Without examining the premises from which this infer-
ence is derived, reason and the experience of this country
prove the falsity of the conclusion; and it is believed, that
a true narrative of the twelve years which preceded the
adoption of the present constitution of the United States,
would show, that never did a people placed under circum-
stances so propitious to their well-being incur more unne-
?
ence is derived, reason and the experience of this country
prove the falsity of the conclusion; and it is believed, that
a true narrative of the twelve years which preceded the
adoption of the present constitution of the United States,
would show, that never did a people placed under circum-
stances so propitious to their well-being incur more unne-
?
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v1
Governor Clinton's ideas coincide with mine.
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? HAMILTON. 10?
He thinks that there is no need of more continental troops
here than a few to give a spur to the militia in working
upon the fortifications. In pursuance of this, I have given
the directions before mentioned. If General Putnam at-
tends to them, the troops under him may be with you nearly
as early as any of the others, (though he has unluckily
marched them down to Tarrytown,) and General Glover's
brigade, when it gets up, will be more than sufficient to
answer the true end of this post.
If your excellency agrees with me in opinion, it will be
well to send instant directions to General Putnam to pur-
sue the object I have mentioned, for I doubt whether he will
attend to any thing I shall say, notwithstanding it comes in
the shape of a positive order. I fear unless you interpose,
the works here will go on so feebly for want of men, that
they will not be completed in time; whereas, it appears to
me of the greatest importance they should be pushed with
the utmost vigour. Governor Clinton will do every thing
in his power. I wish General Putnam was recalled from
the command of this post, and Governor Clinton would ac-
cept it: -- the blunders and caprices of the former are end-
less. Believe me, sir, no body can be more impressed with
the importance of forwarding the reinforcements coming
to you with all speed, nor could any body have endeavour-
ed to promote it more than I have done; but the ignorance
of some, and the design of others, have been almost insu-
perable obstacles. I am very unwell, but I shall not spare
myself to get things immediately in a proper train, and for
that purpose intend, unless I receive other orders from you,
to continue with the troops in the progress of their march.
As soon as I get General Poor's brigade in march, I shall
proceed to General Putnam's at Peekskill.
On the twelfth of November, he addressed another let-
ter to General Washington, in which he says, "I have been
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? 108 THE LIFE OF
detained here these two days by a fever and violent rheu-
matic pains throughout my body. This has prevented my
being active in person for promoting the purposes of my
errand, but I have taken every other method in my power,
in which Governor Clinton has obligingly given me all the
aid he could. In answer to my pressing application to Ge-
neral Poor for the immediate marching of his brigade, I was
told they were under an operation for the itch, which made
it impossible for them to proceed, till the effects of it were
over. By a letter, however, of yesterday, General Poor*
informs me he would certainly march this morning. I must
do him the justice to say, he appears solicitous to join you,
and that I believe the past delay is not owing to any fault
of his, but is wholly chargeable on General Putnam. In-
deed, sir, I owe it to the service to say, that every part of
this gentleman's conduct is marked with blunder and negli-
gence, and gives general disgust.
"Parson's brigade will join you, I hope, in five or six days
from this; Learned's brigade may do the same ; Poor's will,
I am persuaded, make all the haste they can for the future,
and Glover's may be expected at Fishkill to-night, whence
they will be pushed forward as fast as I can have any influ-
ence to make them go; but I am sorry to say, the disposition
for marching in the officers and men does not keep pace with
my wishes or the exigency of the occasion. They have un-
fortunately imbibed an idea that they have done their part of
the business of the campaign, and are now entitled to repose.
This, and the want of pay, makes them averse to a long march
at this advanced season.
"* * * * In a letter from General Putnam, just now receiv-
ed by Governor Clinton, he appears to have been the 10th
instant at King's Street, at the White Plains. I have had no
* This gentleman died 9th September, 1780. Washington says of him,--
"an officer of distinguished merit, who, as a citizen and a soldier, had every
claim to the esteem of his country. "
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? HAMILTON. 109
answer to my last applications. The enemy appear to have
stripped New-York very bare. The people there, that is the
tories, are in a great fright: this adds to my anxiety that
the reinforcements from this quarter to you are not in greater
forwardness and more considerable.
"I have written to General Gates, informing him of the ac-
counts of the situation of New-York with respect to troops,
and the probability of the force gone to Howe being greater
than was at first expected, to try if this will not extort from him
a farther reinforcement. I don't, however, expect much from
him, as he pretends to have in view an expedition against Ti-
conderoga, to be undertaken in the winter, and he knows that
under the sanction of this idea, calculated to catch the eastern
people, he may, without censure, retain the troops; and as I
shall be under the necessity of speaking plainly to you when I
have the pleasure of seeing you, I shall not hesitate to say, I
doubt whether you would have had a man from the northern
army if the whole could have been kept at Albany with any
decency. Perhaps you will think me blameable in not having
exercised the powers you gave me, and given a positive order.
Perhaps I have been so; but deliberately weighing all cir-
cumstances, I did not, and do not think it advisable to do it. "
Hamilton then crossed the river to Fishkill, in order to have
another interview with General Putnam, whence he wrote
a second letter to General Gates.
HAMILTON TO GATES.
November 12th, 1777.
SIR,
Ever since my arrival in this quarter, I have been endeav-
ouring to collect the best idea I could of the state of things in
New-York, in order the better to form a judgment of the pro-
bable reinforcement gone to General Howe. On the whole,
this is a fact well ascertained, that New-York has been strip-
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? 110 THE LIFE OF
ped as bare as possible; that in consequence of this, the few
troops there and the inhab ^ants are under so strong appre-
hensions of an attack, as almost to amount to a panic; that
to supply the deficiency of men, every effort is making to ex-
cite the citizens to arms for the defence of the city. For this
purpose, the public papers are full of addresses to them, that
plainly speak the apprehensions prevailing on the occasion.
Hence I infer that a formidable force is gone to General
Howe. The calculations made by those who have had the
best opportunities of judging, carry the number from six to
seven thousand. If so, the number gone and going to Gene-
ral Washington is far inferior, -- five thousand at the utmost.
The militia were all detained by General Putnam, till it be-
came too late to send them.
The state of things I gave you when I had the pleasure of
seeing you, was, to the best of my judgment, sacredly true.
I give you the present information, that you may decide whe-
ther any farther succour can with propriety come from you.
The fleet, with the troops on board, sailed out of the Hook
the 5th instant. This circumstance demonstrates, beyond
a possibility of doubt, that it is General Howe's fixed intention
to endeavour to hold Philadelphia at all hazards, and removes
all danger of any farther operations up the North river this
winter; otherwise Sir Henry Clinton's movement at this
advanced season is altogether inexplicable.
If you can with propriety afford any farther assistance, the
most expeditious mode of conveying it, will be to acquaint Ge-
neral Putnam of it, that he may send on the troops with him,
to be replaced by them. You, sir, best know the uses to
which the troops with you are to be applied, and will deter-
mine accordingly. I am certain it is not his excellency's wish
to frustrate any plan you may have in view for the benefit of
the service, so far as it can possibly be avoided, consistent
with a due attention to more important objects.
I am, with respect, sir, your most obedient,
Alex. Hamilton, A. D. C.
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? HAMILTON. Ill
He proceeded through the Highlands to Peekskill, where
becoming seriously indisposed, he addressed a letter to Gene-
ral Washington, dated November 15, Mr. Kennedy's House.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
I arrived at this place last night, and unfortunately find my-
self unable to proceed any farther. Imagining I had gotten
the better of my complaint which confined me at Governor
Clinton's, and anxious to be about attending to the march of
the troops, the day before yesterday I crossed the ferry in or-
der to fall in with General Glover's brigade, which was on its
march from Poughkeepsie to Fishkill. I did not, however,
see it myself, but received a letter from Colonel Shepherd,
who commands the brigade, informing me he would be last
night at Fishkill, and this night at King's Ferry. Wagons, &c.
are provided on the other side for his accommodation, so that
there need be no delay but what is voluntary; and I believe
Colonel Shepherd is as well disposed as could be wished to
hasten his march. General Poor's brigade crossed the ferry
the day before yesterday. Two York regiments, Cortland's
and Livingston's, are with them: they were unwilling to be
separated from the brigade, and the brigade from them.
General Putnam was unwilling to keep them with him, and if
he had consented to do it, the regiments to replace them
would not join you six days as soon as these. The troops
now remaining with General Putnam, will amount to about
the number you intended, though they are not exactly the
same. He has detached Colonel Charles Webb's regiment
to you. He says the troops with him are not in a condition
to march, being destitute of shoes, stockings, and other neces-
saries; but I believe the true reasons of his being unwilling
to pursue the mode pointed out by ycu, were his aversion to
the York troops, and his desire to retain General Parsons with
him. I am, with much respect and esteem,
Your excellency's most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
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? 112 THE LIFE OF
His delicate frame, exhausted by his exertions, sunk under
the fatigue, and he was prevented by indisposition from re-
joining the army until a short time before it entered into win-
ter quarters at Valley Forge. While anxiously waiting his
recovery, in the expectation of participating in the decisive
blow which he still cherished the hope might be given to the
enemy, he had the gratification of receiving a letter from
General Washington, dated November 15, 1777.
DEAR SIR,
I have duly received your several favours from the time
you left me to that of the 12th instant. I approve entirely of
all the steps you have taken, and have only to wish that the
exertions of those you have had to deal with, had kept pace
with your zeal and good intentions. I hope your health will,
before this, have permitted you to push on the rear of the
whole reinforcement beyond New-Windsor. Some of the
enemy's ships have arrived in the Delaware, but how many
have troops on board, I cannot exactly ascertain. The ene-
my has lately damaged Fort Mifflin considerably, but our
people keep possession, and seem determined to do so to the
last extremity. Our loss in men has been but small, -- Cap-
tain Treat is unfortunately among the killed. I wish you a
safe return, and am, dear sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.
A careful survey of Hamilton's letters, justifies the conclu-
sion, that it would have been difficult to have adopted a hap-
pier mode of attaining the objects of his mission. The situa-
tion in which he was placed was extremely difficult, one
which required the most careful examination of opposite con-
siderations, in which an error might have involved his prin-
cipal in the greatest embarrassment, and might have resulted
in the overthrow of all his youthful hopes.
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? HAMILTON. 113
An ordinary mind, overawed by the imposing situation of
General Gates, would have acquiesced in the reasons assign-
ed by him for the retention of the troops.
A determined youth, clothed with plenary powers, might
have yielded to the tempting impulse of showing his authority,
by requiring the whole force by a peremptory order, which
if obeyed, might have produced a general discontent towards
Washington, that would have been augmented by the cla-
mours of the partizans of Gates in congress, and by his un-
bounded popularity in the eastern states, and if disobeyed,
would have brought his authority into contempt.
Hamilton was aware of the difficulties of his situation, and
while he fulfilled his orders, he shielded the commander-in-
chief from all possible censure, and by his prudence deprived
his enemies of every pretence of complaint; but after having
ascertained that public opinion would sustain him in a more
peremptory procedure, that the shallowness of General Gates'
objections were perceived by all the military men at Albany,
and that the people disbelieved the existence of any public
necessity for the detention of the troops; penetrating the
real motives of the delay, and believing this policy to be in
subservience to that dangerous ambition which menaced the
most alarming consequences to the republic, though still
mingling mildness with energy, he assumed a bolder tone of
remonstrance, made manifest the misconduct of Gates, and
obtained more than his nice discretion had at first ventured to
insist upon.
This deportment of a lad of twenty, negotiating with an
officer buoyed up with his recent successes, already placed
before the popular eye as the rival of Washington, sustained
by a majority of congress, and hoping soon to supplant him,
will be regarded as not the least remarkable, nor the least in-
teresting incident of his life; -- by Washington it never was
forgotten.
While doing justice to the subject of this memoir, it is pain-
VOl. I. 15
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? 114 THE LIFE OF
ful to raise the veil, and to dissipate those pleasing illusions,
cherished from childhood, towards every eminent actor in
the revolutionary struggle, which have ripened into a sen-
timent little short of personal attachment, more especially
when the person inculpated is General Putnam.
Of some of these individuals, political differences have
tinged the character with its baneful hues, and the merit of
winning national independence has beenforgotten, or thrown
far into the shade by the more prominent interests which
have since agitated the commonwealth; but the claims of
Putnam stand alone upon his military achievements, and the
story of his wondrous perils, and of his eminent prowess, is
intermingled with, and has become a part of our national
romance, so that we cannot endure that even the truth
should lessen aught of the brightness of his glory. His
rustic manners, and his imperfect education, have rather
added to his reputation with the people,delighted to approxi-
mate him to themselves, and to appropriate a part of his
fame; and he is associated in their minds with the rural con-
suls and dictators of uncorrupted Rome; but higher duties
are to be fulfilled than to gratify national pride, and the
story of the revolution is but half told when those difficul-
ties are concealed, which were encountered and overcome
by the men who achieved the liberty of their country.
The consequences of the delays which had been inter-
posed in reinforcing the army were soon and sadly felt. --
The fall of Fort Mifflin was a prelude to the evacuation of
Red Bank. A reinforcement from New-York, enabled
Cornwallis, with a detachment of two thousand men, to
cross the river; from the procrastination in forming a
junction with Glover's brigade, then on their march through
the Jersies, General Greene found himself too weak to in-
tercept his adversary, and on the night of the twentieth of
November, after the waste of so many lives, the water guard
was destroyed, and the defences of the Delaware fell into
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? HAMILTON. 115
the hands of the enemy. * Howe, strengthened by the suc-
cours which now reached him, was enabled to hold posses-
sion of Philadelphia during the ensuing winter, "though just
before the reduction of the forts, he balanced upon the point
of quitting that city. "
A letter from General Washington to congress, of the
tenth of December, in which he mentions the movement of
the enemy to Chestnut Hill, and their sudden retreat, ex-
presses " a regret that they had not come to an engagement. "
This retreat was unquestionably owing to a discovery of the
increased strength of the Americans. From this may be
inferred Howe's condition at that moment, and it justifies
the conclusion, that a prompt obedience to the orders con-
veyed by Hamilton, on the parts of Gates and Putnam,
would not only have saved the defences of the river, so long
and gallantly maintained, but by enabling the Americans
to take a strong position in the vicinity of Red Bank, would
have cut off the communication between the British army
and fleet, and fulfilling Washington's prophecy, Howe would
have been reduced to the situation of Burgoyne, thus pro-
bably terminating the war in the second year of our inde-
pendence. !
* A very elaborate and able letter, August, 1777, discussing at great length
the nature of the river defence proper to be adopted, is on file at Washing-
ton, in the handwriting of Hamilton.
f The conduct of Putnam, on this occasion, entered deeply into the breast
of Washington; and we find him, in a letter from Valley Forge, dated March
6,1778, thus expressing himself, in reference to the command at Rhode If land:
"They also know with more certainty than I do, what will be the determina-
tion of congress respecting General Putnam; and, of course, whether the ap-
pointment of him to such a command as that at Rhode Island would fall within
their views. It being incumbent on me to observe, that with such materials as
I am furnished, the toork must go on, -- whether well or ill is another matter. --
If, therefore, he and others are not laid aside, they must be placed where they
eon least injure the service. "
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? CHAPTER VII.
[1777. ]
The history of the Revolution, as it has usually been
told, is full of the marvellous. It is the portraiture of a
civil conflict without vices or intrigues ; -- the narrative of
a league without refractory members.
Three millions of people have been represented as burst-
ing from the bondage of Great Britain, and submitting
without a question to the mild control of a government of
their own choice; and the curious inquirer, looking for the
usual play of the passions which marks the conduct of
men under such circumstances, has been asked to believe
that, in this instance, all former experience was false; that
the sudden assumption of political rights was unattended
with abuse, and that in America, resistance to oppression
clothed all the leaders of the opposition with more than
human virtues.
Yielding to this pleasing illusion, and pointing to the
light bonds of the confederacy, it has been inferred that
man can dispense with government, and that here at last
has been found that which the wildest enthusiast hardly
dared to hope, -- a state of society where "men created
free and equal," require nothing more to make them vir-
tuous and happy.
Without examining the premises from which this infer-
ence is derived, reason and the experience of this country
prove the falsity of the conclusion; and it is believed, that
a true narrative of the twelve years which preceded the
adoption of the present constitution of the United States,
would show, that never did a people placed under circum-
stances so propitious to their well-being incur more unne-
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? 118 THE LIFE OF
cessary suffering, privation, and wrong than the American;
and that this is chiefly attributable to the jealousy of power
which was encouraged by demagogues, and to the feeble-
ness of the league whose powers they often arbitrarily ad-
ministered.
These false appearances have been assumed to amuse
(he public mind; and in the emulation of flattery, truth in
all its just proportions has been excluded from the view.
The glory which the two first congresses shed upon the
revolution seems to have dazzled every judgment as to the
conduct of their successors; and instead of those salutary
lessons which are to be derived from their errors and mis-
conduct, the freedom of history has been restrained, and
those lights and shades which form part of every picture in
which man is exhibited, are merged in a general blaze of
indiscriminate admiration.
He will approach nearer to the truth, who while he re-
presents the American people at first earnestly hoping a re-
conciliation with Great Britain, then angered by her mena-
ces, and exasperated by her measures of coercion, entering
upon the contest, stimulated by a sudden and intense desire
of independence, as the only refuge,--in its progress some-
times doubting, often misled, but always true to their prin-
ciples, and in all the ordinary features of their character
raised and exalted, shows that they were sustained through-
out this arduous struggle by the eminent qualities and pre-
eminent popularity of one man, aided by the enlightened
counsels of a few virtuous friends, who seemed raised up by
providence to establish a great nation.
Among the arts of a later period, it has been contended
as an evidence of the virtues of the times, but for the pur-
pose of shielding individual misconduct, that Washington's
course was unimpeded by opposition; and that a man raised
far above his cotemporaries, and resting on the support of
a body as variable as the congress of the confederation, was
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? HAMILTON. 119
not an object of envy, and was at all times secure and firm
in his position when every thing around him was in a state
of fluctuation.
It falls, in natural connexion with the incidents of the
preceding chapter, to show that it was the want of power,
not the want of inclination, which prevented Washington,
now revered as the Father of his Country, from being treat-
ed as a mere soldier of fortune.
The materials for this purpose, from the silence of the
journals of congress, are imperfect; but from amidst the
errors which have been promulgated respecting the pro-
ceedings of those secret councils where falsehood lies in
ambush, enough may be gathered to establish this allega-
tion.
As the origin of the great parties which have since divi-
ded this country had an intimate connexion with the pro-
ject of forcing General Washington from the command of
the army, a brief narrative of these events comes within
the scope of this work.
On the fifteenth of June, 1775, Colonel Washington was
unanimously elected, and on the seventeenth, the day on
which the battle of Bunker's Hill was fought, was commis-
sioned as commander-in-chief.
The enviable distinction of having nominated him to this
place belongs to Thomas Johnson of Maryland, who soon
after signalized his patriotism by hastening from civil life
with a body of Maryland troops, to join the army during its
retreat through New-Jersey, and who as a just tribute to
his virtues and talents was elected the first governor of that
state.
As this circumstance is not only one of great public in-
terest, but had an important bearing on the political desti-
nies of the country, and more especially as it has been er-
roneously supposed that this honour was claimed by John
Adams, a distinguished member of that congress, it becomes
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? 120 THE LIFE OF
important to give the evidence on which this statement rests-
It is found in the following extract of a letter from that gen-
tleman to Colonel Pickering, dated August 6th, 1822. After
giving an account of his journey to Philadelphia in 1775,
in company with Cushing, Samuel Adams, and Paine, "four
poor pilgrims," Mr. John Adams says, "they were met at
Frankfort by Doctor Rush, Mr. Mifflin, Mr. Bayard, and
others, who desired a conference, and particularly caution-
ed not to lisp the word 'Independence. ' They added, you
must not come forward with any bold measures; you must
not pretend to take the lead; you know Virginia is the most
populous state in the union; they are very proud of their
ancient dominion, as they call it; they think they have a
right to take the lead, and the southern states and middle
states are too much disposed to yield it to them. This was
plain dealing, Mr. Pickering; and, I must confess, that
there appeared so much wisdom and good sense in it, that
it made a deep impression on my mind, and it had an equal
effect on all my colleagues. This conversation, and the
principles, facts, and motives suggested in it, have given a
colour, complexion, and character to the whole policy of
the United States from that day to this. Without it, Mr.
Washington would never have commanded our armies, nor
Mr. Jefferson have been the author of the declaration of in-
dependence, nor Mr. Richard Henry Lee the mover of it,
nor Mr. Chase the mover of foreign connexions.
"If I have ever had cause to repent of any part of this
policy, that repentance ever has been, and ever will be, una-
vailing. -- I had forgot to say, nor had Mr. Johnson ever
have been the nominator of Washington for General. "
The signal merit which he had evinced in the war of
seventeen hundred and fifty-six, justly secured to him a pre-
ference over every native American, and public feeling
would have endured no other than a native.
Congress duly appreciated the popular sentiment, and
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? HAMILTON. 121
while they gladly availed themselves of foreign military ex-
perience, two days after* selected Artemas Ward of Mas-
sachusetts, as second in command, to fill the vacancy which
might occur in case of the fall of Washington; thus care-
fully avoiding the possibility of a foreigner being at the
head of their armies.
In a season of profound peace, the revolution opened an
attractive prospect to military men; and foreigners in crowds
proffered their services, urging their pretensions at a time
when it was imagined that military experience could not
be purchased at too high a price.
Of those who were first employed, the most conspicuous
was General Charles Lee, a native of England, who had
served in the British army in America. His romantic
temper led him to seek distinction in the most remote and
opposite regions of Europe ; he became a soldier of fortune,
and served with equal interest in Portugal against the
Spaniards, and in Poland against the Turks. Conscious of
his own superiority, though of humble birth, he endured
with bitter discontent the preference which he alleged, in
his native country, interest enjoyed over unassisted merit.
A sense of disappointment rankled in his breast, and yield-
ing to this influence, and to the impulses of a wayward na-
ture, he became an impetuous republican. With such feel-
ings, the new world suddenly opened an unlimited sphere
to his ambition, and, at the same time, presented to him the
prospect of contending in arms against the men whom pa-
tronage had preferred to him, and of avenging himself upon
those privileged orders, which, in his own estimate of his
talents, he imagined had been the only obstacle to his ad-
vancement. Opinions so congenial with those which were
beginning to prevail in America, strongly recommended
him, and in the first selection of the general staff, he was
* June 17, 1775.
VOL. I. 16
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? 122 THE LIFE OF
appointed a Major General, next in rank to Ward, on whose
resignation he became second in command.
Although his military experience was considerable, such
were the singular eccentricities of his character, that he
soon alarmed those who guided the early councils of the
country, by the most arbitrary acts and startling indiscre-
tions. But nevertheless, he enjoyed the confidence of the
people, who mistook his extravagances for genius, and who
imagined that they saw even in the irregularities of his mind
evidences of resources which only waited an opportunity
for their display.
Led away by the impetuosity of his temper, he often
transcended the strict bounds of his profession; but for
every violation of discipline, his ready wit furnished a plau-
sible excuse, while his reputed knowledge gave him an in-
fluence with the uninformed, to whom he was the more
recommended by the pointed sarcasms which were always
at his command.
His sneers and his apothegms were widely circulated,
and men yielded a tacit approbation to covert jests, which
would have been withheld from an open avowal of disap-
probation.
Under this malign influence, the public consideration of
the commander-in-chief, after the defeat on Long Island,
the evacuation of New-York, the surrender of Fort Wash-
ington, and the retreat through the Jersies, though exalted
by the brilliant enterprises of Trenton and Princeton, be-
gan to diminish. But happily for Washington, most hap-
pily for his country, while disaffection was concentrating
on this half hero, half madman, he was captured, under cir-
cumstances little creditable to his reputation.
The individual who next presented himself to the eye of
faction, was Horatio Gates. Of humble origin, but usher-
ed into life under the auspices of nobility, Gates was ap-
pointed an ensign in the British army, and served in the
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? HAMILTON. 123
West Indies, where he was distinguished by being selected
as bearer of the despatches announcing the capture of Mar-
tinique. He subsequently visited America, and was with
Washington in the defeat of Braddock, in which engage-
ment he received a wound.
He returned to England for a short time, but induced
by similar considerations with those which actuated Gene-
ral Lee, he revisited America, and retired to a plantation
in Virginia, endeavouring there to forget that his native
country had not duly appreciated his value.
At the opening of the revolution, and, it has been stated,
upon the recommendation of General Washington, he was
appointed Adjutant General of the army, and in May, 1776,
was elected a Major General, Thomas Mifflin being cho-
sen to fill the vacancy which the promotion of Gates had
created. In the ensuing month he was directed to take the
command in Canada, and such was the temper he thus
early displayed, that congress found it necessary, soon af-
ter, to pass a resolution, that they had no design to invest
him with a superior command to Schuyler, while the troops
were within the bounds of the states.
By a series of intrigues, he recommended himself to the
favour of a large party in congress, and soon after Schuy-
ler had taken all the preparatory steps for the capture of
Burgoyne, such was the clamour raised against him by the
New-England troops, that he was superseded just in time
to transfer his laurels to the brow of Gates.
The capture of a British army swelled his fame ;-- the
people, bewildered with his success, turned in murmurs to-
wards Washington, and forgetting what he had done, de-
manded, with the levity of recent good fortune, why more
had not been accomplished? Emboldened by this feeling,
the enemies of the commander-in-chief now cast their hopes
upon his rival, as a fit instrument of their designs.
But never was a cabal more unfortunate in its selection.
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? 124 THE LITE OF
Weak and vainglorious, Gates had precisely those traits of
character which would recommend him to the designing,
without the penetration to discover that he was used as a
tool. Presumptuous and irresolute, he engaged in intrigues
which he had not the sagacity to direct, and sought respon-
sibilities which he had not the firmness to sustain.
This man, the giddy object of the hopes and fears of the
discontented, was, through the arts of his partizans, pos-
sessed of the entire confidence of the New-England states,*
where . Washington, though idolized at subsequent periods
of his life, was, at this time, far from being a favourite.
The cause of this may be assigned without difficulty. --
Of the members which composed the American confedera-
cy, the two in all respects the most important and influen-
tial, were the states of Virginia and Massachusetts. Vir-
ginia was the asylum of the cavaliers, -- Massachusetts of
the puritans; and the marked and distinctive traits of cha-
racter of the early settlers, and their attendant prejudices,
continued to present obstacles to any cordiality of feeling.
Their different modes of life, also had an influence in per-
petuating the mutual dislike. The hardy sons of labour in
the east, looked down with disdain, perhaps with envy, on
wealth acquired without personal toil; while the almost
lordly planter, returned with indignation the temper which
could question the tenure of his wealth. With such pre-
disposing causes of collision, it is not matter of surprise that
in New-England, with her more concentrated population
and active capital, the less informed of the people should
ill have brooked that the control of armies, which her war-
like sons principally filled, should be conferred on a soldier
of the south. The jealousy which this selection inspired,
was believed to have led to the resignation of General
Ward, and was not softened by the presence of Washing-
* "He is their idol," said Schuyler, " because he is at their discretion. "
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? HAMILTON. 125
ton before Boston, though followed by the evacuation of
that town, and the removal of the seat of war.
The superior and general intelligence of this population,
imparted to them a spirit of inquiry and vigilance of tem-
per, which entered deeply into the composition of their
character.
Hence flowed their just and early estimate of their co-
lonial rights, which, extending widely through the country,
established the standard of public opinion. -- Hence an ac-
tive and unceasing supervision of the conduct of their rulers,
which constituted each individual a guardian of the inte-
rests of his immediate community. -- Hence a confidence
of opinion, a steadiness of purpose, and an untiring perse-
verance, which form their peculiar, and, perhaps, most va-
luable characteristics.
With these energetic features of character were con-
nected qualities springing from the same source; which,
when they were withdrawn from their ordinary avoca-
tions, produced a spirit of insubordination that rendered
them prone to discontent and difficult of conciliation.
The exertions of Washington to introduce discipline, had
furnished early and unceasing causes of dissatisfaction
among the militia drawn from this section of the country,
who found in the forbearance and connivance of many of
their inferior officers, not only occasions of panegyric, but
motives of continued hostility and embittering comparison:
forming a very large proportion of the combattants during
all the war, they claimed a right to direct, and to control
the councils of their superiors; and while their numbers
gave importance to their clamours, it increased the neces-
sity of yielding to them on occasions, when to yield was to
surrender every principle of authority.
In the frequent drafts made upon her patriotism, the
feelings of the soldiers rapidly extended to the mass of the
people of New-England; and while no portion of the union
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? 126 THE LIFE OF
displayed more devotion to the cause of the revolution, in
none was it more difficult to silence the clamours of the dis-
contented. The superior population, -- the larger quotas
furnished to the army, -- the more faithful discharge of the
public burthens, were among the topics which their pride
naturally dwelt upon, and not without reason; for one state
alone furnished a fourth of the troops which sustained
the revolution: and not less just than forcible was the de-
claration of Hamilton, when, to express his high respect
for her exertions, he said "that Massachusetts was the
pivot on which the revolution turned. " The consciousness
of this gave rise to claims of superiority, which were che-
rished by several of the leading individuals of that part of
the country, who, by encouraging these sentiments served
their own popularity at home, and, as they imagined, con-
firmed their title to a preponderance in the confederacy.
The calamities which befel the army on the invasion of
Canada, and the series of disasters which followed the
battle of Long Island, were alike attributed by them to the
incapacity of the commander-in-chief; and they were only
waiting until some officer should be presented to the na-
tion in a favourable point of view, to support him as a rival
for public confidence, and the highest command.
It has been mentioned that the capture of Lee removed
Him from the public eye, and that the same party then di-
rected their attention to General Gates. The evacuation
of Ticonderoga, by St. Clair, though wholly unknown to
General Schuyler, was a reverse of fortune magnified and
misrepresented, and the opportunity of bestowing on their
favourite so important a command, outweighed every con-
sideration of delicacy to Schuyler, and was the more rea-
dily embraced because it was contrary to the known wishes
of Washington, the judgment of Jay, and the feelings of
New-York, which had evinced a steady determination to
support the commander-in-chief. The hostility of this party,
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? HAMILTON. 127
which was disarmed by the success at Trenton, began to
indicate itself anew after the affair of Germantown, when
the misconduct of part of the troops called forth censures
from head quarters, and led to numerous arrests.
On such occasions, the bravest officers cannot always
escape unmerited obloquy; and, unfortunately, individuals
were found among them who too readily listened to over-
tures to join the cabal.
Letters, written under feelings of irritation, were address-
ed to the northern army, and circulated throughout the
country. The newspapers were called in aid to dissemi-
nate the poison, and as soon as the victory of Saratoga was
announced, the designs of the faction, which was known as
the "Monster Party," were openly evinced in the most as-
siduous attentions to Gates, and extravagant eulogiums on
his conduct, and in marked disrespect of Washington, and
undisguised censures of his policy.
Among the most active partizans of the opposition, were
a few foreigners, who arriving in this country with preten-
sions to the first grades in the army, had been found not to
possess any real title to preferment. Of these, the foremost
was Thomas Conway, who appearing before congress with
the rank of Colonel in the French army, and decorated with
the cross of the order of Saint Louis, -- a vain, weak intri-
guer, had been, in the preceding spring, elected to the com-
mand of a brigade. Soon understood by Washington,
Conway became his enemy, and opened a correspondence
with Gates, in which, by flattering his vanity, and ridicu-
ling the commander-in-chief, he confirmed him in the idea
that he might easily supplant him.
Winter had now closed in, and while Washington was
engaged in efforts to provide for his famishing and almost
naked army, a communication was received from General
Gates, marked with all the insolence of anticipated triumph.
A paragraph in a letter from Conway to Gates, "in which
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? 128 THE LIFE OF
General Washington's conduct was made the subject of
free discussion and injurious remark, was the first occur-
rence which called forth the attention of the commander-in-
chief; to this correspondence Gates lent a willing ear, and
his answers to General Conway's letters were very much
the echoes of the sentiments those letters contained. "* The
inquiries which ensued on the disclosure of this correspond-
ence alarmed Gates, who with a view to fix the imputation
on General Washington of having practised indirect means
to arrive at the contents of his confidential correspondence,
wrote him the letter referred to, throwing out an imputa-
tion that the extracts had been "stealingly copied," which
was transmitted to him through the hands of the President
of Congress.
GATES TO WASHINGTON.
Albany, December 8th, 1777.
SIR,
I shall not attempt to describe what, as a private gentle-
man, I cannot help feeling, on representing to my mind the
disagreeable situation in which confidential letters, when
exposed to public inspection, may place an unsuspecting
correspondent; but as a public officer, I conjure your ex-
cellency to give me all the assistance you can, in tracing
out the author of the infidelity which put extracts from
General Conway's letters to me into your hands.
Those letters have been stealingly copied, but which of
them, when, and by whom, is to me yet an unfathomable
secret.
There is not one officer in my suite, nor amongst those
who have free access to me, upon whom I could, with the
least justification to myself, fix the suspicion, and yet my
uneasines may deprive me of the usefulness of the wor-
* Statement of facts, by Colonel Troup, who was an aid of Gates.
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? HAMILTON. 129
thiest men. It is, / believe, in your excellency's power to
do me and the United States a very important service by
detecting a wretch who may betray me, and capitally in-
jure the very operations under your immediate directions.
For this reason, sir, I beg your excellency will favour me
with the proof you can procure to that effect. But the crime
being eventually so important, that the least loss of time
may be attended with the worst consequences, and it being
unknown to me whether the letter came to you from a mem-
ber of congress or an officer, I shall have the honour of
transmitting a copy of this to the president, that the congress
may, in concert with your excellency, obtain as soon as pos-
sible a discovery which so deeply affects the safety of the
states.
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? HAMILTON. 10?
He thinks that there is no need of more continental troops
here than a few to give a spur to the militia in working
upon the fortifications. In pursuance of this, I have given
the directions before mentioned. If General Putnam at-
tends to them, the troops under him may be with you nearly
as early as any of the others, (though he has unluckily
marched them down to Tarrytown,) and General Glover's
brigade, when it gets up, will be more than sufficient to
answer the true end of this post.
If your excellency agrees with me in opinion, it will be
well to send instant directions to General Putnam to pur-
sue the object I have mentioned, for I doubt whether he will
attend to any thing I shall say, notwithstanding it comes in
the shape of a positive order. I fear unless you interpose,
the works here will go on so feebly for want of men, that
they will not be completed in time; whereas, it appears to
me of the greatest importance they should be pushed with
the utmost vigour. Governor Clinton will do every thing
in his power. I wish General Putnam was recalled from
the command of this post, and Governor Clinton would ac-
cept it: -- the blunders and caprices of the former are end-
less. Believe me, sir, no body can be more impressed with
the importance of forwarding the reinforcements coming
to you with all speed, nor could any body have endeavour-
ed to promote it more than I have done; but the ignorance
of some, and the design of others, have been almost insu-
perable obstacles. I am very unwell, but I shall not spare
myself to get things immediately in a proper train, and for
that purpose intend, unless I receive other orders from you,
to continue with the troops in the progress of their march.
As soon as I get General Poor's brigade in march, I shall
proceed to General Putnam's at Peekskill.
On the twelfth of November, he addressed another let-
ter to General Washington, in which he says, "I have been
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? 108 THE LIFE OF
detained here these two days by a fever and violent rheu-
matic pains throughout my body. This has prevented my
being active in person for promoting the purposes of my
errand, but I have taken every other method in my power,
in which Governor Clinton has obligingly given me all the
aid he could. In answer to my pressing application to Ge-
neral Poor for the immediate marching of his brigade, I was
told they were under an operation for the itch, which made
it impossible for them to proceed, till the effects of it were
over. By a letter, however, of yesterday, General Poor*
informs me he would certainly march this morning. I must
do him the justice to say, he appears solicitous to join you,
and that I believe the past delay is not owing to any fault
of his, but is wholly chargeable on General Putnam. In-
deed, sir, I owe it to the service to say, that every part of
this gentleman's conduct is marked with blunder and negli-
gence, and gives general disgust.
"Parson's brigade will join you, I hope, in five or six days
from this; Learned's brigade may do the same ; Poor's will,
I am persuaded, make all the haste they can for the future,
and Glover's may be expected at Fishkill to-night, whence
they will be pushed forward as fast as I can have any influ-
ence to make them go; but I am sorry to say, the disposition
for marching in the officers and men does not keep pace with
my wishes or the exigency of the occasion. They have un-
fortunately imbibed an idea that they have done their part of
the business of the campaign, and are now entitled to repose.
This, and the want of pay, makes them averse to a long march
at this advanced season.
"* * * * In a letter from General Putnam, just now receiv-
ed by Governor Clinton, he appears to have been the 10th
instant at King's Street, at the White Plains. I have had no
* This gentleman died 9th September, 1780. Washington says of him,--
"an officer of distinguished merit, who, as a citizen and a soldier, had every
claim to the esteem of his country. "
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? HAMILTON. 109
answer to my last applications. The enemy appear to have
stripped New-York very bare. The people there, that is the
tories, are in a great fright: this adds to my anxiety that
the reinforcements from this quarter to you are not in greater
forwardness and more considerable.
"I have written to General Gates, informing him of the ac-
counts of the situation of New-York with respect to troops,
and the probability of the force gone to Howe being greater
than was at first expected, to try if this will not extort from him
a farther reinforcement. I don't, however, expect much from
him, as he pretends to have in view an expedition against Ti-
conderoga, to be undertaken in the winter, and he knows that
under the sanction of this idea, calculated to catch the eastern
people, he may, without censure, retain the troops; and as I
shall be under the necessity of speaking plainly to you when I
have the pleasure of seeing you, I shall not hesitate to say, I
doubt whether you would have had a man from the northern
army if the whole could have been kept at Albany with any
decency. Perhaps you will think me blameable in not having
exercised the powers you gave me, and given a positive order.
Perhaps I have been so; but deliberately weighing all cir-
cumstances, I did not, and do not think it advisable to do it. "
Hamilton then crossed the river to Fishkill, in order to have
another interview with General Putnam, whence he wrote
a second letter to General Gates.
HAMILTON TO GATES.
November 12th, 1777.
SIR,
Ever since my arrival in this quarter, I have been endeav-
ouring to collect the best idea I could of the state of things in
New-York, in order the better to form a judgment of the pro-
bable reinforcement gone to General Howe. On the whole,
this is a fact well ascertained, that New-York has been strip-
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? 110 THE LIFE OF
ped as bare as possible; that in consequence of this, the few
troops there and the inhab ^ants are under so strong appre-
hensions of an attack, as almost to amount to a panic; that
to supply the deficiency of men, every effort is making to ex-
cite the citizens to arms for the defence of the city. For this
purpose, the public papers are full of addresses to them, that
plainly speak the apprehensions prevailing on the occasion.
Hence I infer that a formidable force is gone to General
Howe. The calculations made by those who have had the
best opportunities of judging, carry the number from six to
seven thousand. If so, the number gone and going to Gene-
ral Washington is far inferior, -- five thousand at the utmost.
The militia were all detained by General Putnam, till it be-
came too late to send them.
The state of things I gave you when I had the pleasure of
seeing you, was, to the best of my judgment, sacredly true.
I give you the present information, that you may decide whe-
ther any farther succour can with propriety come from you.
The fleet, with the troops on board, sailed out of the Hook
the 5th instant. This circumstance demonstrates, beyond
a possibility of doubt, that it is General Howe's fixed intention
to endeavour to hold Philadelphia at all hazards, and removes
all danger of any farther operations up the North river this
winter; otherwise Sir Henry Clinton's movement at this
advanced season is altogether inexplicable.
If you can with propriety afford any farther assistance, the
most expeditious mode of conveying it, will be to acquaint Ge-
neral Putnam of it, that he may send on the troops with him,
to be replaced by them. You, sir, best know the uses to
which the troops with you are to be applied, and will deter-
mine accordingly. I am certain it is not his excellency's wish
to frustrate any plan you may have in view for the benefit of
the service, so far as it can possibly be avoided, consistent
with a due attention to more important objects.
I am, with respect, sir, your most obedient,
Alex. Hamilton, A. D. C.
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? HAMILTON. Ill
He proceeded through the Highlands to Peekskill, where
becoming seriously indisposed, he addressed a letter to Gene-
ral Washington, dated November 15, Mr. Kennedy's House.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
I arrived at this place last night, and unfortunately find my-
self unable to proceed any farther. Imagining I had gotten
the better of my complaint which confined me at Governor
Clinton's, and anxious to be about attending to the march of
the troops, the day before yesterday I crossed the ferry in or-
der to fall in with General Glover's brigade, which was on its
march from Poughkeepsie to Fishkill. I did not, however,
see it myself, but received a letter from Colonel Shepherd,
who commands the brigade, informing me he would be last
night at Fishkill, and this night at King's Ferry. Wagons, &c.
are provided on the other side for his accommodation, so that
there need be no delay but what is voluntary; and I believe
Colonel Shepherd is as well disposed as could be wished to
hasten his march. General Poor's brigade crossed the ferry
the day before yesterday. Two York regiments, Cortland's
and Livingston's, are with them: they were unwilling to be
separated from the brigade, and the brigade from them.
General Putnam was unwilling to keep them with him, and if
he had consented to do it, the regiments to replace them
would not join you six days as soon as these. The troops
now remaining with General Putnam, will amount to about
the number you intended, though they are not exactly the
same. He has detached Colonel Charles Webb's regiment
to you. He says the troops with him are not in a condition
to march, being destitute of shoes, stockings, and other neces-
saries; but I believe the true reasons of his being unwilling
to pursue the mode pointed out by ycu, were his aversion to
the York troops, and his desire to retain General Parsons with
him. I am, with much respect and esteem,
Your excellency's most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
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? 112 THE LIFE OF
His delicate frame, exhausted by his exertions, sunk under
the fatigue, and he was prevented by indisposition from re-
joining the army until a short time before it entered into win-
ter quarters at Valley Forge. While anxiously waiting his
recovery, in the expectation of participating in the decisive
blow which he still cherished the hope might be given to the
enemy, he had the gratification of receiving a letter from
General Washington, dated November 15, 1777.
DEAR SIR,
I have duly received your several favours from the time
you left me to that of the 12th instant. I approve entirely of
all the steps you have taken, and have only to wish that the
exertions of those you have had to deal with, had kept pace
with your zeal and good intentions. I hope your health will,
before this, have permitted you to push on the rear of the
whole reinforcement beyond New-Windsor. Some of the
enemy's ships have arrived in the Delaware, but how many
have troops on board, I cannot exactly ascertain. The ene-
my has lately damaged Fort Mifflin considerably, but our
people keep possession, and seem determined to do so to the
last extremity. Our loss in men has been but small, -- Cap-
tain Treat is unfortunately among the killed. I wish you a
safe return, and am, dear sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.
A careful survey of Hamilton's letters, justifies the conclu-
sion, that it would have been difficult to have adopted a hap-
pier mode of attaining the objects of his mission. The situa-
tion in which he was placed was extremely difficult, one
which required the most careful examination of opposite con-
siderations, in which an error might have involved his prin-
cipal in the greatest embarrassment, and might have resulted
in the overthrow of all his youthful hopes.
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? HAMILTON. 113
An ordinary mind, overawed by the imposing situation of
General Gates, would have acquiesced in the reasons assign-
ed by him for the retention of the troops.
A determined youth, clothed with plenary powers, might
have yielded to the tempting impulse of showing his authority,
by requiring the whole force by a peremptory order, which
if obeyed, might have produced a general discontent towards
Washington, that would have been augmented by the cla-
mours of the partizans of Gates in congress, and by his un-
bounded popularity in the eastern states, and if disobeyed,
would have brought his authority into contempt.
Hamilton was aware of the difficulties of his situation, and
while he fulfilled his orders, he shielded the commander-in-
chief from all possible censure, and by his prudence deprived
his enemies of every pretence of complaint; but after having
ascertained that public opinion would sustain him in a more
peremptory procedure, that the shallowness of General Gates'
objections were perceived by all the military men at Albany,
and that the people disbelieved the existence of any public
necessity for the detention of the troops; penetrating the
real motives of the delay, and believing this policy to be in
subservience to that dangerous ambition which menaced the
most alarming consequences to the republic, though still
mingling mildness with energy, he assumed a bolder tone of
remonstrance, made manifest the misconduct of Gates, and
obtained more than his nice discretion had at first ventured to
insist upon.
This deportment of a lad of twenty, negotiating with an
officer buoyed up with his recent successes, already placed
before the popular eye as the rival of Washington, sustained
by a majority of congress, and hoping soon to supplant him,
will be regarded as not the least remarkable, nor the least in-
teresting incident of his life; -- by Washington it never was
forgotten.
While doing justice to the subject of this memoir, it is pain-
VOl. I. 15
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? 114 THE LIFE OF
ful to raise the veil, and to dissipate those pleasing illusions,
cherished from childhood, towards every eminent actor in
the revolutionary struggle, which have ripened into a sen-
timent little short of personal attachment, more especially
when the person inculpated is General Putnam.
Of some of these individuals, political differences have
tinged the character with its baneful hues, and the merit of
winning national independence has beenforgotten, or thrown
far into the shade by the more prominent interests which
have since agitated the commonwealth; but the claims of
Putnam stand alone upon his military achievements, and the
story of his wondrous perils, and of his eminent prowess, is
intermingled with, and has become a part of our national
romance, so that we cannot endure that even the truth
should lessen aught of the brightness of his glory. His
rustic manners, and his imperfect education, have rather
added to his reputation with the people,delighted to approxi-
mate him to themselves, and to appropriate a part of his
fame; and he is associated in their minds with the rural con-
suls and dictators of uncorrupted Rome; but higher duties
are to be fulfilled than to gratify national pride, and the
story of the revolution is but half told when those difficul-
ties are concealed, which were encountered and overcome
by the men who achieved the liberty of their country.
The consequences of the delays which had been inter-
posed in reinforcing the army were soon and sadly felt. --
The fall of Fort Mifflin was a prelude to the evacuation of
Red Bank. A reinforcement from New-York, enabled
Cornwallis, with a detachment of two thousand men, to
cross the river; from the procrastination in forming a
junction with Glover's brigade, then on their march through
the Jersies, General Greene found himself too weak to in-
tercept his adversary, and on the night of the twentieth of
November, after the waste of so many lives, the water guard
was destroyed, and the defences of the Delaware fell into
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? HAMILTON. 115
the hands of the enemy. * Howe, strengthened by the suc-
cours which now reached him, was enabled to hold posses-
sion of Philadelphia during the ensuing winter, "though just
before the reduction of the forts, he balanced upon the point
of quitting that city. "
A letter from General Washington to congress, of the
tenth of December, in which he mentions the movement of
the enemy to Chestnut Hill, and their sudden retreat, ex-
presses " a regret that they had not come to an engagement. "
This retreat was unquestionably owing to a discovery of the
increased strength of the Americans. From this may be
inferred Howe's condition at that moment, and it justifies
the conclusion, that a prompt obedience to the orders con-
veyed by Hamilton, on the parts of Gates and Putnam,
would not only have saved the defences of the river, so long
and gallantly maintained, but by enabling the Americans
to take a strong position in the vicinity of Red Bank, would
have cut off the communication between the British army
and fleet, and fulfilling Washington's prophecy, Howe would
have been reduced to the situation of Burgoyne, thus pro-
bably terminating the war in the second year of our inde-
pendence. !
* A very elaborate and able letter, August, 1777, discussing at great length
the nature of the river defence proper to be adopted, is on file at Washing-
ton, in the handwriting of Hamilton.
f The conduct of Putnam, on this occasion, entered deeply into the breast
of Washington; and we find him, in a letter from Valley Forge, dated March
6,1778, thus expressing himself, in reference to the command at Rhode If land:
"They also know with more certainty than I do, what will be the determina-
tion of congress respecting General Putnam; and, of course, whether the ap-
pointment of him to such a command as that at Rhode Island would fall within
their views. It being incumbent on me to observe, that with such materials as
I am furnished, the toork must go on, -- whether well or ill is another matter. --
If, therefore, he and others are not laid aside, they must be placed where they
eon least injure the service. "
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? CHAPTER VII.
[1777. ]
The history of the Revolution, as it has usually been
told, is full of the marvellous. It is the portraiture of a
civil conflict without vices or intrigues ; -- the narrative of
a league without refractory members.
Three millions of people have been represented as burst-
ing from the bondage of Great Britain, and submitting
without a question to the mild control of a government of
their own choice; and the curious inquirer, looking for the
usual play of the passions which marks the conduct of
men under such circumstances, has been asked to believe
that, in this instance, all former experience was false; that
the sudden assumption of political rights was unattended
with abuse, and that in America, resistance to oppression
clothed all the leaders of the opposition with more than
human virtues.
Yielding to this pleasing illusion, and pointing to the
light bonds of the confederacy, it has been inferred that
man can dispense with government, and that here at last
has been found that which the wildest enthusiast hardly
dared to hope, -- a state of society where "men created
free and equal," require nothing more to make them vir-
tuous and happy.
Without examining the premises from which this infer-
ence is derived, reason and the experience of this country
prove the falsity of the conclusion; and it is believed, that
a true narrative of the twelve years which preceded the
adoption of the present constitution of the United States,
would show, that never did a people placed under circum-
stances so propitious to their well-being incur more unne-
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? 118 THE LIFE OF
cessary suffering, privation, and wrong than the American;
and that this is chiefly attributable to the jealousy of power
which was encouraged by demagogues, and to the feeble-
ness of the league whose powers they often arbitrarily ad-
ministered.
These false appearances have been assumed to amuse
(he public mind; and in the emulation of flattery, truth in
all its just proportions has been excluded from the view.
The glory which the two first congresses shed upon the
revolution seems to have dazzled every judgment as to the
conduct of their successors; and instead of those salutary
lessons which are to be derived from their errors and mis-
conduct, the freedom of history has been restrained, and
those lights and shades which form part of every picture in
which man is exhibited, are merged in a general blaze of
indiscriminate admiration.
He will approach nearer to the truth, who while he re-
presents the American people at first earnestly hoping a re-
conciliation with Great Britain, then angered by her mena-
ces, and exasperated by her measures of coercion, entering
upon the contest, stimulated by a sudden and intense desire
of independence, as the only refuge,--in its progress some-
times doubting, often misled, but always true to their prin-
ciples, and in all the ordinary features of their character
raised and exalted, shows that they were sustained through-
out this arduous struggle by the eminent qualities and pre-
eminent popularity of one man, aided by the enlightened
counsels of a few virtuous friends, who seemed raised up by
providence to establish a great nation.
Among the arts of a later period, it has been contended
as an evidence of the virtues of the times, but for the pur-
pose of shielding individual misconduct, that Washington's
course was unimpeded by opposition; and that a man raised
far above his cotemporaries, and resting on the support of
a body as variable as the congress of the confederation, was
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? HAMILTON. 119
not an object of envy, and was at all times secure and firm
in his position when every thing around him was in a state
of fluctuation.
It falls, in natural connexion with the incidents of the
preceding chapter, to show that it was the want of power,
not the want of inclination, which prevented Washington,
now revered as the Father of his Country, from being treat-
ed as a mere soldier of fortune.
The materials for this purpose, from the silence of the
journals of congress, are imperfect; but from amidst the
errors which have been promulgated respecting the pro-
ceedings of those secret councils where falsehood lies in
ambush, enough may be gathered to establish this allega-
tion.
As the origin of the great parties which have since divi-
ded this country had an intimate connexion with the pro-
ject of forcing General Washington from the command of
the army, a brief narrative of these events comes within
the scope of this work.
On the fifteenth of June, 1775, Colonel Washington was
unanimously elected, and on the seventeenth, the day on
which the battle of Bunker's Hill was fought, was commis-
sioned as commander-in-chief.
The enviable distinction of having nominated him to this
place belongs to Thomas Johnson of Maryland, who soon
after signalized his patriotism by hastening from civil life
with a body of Maryland troops, to join the army during its
retreat through New-Jersey, and who as a just tribute to
his virtues and talents was elected the first governor of that
state.
As this circumstance is not only one of great public in-
terest, but had an important bearing on the political desti-
nies of the country, and more especially as it has been er-
roneously supposed that this honour was claimed by John
Adams, a distinguished member of that congress, it becomes
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? 120 THE LIFE OF
important to give the evidence on which this statement rests-
It is found in the following extract of a letter from that gen-
tleman to Colonel Pickering, dated August 6th, 1822. After
giving an account of his journey to Philadelphia in 1775,
in company with Cushing, Samuel Adams, and Paine, "four
poor pilgrims," Mr. John Adams says, "they were met at
Frankfort by Doctor Rush, Mr. Mifflin, Mr. Bayard, and
others, who desired a conference, and particularly caution-
ed not to lisp the word 'Independence. ' They added, you
must not come forward with any bold measures; you must
not pretend to take the lead; you know Virginia is the most
populous state in the union; they are very proud of their
ancient dominion, as they call it; they think they have a
right to take the lead, and the southern states and middle
states are too much disposed to yield it to them. This was
plain dealing, Mr. Pickering; and, I must confess, that
there appeared so much wisdom and good sense in it, that
it made a deep impression on my mind, and it had an equal
effect on all my colleagues. This conversation, and the
principles, facts, and motives suggested in it, have given a
colour, complexion, and character to the whole policy of
the United States from that day to this. Without it, Mr.
Washington would never have commanded our armies, nor
Mr. Jefferson have been the author of the declaration of in-
dependence, nor Mr. Richard Henry Lee the mover of it,
nor Mr. Chase the mover of foreign connexions.
"If I have ever had cause to repent of any part of this
policy, that repentance ever has been, and ever will be, una-
vailing. -- I had forgot to say, nor had Mr. Johnson ever
have been the nominator of Washington for General. "
The signal merit which he had evinced in the war of
seventeen hundred and fifty-six, justly secured to him a pre-
ference over every native American, and public feeling
would have endured no other than a native.
Congress duly appreciated the popular sentiment, and
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? HAMILTON. 121
while they gladly availed themselves of foreign military ex-
perience, two days after* selected Artemas Ward of Mas-
sachusetts, as second in command, to fill the vacancy which
might occur in case of the fall of Washington; thus care-
fully avoiding the possibility of a foreigner being at the
head of their armies.
In a season of profound peace, the revolution opened an
attractive prospect to military men; and foreigners in crowds
proffered their services, urging their pretensions at a time
when it was imagined that military experience could not
be purchased at too high a price.
Of those who were first employed, the most conspicuous
was General Charles Lee, a native of England, who had
served in the British army in America. His romantic
temper led him to seek distinction in the most remote and
opposite regions of Europe ; he became a soldier of fortune,
and served with equal interest in Portugal against the
Spaniards, and in Poland against the Turks. Conscious of
his own superiority, though of humble birth, he endured
with bitter discontent the preference which he alleged, in
his native country, interest enjoyed over unassisted merit.
A sense of disappointment rankled in his breast, and yield-
ing to this influence, and to the impulses of a wayward na-
ture, he became an impetuous republican. With such feel-
ings, the new world suddenly opened an unlimited sphere
to his ambition, and, at the same time, presented to him the
prospect of contending in arms against the men whom pa-
tronage had preferred to him, and of avenging himself upon
those privileged orders, which, in his own estimate of his
talents, he imagined had been the only obstacle to his ad-
vancement. Opinions so congenial with those which were
beginning to prevail in America, strongly recommended
him, and in the first selection of the general staff, he was
* June 17, 1775.
VOL. I. 16
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? 122 THE LIFE OF
appointed a Major General, next in rank to Ward, on whose
resignation he became second in command.
Although his military experience was considerable, such
were the singular eccentricities of his character, that he
soon alarmed those who guided the early councils of the
country, by the most arbitrary acts and startling indiscre-
tions. But nevertheless, he enjoyed the confidence of the
people, who mistook his extravagances for genius, and who
imagined that they saw even in the irregularities of his mind
evidences of resources which only waited an opportunity
for their display.
Led away by the impetuosity of his temper, he often
transcended the strict bounds of his profession; but for
every violation of discipline, his ready wit furnished a plau-
sible excuse, while his reputed knowledge gave him an in-
fluence with the uninformed, to whom he was the more
recommended by the pointed sarcasms which were always
at his command.
His sneers and his apothegms were widely circulated,
and men yielded a tacit approbation to covert jests, which
would have been withheld from an open avowal of disap-
probation.
Under this malign influence, the public consideration of
the commander-in-chief, after the defeat on Long Island,
the evacuation of New-York, the surrender of Fort Wash-
ington, and the retreat through the Jersies, though exalted
by the brilliant enterprises of Trenton and Princeton, be-
gan to diminish. But happily for Washington, most hap-
pily for his country, while disaffection was concentrating
on this half hero, half madman, he was captured, under cir-
cumstances little creditable to his reputation.
The individual who next presented himself to the eye of
faction, was Horatio Gates. Of humble origin, but usher-
ed into life under the auspices of nobility, Gates was ap-
pointed an ensign in the British army, and served in the
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? HAMILTON. 123
West Indies, where he was distinguished by being selected
as bearer of the despatches announcing the capture of Mar-
tinique. He subsequently visited America, and was with
Washington in the defeat of Braddock, in which engage-
ment he received a wound.
He returned to England for a short time, but induced
by similar considerations with those which actuated Gene-
ral Lee, he revisited America, and retired to a plantation
in Virginia, endeavouring there to forget that his native
country had not duly appreciated his value.
At the opening of the revolution, and, it has been stated,
upon the recommendation of General Washington, he was
appointed Adjutant General of the army, and in May, 1776,
was elected a Major General, Thomas Mifflin being cho-
sen to fill the vacancy which the promotion of Gates had
created. In the ensuing month he was directed to take the
command in Canada, and such was the temper he thus
early displayed, that congress found it necessary, soon af-
ter, to pass a resolution, that they had no design to invest
him with a superior command to Schuyler, while the troops
were within the bounds of the states.
By a series of intrigues, he recommended himself to the
favour of a large party in congress, and soon after Schuy-
ler had taken all the preparatory steps for the capture of
Burgoyne, such was the clamour raised against him by the
New-England troops, that he was superseded just in time
to transfer his laurels to the brow of Gates.
The capture of a British army swelled his fame ;-- the
people, bewildered with his success, turned in murmurs to-
wards Washington, and forgetting what he had done, de-
manded, with the levity of recent good fortune, why more
had not been accomplished? Emboldened by this feeling,
the enemies of the commander-in-chief now cast their hopes
upon his rival, as a fit instrument of their designs.
But never was a cabal more unfortunate in its selection.
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? 124 THE LITE OF
Weak and vainglorious, Gates had precisely those traits of
character which would recommend him to the designing,
without the penetration to discover that he was used as a
tool. Presumptuous and irresolute, he engaged in intrigues
which he had not the sagacity to direct, and sought respon-
sibilities which he had not the firmness to sustain.
This man, the giddy object of the hopes and fears of the
discontented, was, through the arts of his partizans, pos-
sessed of the entire confidence of the New-England states,*
where . Washington, though idolized at subsequent periods
of his life, was, at this time, far from being a favourite.
The cause of this may be assigned without difficulty. --
Of the members which composed the American confedera-
cy, the two in all respects the most important and influen-
tial, were the states of Virginia and Massachusetts. Vir-
ginia was the asylum of the cavaliers, -- Massachusetts of
the puritans; and the marked and distinctive traits of cha-
racter of the early settlers, and their attendant prejudices,
continued to present obstacles to any cordiality of feeling.
Their different modes of life, also had an influence in per-
petuating the mutual dislike. The hardy sons of labour in
the east, looked down with disdain, perhaps with envy, on
wealth acquired without personal toil; while the almost
lordly planter, returned with indignation the temper which
could question the tenure of his wealth. With such pre-
disposing causes of collision, it is not matter of surprise that
in New-England, with her more concentrated population
and active capital, the less informed of the people should
ill have brooked that the control of armies, which her war-
like sons principally filled, should be conferred on a soldier
of the south. The jealousy which this selection inspired,
was believed to have led to the resignation of General
Ward, and was not softened by the presence of Washing-
* "He is their idol," said Schuyler, " because he is at their discretion. "
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? HAMILTON. 125
ton before Boston, though followed by the evacuation of
that town, and the removal of the seat of war.
The superior and general intelligence of this population,
imparted to them a spirit of inquiry and vigilance of tem-
per, which entered deeply into the composition of their
character.
Hence flowed their just and early estimate of their co-
lonial rights, which, extending widely through the country,
established the standard of public opinion. -- Hence an ac-
tive and unceasing supervision of the conduct of their rulers,
which constituted each individual a guardian of the inte-
rests of his immediate community. -- Hence a confidence
of opinion, a steadiness of purpose, and an untiring perse-
verance, which form their peculiar, and, perhaps, most va-
luable characteristics.
With these energetic features of character were con-
nected qualities springing from the same source; which,
when they were withdrawn from their ordinary avoca-
tions, produced a spirit of insubordination that rendered
them prone to discontent and difficult of conciliation.
The exertions of Washington to introduce discipline, had
furnished early and unceasing causes of dissatisfaction
among the militia drawn from this section of the country,
who found in the forbearance and connivance of many of
their inferior officers, not only occasions of panegyric, but
motives of continued hostility and embittering comparison:
forming a very large proportion of the combattants during
all the war, they claimed a right to direct, and to control
the councils of their superiors; and while their numbers
gave importance to their clamours, it increased the neces-
sity of yielding to them on occasions, when to yield was to
surrender every principle of authority.
In the frequent drafts made upon her patriotism, the
feelings of the soldiers rapidly extended to the mass of the
people of New-England; and while no portion of the union
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? 126 THE LIFE OF
displayed more devotion to the cause of the revolution, in
none was it more difficult to silence the clamours of the dis-
contented. The superior population, -- the larger quotas
furnished to the army, -- the more faithful discharge of the
public burthens, were among the topics which their pride
naturally dwelt upon, and not without reason; for one state
alone furnished a fourth of the troops which sustained
the revolution: and not less just than forcible was the de-
claration of Hamilton, when, to express his high respect
for her exertions, he said "that Massachusetts was the
pivot on which the revolution turned. " The consciousness
of this gave rise to claims of superiority, which were che-
rished by several of the leading individuals of that part of
the country, who, by encouraging these sentiments served
their own popularity at home, and, as they imagined, con-
firmed their title to a preponderance in the confederacy.
The calamities which befel the army on the invasion of
Canada, and the series of disasters which followed the
battle of Long Island, were alike attributed by them to the
incapacity of the commander-in-chief; and they were only
waiting until some officer should be presented to the na-
tion in a favourable point of view, to support him as a rival
for public confidence, and the highest command.
It has been mentioned that the capture of Lee removed
Him from the public eye, and that the same party then di-
rected their attention to General Gates. The evacuation
of Ticonderoga, by St. Clair, though wholly unknown to
General Schuyler, was a reverse of fortune magnified and
misrepresented, and the opportunity of bestowing on their
favourite so important a command, outweighed every con-
sideration of delicacy to Schuyler, and was the more rea-
dily embraced because it was contrary to the known wishes
of Washington, the judgment of Jay, and the feelings of
New-York, which had evinced a steady determination to
support the commander-in-chief. The hostility of this party,
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? HAMILTON. 127
which was disarmed by the success at Trenton, began to
indicate itself anew after the affair of Germantown, when
the misconduct of part of the troops called forth censures
from head quarters, and led to numerous arrests.
On such occasions, the bravest officers cannot always
escape unmerited obloquy; and, unfortunately, individuals
were found among them who too readily listened to over-
tures to join the cabal.
Letters, written under feelings of irritation, were address-
ed to the northern army, and circulated throughout the
country. The newspapers were called in aid to dissemi-
nate the poison, and as soon as the victory of Saratoga was
announced, the designs of the faction, which was known as
the "Monster Party," were openly evinced in the most as-
siduous attentions to Gates, and extravagant eulogiums on
his conduct, and in marked disrespect of Washington, and
undisguised censures of his policy.
Among the most active partizans of the opposition, were
a few foreigners, who arriving in this country with preten-
sions to the first grades in the army, had been found not to
possess any real title to preferment. Of these, the foremost
was Thomas Conway, who appearing before congress with
the rank of Colonel in the French army, and decorated with
the cross of the order of Saint Louis, -- a vain, weak intri-
guer, had been, in the preceding spring, elected to the com-
mand of a brigade. Soon understood by Washington,
Conway became his enemy, and opened a correspondence
with Gates, in which, by flattering his vanity, and ridicu-
ling the commander-in-chief, he confirmed him in the idea
that he might easily supplant him.
Winter had now closed in, and while Washington was
engaged in efforts to provide for his famishing and almost
naked army, a communication was received from General
Gates, marked with all the insolence of anticipated triumph.
A paragraph in a letter from Conway to Gates, "in which
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? 128 THE LIFE OF
General Washington's conduct was made the subject of
free discussion and injurious remark, was the first occur-
rence which called forth the attention of the commander-in-
chief; to this correspondence Gates lent a willing ear, and
his answers to General Conway's letters were very much
the echoes of the sentiments those letters contained. "* The
inquiries which ensued on the disclosure of this correspond-
ence alarmed Gates, who with a view to fix the imputation
on General Washington of having practised indirect means
to arrive at the contents of his confidential correspondence,
wrote him the letter referred to, throwing out an imputa-
tion that the extracts had been "stealingly copied," which
was transmitted to him through the hands of the President
of Congress.
GATES TO WASHINGTON.
Albany, December 8th, 1777.
SIR,
I shall not attempt to describe what, as a private gentle-
man, I cannot help feeling, on representing to my mind the
disagreeable situation in which confidential letters, when
exposed to public inspection, may place an unsuspecting
correspondent; but as a public officer, I conjure your ex-
cellency to give me all the assistance you can, in tracing
out the author of the infidelity which put extracts from
General Conway's letters to me into your hands.
Those letters have been stealingly copied, but which of
them, when, and by whom, is to me yet an unfathomable
secret.
There is not one officer in my suite, nor amongst those
who have free access to me, upon whom I could, with the
least justification to myself, fix the suspicion, and yet my
uneasines may deprive me of the usefulness of the wor-
* Statement of facts, by Colonel Troup, who was an aid of Gates.
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? HAMILTON. 129
thiest men. It is, / believe, in your excellency's power to
do me and the United States a very important service by
detecting a wretch who may betray me, and capitally in-
jure the very operations under your immediate directions.
For this reason, sir, I beg your excellency will favour me
with the proof you can procure to that effect. But the crime
being eventually so important, that the least loss of time
may be attended with the worst consequences, and it being
unknown to me whether the letter came to you from a mem-
ber of congress or an officer, I shall have the honour of
transmitting a copy of this to the president, that the congress
may, in concert with your excellency, obtain as soon as pos-
sible a discovery which so deeply affects the safety of the
states.
