the plain of Pancalia. Here Phocas was defeated on 19 June
978, but was able to retire in good order to Charsianum, where he was
again beaten by Sclerus. Nevertheless, the game was not lost for the
imperialists. During the winter of 978-979 they obtained help from the
Curopalates of Iberia, and in the spring of 979, on 24 March, a fresh
battle was fought at Pancalia, ending, after a single combat between the
two namesakes, in the complete triumph of Phocas, the final defeat of the
rebel army, and the flight of the defeated pretender to Saracen soil.
Constantinople was thus saved.
Bardas Sclerus took refuge at Amida, and soon afterwards in the
summer of 979 was imprisoned at Baghdad with his family by the order
of the Caliph. At Constantinople it was desired that the rebel should be
handed over, and to obtain this object the parakoimomenos sent an embassy
to Baghdad headed by Nicephorus Uranus. It was unsuccessful. The
Caliph would not relax his hold on the prisoner, and Sclerus remained
in durance up to December 986. As to his followers, they were granted
an amnesty as early as 979 or 980.
But now it was the turn of the eunuch Basil. Hardly had the
Empire been momentarily saved from the revolt of Bardas Sclerus,
when the military conspirators within its borders, unmindful of the very
serious position of affairs in Italy, Bulgaria, and Syria, began plotting
anew as they had done under preceding Emperors. The parakoimo-
menos Basil, on the one hand, to whose energy the defeat of Sclerus was
due, felt himself, in spite of his immense services, more and more de-
serted by Basil II, who was becoming eager to govern in person; while on
the other hand, the great military leaders, Bardas Phocas and Leo Melis-
senus, were dreaming of a military dictatorship and looking back to their
illustrious predecessors such as Nicephorus and Tzimisces. They wanted a
part to play, and thought the rôle assigned them by the Emperor alto-
gether inadequate.
For these reasons, and many others of which we are
ignorant, the whole body of great officers resolved to join hands in order
to rid themselves of Basil II. The conspiracy was hatched at Constanti-
nople, and appears to have had its ramifications in Syria and Bulgaria.
Unluckily for the plotters, the Emperor received timely warning, and the
latent antagonism between him and his old minister burst forth with
startling suddenness and violence (985). Roughly and without warning,
Basil snatched power from the hands of the parakoimomenos, drove him
from the palace, confined him to his house, and then banished him to
Bosphorus. The rest of the conspirators were now reduced to impotence,


## p. 87 (#129) #############################################

Conspiracy of Phocas and Sclerus
87
90
but the Emperor was not yet strong enough to punish all his enemies.
Melissenus and Phocas were spared. As to the parakoimomenos, his
immense fortune was confiscated, and he died soon after his fall, stripped
of everything and in a mental state bordering upon madness. Once again
plotting bad ended in a fiasco. It had served no other end than to
make the Emperor sure of himself, and to transform him wholly and
completely. “Basil,” says Zonaras, “became haughty, reserved, suspi-
cious, implacable in his anger. He finally abandoned his former life of
pleasure.
Basil II had not seen the last of ill-fortune with the fall of his minister.
Hardly was he set free from the arbitrary domination of the eunuch Basil,
when he was called upon to face fresh dangers. In the autumn of 986 he
had just returned to Constantinople, after having been defeated by the
Bulgarians on 17 August owing to lack of zeal on the part of his lieu-
tenants. Suddenly, while the Byzantine generals, Bardas Phocas at their
head, were plotting against their sovereign, the news came that Sclerus
had escaped from Baghdad, and for the second time had put forward his
pretensions at Malațīyah. It was the beginning of the year 987. Whether
he would or no, in order to win over Bardas Phocas, Basil was forced to
restore him in April to his dignity of Domestic of the Anatolian Scholae,
from which he had been dismissed after the plot of 985, and to despatch
him against Sclerus. Unfortunately, Phocas was devoid of scruples. In-
stead of doing the duty imposed on him, he betrayed his master and
entered into negotiations with Sclerus. This shews us in what peril Basil
stood. His position was further made worse by the fact that Phocas also
on 15 August 987 had himself proclaimed Emperor for the second time
with great pomp at Chresianus, nearly all the military officers rallying
round him! . Again civil war divided the Empire, while on the frontiers
the Bulgarians were making ready to invade its territory. Basil II could
not have escaped ruin had the two pretenders acted loyally towards one
another. Like professional thieves, they had agreed to march together
upon Constantinople and there to divide the Empire. Phocas was to have
the capital and the European provinces, Sclerus Asia Minor. But the
following incident intervened. More discerning than his father, young
Romanus Sclerus, divining Phocas' bad faith, refused to agree to the
proposed treaty, and going straight to Constantinople opened the
Emperor's eyes to the true state of affairs. And in truth he was right in
his suspicions, for during an interview between the two pretenders on
1 This shews what strange revulsions of fortune might be seen within a few years
at Constantinople. In 971 Bardas Phocas had himself proclaimed Emperor in OPP0-
sition to Tzimisces. Sclerus opposed and defeated him, and he retired into a convent
as a monk. In 976–977 it was Sclerus who broke out into revolt, while Phocas was
despatched against him. Ten years passed, and the two hostile leaders were again
on the scene, but this time they were acting in concert, both pretending to the
throne and both declared Emperors.
CH. IV.


## p. 88 (#130) #############################################

88
Collapse of rebellion
14 September 987, Phocas had Sclerus seized and deprived of his imperial
dignity, after which he was sent under a strong guard into confinement
at the castle of Tyropaeum in custody of Phocas' wife.
Phocas, now left to be the only pretender, at once hastened to ad-
vance upon Constantinople, nearly all Asia Minor being in his favour.
He arrived under the city walls probably in the early days of 988.
Part of his army encamped at Chrysopolis, the other half going to
besiege Abydos in order to seize at once upon the Straits, the fleet,
and the convoys which secured the food-supply of Constantinople.
Basil II faced ill-fortune with splendid energy. He had recourse to
Russia, and signed a treaty at Kiev which brought him the help of 6000
Varangians. The famous druzhina arrived during the spring of 988,
probably in April, and a few months later, in the summer, crossing over
to the coast of Asia Minor under Basil II, it met the enemy's forces in
the terrible battle of Chrysopolis, where victory remained with Basil.
Meanwhile, in the direction of Trebizond, a member of the princely
Armenian family of Taron was causing disquiet to the eastern wing of
Phocas' army, and forced the pretender to despatch his Iberian con-
tingents to the defence of their homes, while he himself hurried to
the help of his lieutenant, Leo Melissenus, at Abydos. It was around
this town that the final act in the drama took place. Constantine, Basil's
brother, was the first to set out for Abydos. He was soon followed by
Basil with the Russians, and in the spring of 989 the two armies met. The
decisive action took place on 13 April. By some accident which has
been explained, Phocas suddenly hurled himself in person against Basil, and
narrowly missing him fell dead without ever having been wounded. The
battle was now won. The rebel troops dispersed, and were cut in pieces
by the imperialists. Many prisoners were taken, and the leaders of the
revolt, with the exception of Melissenus, were executed. Basil II had
definitely triumphed over all rivals. Bardas Sclerus, it is true, was set at
liberty by Phocas' wife as soon as she learned the fate of her husband,
but his release profited him little. The new rebellion, begun in the
summer of 989, was quickly ended by a reconciliation between Basil II
and Sclerus. The latter secured his pardon, and the title of Curopalates.
All his adherents were also pardoned. The pacification was sealed by an
interview between Basil II and Sclerus in October 989. Sclerus, however,
did not long survive his fall. He died blind and in semi-captivity at
Didymotichus on 6 March 991.
During the thirteen years from 976 to 989 contemporary records,
which by the way are extremely meagre, speak of little beyond the
civil strife which dyed the Empire with blood. It is probable indeed
that all other administrative concerns were thrust into the background
by the ever fresh perils which menaced the Empire, for the few events
that are mentioned during the period all have a close connexion with
the civil war. One of the most important was unquestionably the resig-
never


## p. 89 (#131) #############################################

Ecclesiastical affairs
89
nation of the Patriarch, Anthony of Studion, in 980. We do not know
what caused his retirement from the Patriarchate, nor have we any
explanation of the fact that his successor, Nicholas Chrysoberges, was
not elected until 984. It seems, however, that the reason must be sought
in the revolt of Sclerus. Numerous small coincidences, indeed, lead
us to conjecture that Sclerus, who was brother-in-law of Tzimisces and
was chosen by him on his death-bed to be his successor, was always the
favourite candidate of the clergy, as Bardas Phocas was of the army. Now
as we know that it was on the occasion of the first defeat of Sclerus in
980 that Anthony was obliged to abdicate, we may conjecture the cause of
this event to have been the zeal displayed by the Patriarch and his clergy
in the cause of the pretender. For the rest, Anthony died soon after his ab-
dication in 980. But it was not until 984 that he was succeeded by Nicholas
Chrysoberges, who governed until 996, and of whom we know nothing
except that it was under his pontificate that the baptism of Vladímir and
his Russian subjects took place,
Another bishop, Agapius of Aleppo, distinguished himself at this
time by his share in the Sclerian revolt. On 28 May 986 Theodore of
Colonea, Patriarch of Antioch, died at Tarsus, as he was journey-
ing by sea to Constantinople. His city had fallen into the hands of
Sclerus, and the government desired above all things to regain pos-
session of so important a place. Agapius, Bishop of Aleppo, promised
that if he were appointed Patriarch he would bring about the return of
the town to its allegiance. He was consequently nominated and made
his entry into Antioch on 23 November 977. Thanks to his connivance
and that of the governor, ‘Ubaid-Allāh, a Saracen who had become Chris-
tian, the town did in fact come again into the Emperor's possession. This
state of affairs continued up to the time of the revolt of Bardas Phocas,
who succeeded in seizing upon Antioch. It is probable that the Patriarch
received the new pretender amicably, for after the victory of Abydos he
sought to approach the Emperor with explanations of his conduct
. At
all events, in consequence of his machinations, he was exiled by order of
Phocas in March 980, and, on the other hand, was unable to regain
favour with the Emperor. Summoned to Constantinople at the end of
989 or the beginning of 990, he was imprisoned in a monastery, and in
September 996, in exchange for a large pension, he signed his abdication.
He died a little later, in September 997.
We have only one law belonging to this part of the reign of Basil.
It is dated 4 April 988, and deals with religious matters, being the
famous Novel which abrogated the anti-clerical legislation of Nicephorus
Phocas. It is more than likely, as the preamble states, that Basil put
forth this Novel, menaced as he was by imminent danger, with the
idea that he was performing an act of piety, and thinking to assuage
the Divine anger by restoring to the monks the right of acquiring and
erecting new monasteries; but it also appears highly probable that the
CH. v.


## p. 90 (#132) #############################################

90
Conversion of Russia
Novel had besides a political bearing. In publishing it at the moment
when he was preparing to attack Bardas Phocas at Abydos, Basil judged
it well to recall to the minds of the clergy what Nicephorus had been to
them, and to convince them that the rightful Emperor had no intention
of maintaining or imitating the religious policy of his earliest guardian.
Finally, it is worth noting as a curious circumstance that it was just at
the time when the Empire was convulsed by civil war and when misery
was rife on every side, that the most vigorous renascence of the monastic
life took place. It was from Mount Athos, whither they had retired, that
John and Tornicius, hearing the news of the civil war, came forth to
intervene in arms on behalf of the Emperor. Tornicius (or Tornig) and
John fought valiantly at Pancalia in 979, and with the booty that he
won Tornicius built the famous convent of Iviron, which Basil II by his
golden bull of 980 considerably enriched. Already in 978 the Emperor
had made royal gifts to the Laura of St Athanasius, and about 972 had
authorised the founding of Vatopedi. Thus it is not surprising, after
this, that apart from any other considerations he should have meditated the
abrogation of laws which he had not scrupled to be the first to contravene.
The great transaction, half political and half religious, which marks
this period of Basil II's reign was unquestionably his treaty of alliance
with Vladímir of Russia, and the baptism of the Russians to which
it led. The negotiations arose over the visit to Constantinople of
an embassy from the great Russian Prince of Kiev, sent to collect in-
formation touching the Orthodox religion. The Emperor at the mo-
ment was in the thick of the civil struggle, in want of both men and
money. He used the opportunity to attempt to bring about with the
Russians, heretofore his enemies, an understanding which should supply
him with the help of which he stood in need. It was accordingly arranged
that the Prince of Kiev should send six thousand Varangians to Constan-
tinople, and in exchange should receive in marriage the princess Anne,
Basil's sister (born March 961), the bridegroom becoming a Christian.
This was carried out. The Varangians arrived, and were instrumental in
saving the Empire, but Basil showed less promptness in handing over his
sister. It needed an attack upon the Crimea by the Russians in the
summer of 989 to bring him to the point. It was about the end of that
year, indeed, that Anne set out for Kiev and that Vladímir received
baptism, thus bringing Russia permanently within the circle of the poli-
tical and religious influence of Constantinople.
Rule of Basil II (989-1025).
In the reign of Basil II, the year 989 stands for the complete end of
civil strife, and the unquestioned victory of the imperial authority as
well as of the legitimist principle. For the future, his only task was to
consolidate his power and to make head against the two great enemies of


## p. 91 (#133) #############################################

Religious controversies with the Latins
91
his empire, the Bulgarians and the Saracens. This implies that the reign
of the “Bulgaroctonus” was primarily a military one. Nevertheless, in
the course of home affairs, there are several events of the first import-
ance to be noted.
On the death of Nicholas Chrysoberges the court named as his suc-
cessor Sisinnius. His consecration took place on 12 April 996. This
Sisinnius was a layman of the high rank of magister. He was also a
physician, and was besides deeply versed in letters and endowed with
many virtues. Yet he did not seem to be marked out for so distin-
guished an office, and it is probable that the Emperor was actuated
by political motives. However this may be, one thing seems certain,
that during his very brief pontificate Sisinnius came to a more or less
complete breach with Rome. The grounds of this fresh quarrel were
doubtless quite unconnected with theology. They were, in fact, purely
personal. The Pope, Gregory V, was a nominee of Otto III of Germany,
while Basil's candidate for the Papacy, a Greek named Philagathus, had
been defeated in spite of having had the support of Crescentius the
Patrician of Rome. In enmity to Gregory, Crescentius set up the Greek
as anti-Pope, and in due course, at the beginning of 998, Gregory excom-
municated his rival. Hence came the rupture. The pontificate of Sisin-
nius was, however, signalised by other measures. Reverting to the ever-
irritating question of second marriages, he issued a regulation concerning
unlawful unions between persons related in various degrees, and another
which condemned even second marriages. This was at the same time a
direct attack upon Rome, which had sanctioned the fourth marriage of
Leo VI. Sisinnius had not time to go further. He died about the month
of August 998. One encyclical letter of his has come down to us,
addressed to the bishops of Asia Minor and treating of the Procession of
the Holy Ghost.
His short pontificate ended, a successor to Sisinnius was sought,
according to the traditional practice, in the ranks of the clergy. The
Emperor's choice, in fact, fell upon an aged monk of distinguished birth
named Sergius, Igumen of the Manuel Monastery. Hardly anything is
known of his pontificate or of the events which took place within it, but
dissensions broke out between Constantinople and Rome about 1009,
which were caused in all probability by the Emperor's policy in Italy,
and which ended in schism? . We feel, indeed, that we are approaching the
days of Michael Cerularius, for, monk as he was, Sergius certainly appears
to have carried on the struggle initiated by Sisinnius. Several of our
authorities, questionable it is true, tell us that the Patriarch assembled
a synod in 1009 at Constantinople, and that he resumed the policy
formerly inaugurated by Photius, procured the confirmation of his
pro-
nouncements against Latin innovations, and struck out the Pope's
1 But cf. infra, Chapter 1x, pp. 261-62.
CH. IV.


## p. 92 (#134) #############################################

92
Attempt at a compromise
name from the diptychs. In fact, at this time separation and schism
were put on an official footing. Apart from this event, which does not
appear to have had any immediate consequences, we find that Sergius very
courageously attempted to induce the Emperor to abolish the tax which
he had just re-imposed, the allelengyon, but without success. Basil re-
fused his consent. It was also during this pontificate that a certain
number of liturgical and canonical books were translated from the Greek
into Russian for the use of the recently-founded Church, and that the
monastery of St Anne was founded on Mount Athos. Finally we have an
ordinance of Sergius dated in May 1016 authorising devout persons to
give donations to churches and monasteries.
The successor of Sergius was a eunuch named Eustathius, almoner of
the imperial chapel, elected on 12 April 1020. The appointment was
dictated solely by political reasons. Relations between Rome and Con-
stantinople were much strained, if not wholly broken off. In Italy things
were not going prosperously for the Empire; German influence was pre-
ponderant there, and Benedict VIII had not hesitated to employ the
Normans against the Byzantines. It will readily be understood that, in
these circumstances, Basil's whole idea would be to countermine papal
influence at Constantinople. But a Western chronicler tells us that
in 1024, immediately on the death of Benedict VIII, Eustathius asked
for the title of Ecumenical Patriarch from John XIX, and in this way
resumed spiritual relations with Rome. John XIX was about to concede
the privilege, which would have been tantamount to granting autonomy
to the Church of Constantinople, when the protests of Western Europe
compelled him to draw back. Matters had reached this stage when
Eustathius and Basil II died, within a few days of each other, in December
1025. The successor to the dead Patriarch was at once chosen. He was
Alexius, Igumen of the Studion.
The reign of Basil II is notable for a certain number of laws
of importance. Some are concerned merely with gifts made to the
great monasteries; others have a more general significance. It was in
January 996 that Basil issued his famous Novel against the continual
encroachments of the great territorial proprietors. If this question had
been, as we have seen, a constant preoccupation of the Emperors of
the preceding century, it had become for Basil II a matter of life and
death. For it was the great landholders who had raised the standard of
revolt, and they it was who, with their money and their men, had main-
tained the cause of the rebel pretenders. It was of the utmost importance,
then, for Basil to carry out the advice which had been given him (it is
said, by Bardas Sclerus after his defeat), to break down this formidable
power,
the source that fed it, territorial wealth. This he did
by means of the Novel of January 996,"condemning those who enriched
themselves at the expense of the poor. ” This provision in fact merely
confirms and gives precision to that of Romanus Lecapenus, and extends
and dry up


## p. 93 (#135) #############################################

Legislation against the “powerful”
93
its scope. Prescription, even for forty years, was now to avail nothing
against the right of redemption; the power to reclaim property was
declared inalienable by any lapse of time. Any estate acquired by its
owner before the date of the Novel of Lecapenus was to remain in the
hands of its actual proprietor, provided that he could furnish authentic
documentary proof that his rights dated from a time anterior to the
ordinance. The title to any estate illegally acquired since the publication
of the Lecapenian Novels was declared null, and the peasants might at
once reclaim their original property, which would be restored to them
without the payment of any compensation. Estates unjustly come by,
even if their possession had been sanctioned by a golden bull from the
Emperor, were subject to the same provision, any such bulls being
declared null.
Special provisions gave precision also to the Novel of 4 April 988
concerning ecclesiastical property, and finally very severe penalties were
decreed against high officials who used their position to enrich themselves
outrageously at the expense of the crown lands. The principle underlying
all this formidable legislation was that any estate, whether noble, eccle-
siastical, or burgher, should remain permanently what it was, and that thus
commoners' lands were never to pass to either of the other two classes.
This Draconian law was, in truth, only justice, for the “powerful”
had in the end agreed that they were rightful possessors of land taken
from the poor only if, by any means or methods whatsoever, they had
debarred their victims for a period of forty years from lodging a com-
plaint in due legal form. The injustice of the practice is clear, and so is
the social danger to which it led. It was by such means that the fortunes
of the great feudal houses had been founded, such as those of Phocas,
Maleinus, Tzimisces, Sclerus, and of the parakoimomenos Basil; it was
by such means too that the exchequer was depleted, for all these great
nobles, like convents, were privileged with regard to taxation.
The new laws appear to have met with no great success. The penalties
were irregularly applied, even if we take it that they were capable of
being enforced. In 1002 the Emperor, having paid him a visit, did indeed
disgrace Eustathius Maleinus, whom he carried prisoner to Constantinople,
awaiting the opportunity of his death to confiscate his estates to the
profit of the crown. But this was an isolated instance, which goes to
shew how difficult, slow, and inefficacious was the application of the Novel
of 996. It was moreover in these circumstances that Basil II, in order to
provide for the enormous cost of the war with Bulgaria, as well, probably,
as to pursue his controversy with the great feudal lords, re-imposed the
famous tax called the allelengyon, by which the rich and the poor were
declared jointly and separately liable with respect to all obligations,
whether financial or military, and the rich were required, in default of the
poor, to discharge for them both their taxes and their service in the field.
This mutual warranty was an old legacy from the Roman law as to the
сн. IV.


## p. 94 (#136) #############################################

94
Secular relations with the West
curiales, which had no other result than to ruin the mass of the great
landholders and to stir up the bitterest of social hatreds. Thus Basil's
work had no element of permanence. If for a time the Emperor found
some profit in exacting the tax, his successors were before long forced to
repeal it.
If Constantinople was on far from amicable terms with Rome, and
if Italian affairs were frequently the cause of disputes with the Saxon
Emperors, yet from 983 onwards, the date at which Theophano took
power into her own hands, the relations between the two imperial courts
were excellent. Otto III had been educated by his mother in great
reverence for Constantinople and according to Greek ideas, and, as soon
as he was old enough, he hastened in May 996 to send an embassy to
Basil II asking for the hand of one of his imperial cousins, no doubt
Zoë or Theodora. We know nothing of the results of this first embassy,
but apparently it was warmly received, for in 1001 a fresh mission left
Italy, headed by Arnulf, Archbishop of Milan, charged on this oc-
casion to bring back the promised princess. This second embassy was
received by Basil II with honours such as in themselves shew how cordial
were the relations between the two courts. Unfortunately neither had
laid its account with death. When the wedding cortège reached Bari, the
news came that Otto III had died in January 1002, and all dreams, dip-
lomatic and matrimonial, vanished like smoke. The Byzantine princess
who had been about to assume the imperial crown of the West must
needs return to Constantinople, and before long be a witness of the ruin
of the Byzantine power in Italy, which her marriage would perhaps have
hindered or at any rate delayed.
At Venice, in contrast to the Italian mainland, the Doge Peter
Orseolo II. (elected 991) made every effort to maintain a thoroughly good
understanding with Basil. In 991 or 992 he sent ambassadors to Con-
stantinople, who were very well received, and by a chrysobull of March
992 secured valuable commercial privileges. Later on, relations became
even more intimate. In 998 the Doge's son John spent some time at
Constantinople, and some few years afterwards, in 1004, Basil gave him
as his wife a young Greek of illustrious race, Maria Argyrus, sister of
Romanus Argyrus, the future Emperor of Constantinople. Unfortunately
both husband and wife died of the plague in 1007.
One of the most important of Basil's diplomatic achievements was
the political and religious organisation which he imposed upon Bulgaria
after his final victory in 1018. We are to some extent acquainted with
this work of his through three Novels addressed by the Emperor to
John, Archbishop of Ochrida, which have been discovered in a golden
bull of Michael Palaeologus dated 1272. By these Novels Basil set up an
autonomous Church in Bulgaria, having as its sphere the ancient Bulgarian
Patriarchate as it existed from 927-968, with the addition of a whole
series of bishoprics taken from various metropolitan sees of Macedonia,


## p. 95 (#137) #############################################

Recurrence of revolt
95
Epirus, Thessaly, Serbia, etc. It is probable that in this he was influenced
by political motives, but on this point we have very little information'.
The reign of Basil II, full of importance from the domestic point
of view, was even more so in a military sense. An Emperor who strove so
energetically and successfully to enable Byzantium to triumph over her
foreign enemies, after having bravely contended for his own rights against
his personal foes, was naturally, during the greater part of his reign, often
absent from Constantinople.