No More Learning

in the eleventh century, the number of
slaves in England was not great, but it is not safe to infer that such was
the case four or five centuries earlier. Indeed the little evidence that
we have on this question suggests that in some districts at least they
were a very numerous class. There can be little doubt at all events that
the first invasions were essentially of a military character. Attempts
have been made to trace in various quarters settlements of kindreds
especially from the occurrence of place-names with the suffixes -ingas,
-ingatun, etc. , but the evidence is at best exceedingly ambiguous.
Among the Scandinavians who took part in the great invasion of 866
we can trace various grades of officials (corlas, holdas, etc. ) between whom
the land appears to have been partitioned, and although we have no
CH. XIII.
25-2


## p. 388 (#418) ############################################

388
Probable nature and course of the Invasion (552–866
a
contemporary evidence of what took place in the Saxon invasion, there
is a prima facie probability that a similar course was followed. To the
present writer it seems incredible that so great an undertaking as the
invasion of Britain should have been accomplished without the employ-
ment of large and organised forces. The earliest records we possess
furnish abundant evidence for the existence of a very numerous military
class of different grades, while the provincial government appears to
have been vested in the hands of royal officials and not in popular bodies.
From archaeological evidence and from the character of local
nomenclature we can to a certain extent determine the area occupied
by the invaders at various periods, although very much remains to be
done in these fields of investigation. Thus the practice of cremation is
found in early cemeteries in the valley of the Trent and in various parts
of the Thames valley as far west as Brighthampton in Oxfordshire,
but there is scarcely any evidence for its employment further to the
west. In local nomenclature again changes may be observed—thus
the proportion of place-names ending in the suffix -ham to those ending
in the suffix -ton decreases as we proceed from east to west. So far
as the evidence is at present collected it would seem to indicate that
the eastern and south-eastern counties, together with the banks of the
large rivers for some distance inland, shew an earlier type of Saxon
nomenclature than the rest of the country. But it is highly probable
that as in the case of the invasion of 866 a much larger area was
ravaged by the invaders than was actually settled by them at first.
The account of the invasion given by Gildas, vague as it unfortunately
is, points distinctly to the same conclusion. He speaks in the first place
of a time when the country was harried far and wide, when the cities
were spoiled, and the inhabitants slain or enslaved. Then came a time
when the natives under Ambrosius Aurelianus began to offer a more
effective resistance, from which time forward war continued with varying
success until the siege of Mons Badonicus. From the time of that
siege until the date when Gildas wrote, the Britons had had no serious
trouble from the invaders, though faction was rife among themselves.
Unfortunately he supplies us with no means of dating the course of
events with certainty except that apparently the period of comparative
peace had lasted forty-four years. The Cambrian Annals date the siege
of Mons Badonicus in 518, but they also date in 549 the death of Maelgwn
king of Gwynedd who is mentioned by Gildas as alive. The majority
of scholars accept the latter of these dates and reject the former, placing
the date of the siege towards the end of the fifth century. The evidence
of Gildas then on the whole leads us to conclude that the Conquest of
Britain may be divided into two distinct periods. The first occupied
some fifty years from the beginning of the invasion, while the second can
hardly have begun much before the middle of the sixth century.
Among the invaders themselves a number of separate kingdoms


## p. 389 (#419) ############################################

552–688] The English kingdoms. Growth of Wessex
389
arose.
It is commonly held that these kingdoms were the outcome of
separate invasions, but no evidence is forthcoming in favour of such a
view, and it seems at least as likely that several of them arose out of
subsequent divisions, as was the case after the Scandinavian invasion in
the ninth century. The kingdoms which we find actually existing in
our earliest historical records are ten in number: (1) Kent, (2) Sussex,
(3) Essex, (4) Wessex, (5) East Anglia, (6) Mercia, (7) Hwicce, (8) Deira,
(9) Bernicia, (10) Isle of Wight. There are traces also of a kingdom
in the district between Mercia, Middle Anglia, East Anglia and Essex
—perhaps Northamptonshire and Bedfordshire—while from Lindsey we
have what appears to be the genealogy of a royal family. There is no
clear evidence that Middlesex and Surrey were separate kingdoms at any
time, though (if certain disputed charters are genuine) the latter was
under a ruler who styled himself subregulus in the latter part of the
seventh century. The balance of probability is in favour of the view
that both these provinces originally formed part of Essex.
We have already mentioned that little value is to be attached to the
dates given for the foundation and early progress of the kingdom of
Wessex. They are apparently quite incompatible with the testimony of
Gildas. Moreover that part of the story which relates to the Isle of
Wight is difficult to reconcile with Bede's account, since it altogether
ignores the existence of Jutish settlements in this quarter. According
to Bede the Isle of Wight retained a dynasty of its own until the time
of Ceadwalla (685-688), by whom it was mercilessly ravaged. The
Chronicle states, as we have seen, that the island was given by Cerdic to
his nephews Stuf and Wihtgar and barely mentions the devastations of
Ceadwalla. Further, according to Bede, the greater part of the coast
of Hampshire was occupied by Jutes. These likewise are ignored by
the Chronicle, which seems to imply that the West Saxon invasion
started from this quarter. In view of these difficulties some scholars
have been inclined to suspect that the annals dealing with the early
part of the West Saxon invasion are entirely of a fictitious character,
and that the West Saxon invaders really spread from a different quarter,
perhaps the valley of the Thames, and at a later date than that assigned
by the Chronicle. It is to be hoped that in the future archaeological
research may throw light on this difficult question.
The difficulties presented by Gildas cease when we reach the middle
of the sixth century. From this time onwards, although we have no
means of checking them, the entries in the Chronicle may be records
of real events which took place approximately at the times assigned to
them. The first entry of this series is the account of a fight between
Cynric and the Britons at Salisbury in 552: the second records a
similar conflict in 556 at Beranburg, which has been identified with
Barbury Camp near Swindon. In 560 Cynric is said to have been
succeeded by Ceawlin, who in 568 had a successful encounter with
CH. XIII.


## p. 390 (#420) ############################################

390
The Hwicce. .
Mercia. Deira
[571-615
Aethelberht king of Kent. In 571 another prince apparently West
Saxon, by name Cuthwulf, fought with the Britons at a place called
Bedcanford, commonly supposed to be Bedford, and gained possession
of Bensington, Aylesbury, Eynsham and perhaps Lenborough. If we are
to trust this entry it would seem to mean that Buckinghamshire and
Oxfordshire were conquered by the West Saxons at this time. In 577
Ceawlin and another West Saxon prince named Cuthwine are said to
have fought against the Britons at Deorham (identified with Dyrham
in Gloucestershire) and gained possession of Bath, Cirencester and
Gloucester.
Ceawlin is the first West Saxon king mentioned by Bede. The same
historian states that he was the first English king after Aelle, whose
overlordship (imperium) was recognised by the other kings. We need
not doubt that the records of his victories have some solid foundation,
About a century later we find in the basins of the Severn and Avon, in
Gloucestershire, Worcestershire and part of Warwickshire, the kingdom
of the Hwicce with a dynasty of its own which lasted down to the time
of Offa. This kingdom can hardly have come into existence before
Ceawlin's successful westward movements, but we have no information
as to its origin, as to the date when it was separated from Wessex, or
whether its dynasty was a branch of the West Saxon royal family.
In the basin of the Trent both north and south of that river lay the
Mercian kingdom, the name of which seems to imply that it grew out
of frontier settlements. Its royal family traced its descent from the
ancient kings of Angel, but we do not know whether the kingdom
itself was due to an independent movement, or whether like that of the
Hwicce it was an offshoot from one or more eastern kingdoms. The
first king of whom we have any definite record is a certain Cearl who
flourished early in the seventh century and married his daughter to the
Northumbrian king Edwin. Eventually the kingdom of Mercia absorbed
all its immediate neighbours, Lindsey, Middle Anglia and Hwicce,
together with parts of Essex and Wessex. In the sixth century however
it was probably of comparatively limited extent. Chester appears to
have remained in possession of the Britons until about the year 615,
and it is scarcely probable that the western districts of the Wreocensaete
and Magasaete, corresponding to the present counties of Shropshire and
Herefordshire, were occupied until still later.
To the north of the Humber we find the two kingdoms of Deira and
Bernicia. Concerning the former, which appears to have coincided with
the eastern half of Yorkshire, we have very little information. The first
king of whom we have record is a certain Aelle who was reigning at the
time when Gregory met with English slave-boys in Rome (585–8). The
date given for his reign by the Chronicle (560-588) cannot be trusted.
Eventually this kingdom came into the hands of the Bernician king
Aethelfrith, who married Aelle's daughter. If we are to believe the


## p. 391 (#421) ############################################

547-605] Bernicia and Aethelfrith. Aethelberht of Kent 391
account given in the Historia Brittonum that Aethelfrith reigned twelve
years in Deira, the date of this event would be about 605. The western
part of Yorkshire appears to have been known as Elmet and to have
remained in British hands until the reign of Edwin.
The northernmost kingdom founded by the invaders in Britain was
that of Bernicia. Ida, from whom subsequent kings claimed descent, is
said to have begun to reign in 547. After his death, which took place
twelve years later, he was followed by several of his sons in swift
succession. Of these the most important was Theodric, who according
to ancient chronological computation reigned from about 572 to about
579. The Historia Brittonum relates that he fought against several
British kings, amongst them Urien who appears in ancient Welsh
poetry, and Rhydderch Hen, who as we know from Adamnan's Life of
St Columba reigned at Dumbarton. On one occasion the Britons are
said to have besieged Theodric in Lindisfarne. The chief centre of the
Bernician kingdom appears to have been Bamborough, but we have
no occasion to suppose that it attained to any great dimensions or
significance until the reign of Aethelfrith. He seems to have become
king in 592-3, and is said by Bede to have harried the Britons more
than any other English prince. The chief exploits for which his name
has been handed down are firstly his encounter with the Dalriadic king
Aedan who came against him probably in support of the Britons in 603,
and secondly the massacre of the Britons at Chester about twelve years
later. The former of these events is said to have occurred at a place called
Degsastan. If this place is rightly identified with Dawston in Liddesdale,
it would seem that the Bernician kingdom had already extended some
distance into what is now Scotland; but its northern and western
boundaries must be regarded as very uncertain at the time of which we
are speaking
Aethelfrith's successes had the effect of placing the later Northumbrian
kings in a position of superiority to their southern rivals. At the close
of the sixth century however the chief English ruler was Aethelberht of
Kent, whose authority was recognised by all the more southern kings.
The precise nature of the imperium which he exercised has been much
disputed, but we can hardly doubt that it implied some such recogni-
tion of personal overlordship as we find in later times, for example, in
the relations of the northern princes with Edward the Elder. His power
too was sufficient to guarantee a safe conduct to foreign missionaries as
far as the western border of Wessex. He married the Christian Berhta
(Bertha), daughter of the Frankish prince Chariberht, and shortly before
the close of the century was confronted by Augustine who had been sent
to Britain by Gregory the Great. This event had far-reaching conse-
quences in the history of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, which will be
described in a later chapter of this work.
CH. XIII.


## p. 392 (#422) ############################################

392
CHAPTER XIV.
ITALY AND THE WEST, 410-476.
The process of history in the Western Empire, during the period
which lies between the death of Alaric (410) and the fall of Romulus
Augustulus (476), is towards the establishment of Teutonic kingdoms,
partly displacing and partly embracing the old local administration
within their boundaries, but as a rule remaining in some sort of
nominal connexion with the imperial system itself. In the course of
this process, therefore, the imperial scheme, in which the invading
barbarians take a regular place under the name of foederati, still
survives, along with much of the old provincial machinery, which they
find too useful to be disturbed ; but while much that is old survives,
much is also added which is new. Germanic tribes, with their kings and
their dooms, their moots and their fyrds, settle bodily on the soil, as
new forces in the domain of politics and economics, of religion and of
law. The Latinised provincial pays a new allegiance to the tribal
king: the Roman possessor has to admit the tribesmen as his “guests
on part of his lands; the Catholic priest is forced to reconcile himself to the
Arianism, which these tribes had inherited from the days of Ulfila; and
the Roman jurist, if he can still occupy himself by reducing the Codex
Theodosianus into a Breviarium Alaricianum, must also admit the
entrance of strange Leges Barbarorum into the field of jurisprudence.
This process of history may be said to have entered on its effective
stage in the West with Alaric's invasion of Italy. But it had been
present, as a potentiality and a menace, for many years before Alaric
heard the voice that drew him steadily towards Rome. The frontier-
war along the limes was as old as the second century. The pressure of the
population of the German forests upon the Roman world was so ancient
and inveterate, and so much of that population had in one way or
another entered the Empire for so long a period, that when the barrier
finally broke, the flood came as no cataclysm, but as something which
was almost in the natural order of things. There may have been move-
ments in Central Asia which explain the final breach of the Roman
barriers ; but even without invoking the Huns to our aid, we can see
that at the beginning of the fifth century the Germans would finally


## p. 393 (#423) ############################################

376–476]
The Barbarians and the Empire
393
have passed the limes, and the Romans at last have failed to stem their
advance, owing to the simple operation of causes which had long been
at work on either side. Among the Germans population had grown by
leaps and bounds, while subsistence had increased in less than an arith-
metical ratio; and the necessity of finding a quieta patria, an unthreatened
territory of sufficient size and productivity, with an ancient tradition of
more intensive culture than they had themselves attained, had become
for them a matter of life and death. Among the Romans population
had decayed for century after century, and the land had gone steadily
out of cultivation, until nature herself seemed to have created the
vacuum into which, in time, she inevitably attracted the Germans. The
rush begins with the passage of the Danube by the Goths in 376, and
is continued in the passage of the Rhine by the Vandals, Alans, and
Sueves in 406. A hundred years after the passage of the Danube the
final result of the movement begins to appear in the West. The
praefecture of Gaul now sees in each of its three former dioceses Teutonic
kingdoms established—Saxons and Jutes in the Britains ; Visigoths
(under their great king Euric) in the Seven Provinces of Gaul proper ;
Sueves (along with Visigoths) in the Spains. In the praefecture of Italy
two of the three dioceses are under powerful barbarian rulers: Odovacar
has just made himself king of Italy, and Gaiseric has long been king of
Africa ; while the diocese of Illyricum is still in the melting-pot.
If we regard the movement of events from 410 to 476 internally,
and from a Roman point of view, we shall find in the domestic
politics of the period much that is the natural correlative of the Völker-
wanderung without. Already, in the very beginning of this period, and
indeed long before, the barbarian has settled in every part of the
Empire, and among every class of society. Masses of barbarians have
been attached to the soil as cultivators (inquilini), to fill the gaps in the
population and reclaim the derelict soil: masses, again, have entered the
army, until it has become almost predominantly German. Barbarian
cultivators and soldiers thus formed the basis of the pyramid; but
barbarians might also climb to the apex. Under Theodosius I, who
had made it his policy to cultivate the friendship of the barbarians, the
Frank Arbogast already appears as magister militiae, and attempts, like
Ricimer afterwards, to use his office for the purpose of erecting a puppet
as emperor. He fell before Theodosius in the battle of the Frigidus
(394); but the Vandal Stilicho (to whom he is said to have commended
the care of his children and the defence of the Empire) was the heir of
his position, and Stilicho had for successor Aëtius—the “last of the
Romans,” but also the friend of the Huns—as Aëtius was succeeded in
turn by Ricimer the Sueve. It is these barbaric or semi-barbaric figures,
vested with the office of commander-in-chief of the troops of the West,
which form the landmarks in the history of the fifth century; and we
should be most true to reality if we distinguished the divisions of this
:
CH. XIV.


## p. 394 (#424) ############################################

394
The Magister Militiae
( 395—454
period not by the regna of an Honorius or a Valentinian, but by the
magisteria of Constantius, Aëtius, and Ricimer. These “empire-
"
destroying saviours of the Western Empire” were in reality the prime
ministers of their generation, prime ministers resting not on a parliament
(though they might, like Stilicho, affect to rely on the Senate), but on
their control of a barbarian soldiery. Their power depended, partly on
their influence with this wild force, which the Empire at once needed
and dreaded, partly on the fact that the nominal representatives of
imperial rule were weaklings or boys, whose court was under the influence
of women and eunuchs; but the de facto position which they held was
also sanctioned, since the time of Theodosius, by something of a legal
guarantee. Treating the West, after the battle of the Frigidus, as a
conquered territory, whose main problem was certain to be that of
military defence, Theodosius had left it under the nominal rule of his
son, but under the real government of Stilicho; and in his hands he had
combined the two commands of infantry and cavalry, which in the East
continued to remain distinct. In this position of magister utriusque
militiae (already anticipated for a time by Arbogast), Stilicho, and his
successors who inherited the title, controlled at once the imperial infantry
and cavalry, along with the fleets on seas and on rivers: they supervised
the barbaric settlements within the Empire; and they nominated the
heads of the staffs of subordinate officers. As imperial generalissimo, in
an age of military exigencies, the barbarian magister militiae was the
ultimate sovereign; and the title of patricius, sometimes united with the
name of parens, which in the fifth century came to be applied peculiarly
to the “master of the troops,” proclaimed his sovereignty to the world'.
Dependent upon barbarian troops, and himself often of barbarian
origin, the policy of the “master of the troops” towards the barbarians
outside the pale, who sought to enter the Empire, was bound to be
dubious. Orosius practically accuses Stilicho of complicity with Alaric,
and certainly charges him with the invitation of the Vandals, Alans and
Sueves into Gaul in 406: Aëtius was for years the friend of the Huns :
Ricimer was apparently not averse to inciting the Visigoths to war
against a Roman commander in Gaul. Inevitably, therefore, a Roman
party formed itself in opposition to the master of the troops, a party
curiously uniting within its ranks the senate, the eunuchs of the court,
and some jealous soldier with his followers. The result would be a coup
d'état, such as those of 408 or 454 ; but inevitably a new magister
succeeds to the assassinated Stilicho or Aëtius, and if the struggle still
continues to be waged (as for instance between Anthemius and Ricimer),
its predestined end—the foundation of a kingdom of Italy by some real
1 Priscus, as Freeman noticed in his article on Aëtius and Boniface, speaks of
“ Aëtius and the emperor of the West” as sending an embassy to the Huns-
recognising the de facto sovereignty of the magister militum (Müller, Fragm. Hist.
Graec. iv. p. 85).


## p. 395 (#425) ############################################

395–471]
The Western and Eastern Empires
395
or virtual generalissimo—draws constantly nearer.
In the course of this
struggle religious motives apparently intertwine themselves with the
underlying motive of racial feeling. Stilicho would seem to have stood
for toleration : and a Catholic reaction, headed by the Court, followed
upon his fall, and gave to the episcopate an increase of jurisdiction,
while it banished all enemies of the faith from the imperial service.
Yet Litorius, the lieutenant of Aëtius, put his trust" in the responses of
seers and the monitions of demons” as late as 439: Ricimer, though no
pagan, was an Arian. The extreme orthodoxy of the Court of Ravenna,
contrasted with the dubious faith of the soldiery and its leaders, must
thus have helped to whet the intensity of party strife.
In the period which we are to consider, it would thus appear that
the great feature, from an external point of view, is the occupation of
successive portions of the Western Empire by barbaric kings, of whom
the greatest is Gaiseric, the hero of the last scene of the Wandering
of the Nations, who links by his subtle policy the various enemies of
the Empire into one system of attack; while internally the dominant
factor is the transmutation of the Diocletian autocracy into a quasi-
constitutional monarchy, in which the last members of the Theodosian
house sink into empereurs fainéants, and the commander-in-chief
becomes, as it were, a mayor of the palace. Yet another feature in
external policy is the relation of the Western Emperors to those of the
East, and other features deserving of notice in internal development are
the growth of the Papacy, and the new importance from time to time
assumed by the Senate.
Upon the Eastern Empire the West is again and again forced to
rely. The Eastern Emperors give the West its rulers-Valentinian III,
Anthemius, Nepos; or in any case they give a legitimate title to the
rulers whom the West, in one way or another, has found for itself. Not
only so, but upon occasion they give to the West the succour, which
again and again it is forced to beg in the course of its struggle with the
Vandals. Theoretically, as always, the unity of the Empire persists :
there is still one Empire, with two joint rulers. But in practice, after
395, there are two separate States with separate policies and separate
lines of development; and both Priscus in the East, and Sidonius
Apollinaris in the West, acknowledge the fact of the separation? . In
these separate States there is, indeed, much that is parallel. The East
has to face the Huns and the Goths equally with the West; like the
West, it has its barbarian magistri militiae (with the great difference,
however, that there are generally two concurrent magistri to weaken each
other by their rivalry) and the Eastern Emperor has to deal with
Aspar in 471, as Valentinian III had dealt with Aëtius in 454. In
both Empires, again, the house of Theodosius became extinct at much
1 See Priscus, frag. 30 in Müller (F. H. G. iv. p. 104); Sidon. Apoll. Carm. 11. 65.
CH. XIV.


## p. 396 (#426) ############################################

396
The Growth of the Papacy
[408–476
the same time. But here the parallel ends. In the West the death
of Valentinian III was followed by the rule of the emperor-makers
(Ricimer, Gundobad and Orestes), and by a succession of nine emperors
in twenty-one years : in the East new and powerful emperors arose, who
found the office of “master of the troops” far weaker than in the West, and
were able, by the alliance they formed with the Isaurians, to discover in
their own realms a substitute and an antidote for barbaric auxiliaries,
and thus to prolong the existence of their Empire for a thousand
years. Meanwhile ecclesiastical development confirmed the separation
and widened the differences between the two Empires. While Eastern
theologians pursued their metaphysical inquiries into the unity of the
Godhead, a new school of churchmanship, of a legal rather than a
metaphysical complexion, arose in the West under the influence of
St Augustine; and the growth of the Papacy, especially under the rule
of Leo I (440-461), gave to this new school a dogmatic arbiter and
an administrative ruler of its own.
The development of the Papacy, like the new vigour which the
Senate occasionally displays, is largely the result of the decadence of
the Western Emperors and of their seclusion in the marshes of
Ravenna. The pietism of the Court, under the influence of Placidia,
helped to confirm a power, which its withdrawal to Ravenna had already
begun to establish ; while the victories of Pope Leo over heresies in
Italy, his successful interference against Monophysitism in the East, and
the prestige of his mission to Attila in 451 and his mediation with
Gaiseric in 455, contributed to the increase both of his ecclesiastical
power and of his political influence. Meanwhile the bishops, every.
where in the West, tended to become the leading figures in their
dioceses. The constitutions of 408 gave them civil jurisdiction in their
dioceses and the power of enforcing the laws against heresy. In the
chief town of his diocese each bishop gradually came to discharge the
duties, even if he did not assume the office, of the defensor civitatis; and
wherever a barbarian kingdom was established, the bishop was a natural
mediator between the conquerors and their subjects.
The new importance assumed by the Senate in the course of the fifth
century is evident both at Constantinople and at Rome. During the
minority of Theodosius II it is chiefly the Senate of Constantinople which
aids the regent Pulcheria and her minister Anthemius, the praetorian
praefect, in the conduct of affairs ; and though the Roman Senate hardly
exerts any continuous influence, again and again in times of crisis it
helps to determine the course of events. The autocracy consolidated
by Diocletian begins to revert to the original dyarchy of princeps and
senatus which Augustus had founded. In the early years of the fifth
century, partly in the later years of Stilicho, who made it his policy
to favour the Senate, and partly during the interregnum in the effective
exercise of the office of magister militiae, which lasted from the fall of


## p. 397 (#427) ############################################

411–472]
The Position of the Senate
397
a
Stilicho till the appearance of Constantius (411), it had shewn con-
siderable activity ; but the period of its greatest influence covers the last
twenty-five years of the Western Empire. It was with two of the chief
senators that Pope Leo went to meet Attila in 451: it was before the
Senate that Valentinian defended himself for the assassination of Aëtius
in 454. The assassination of Valentinian himself was followed by the
accession of Maximus, a member of the great senatorial family of the
Anicii; and it has even been suggested that the accession of Maximus
perhaps indicates an attempt of the Anicii to establish a new govern-
ment in the West, independent of Constantinople and resting on the
support of the Senate. Maximus fell; but his successor, Avitus, who
came to the throne by the support of a Gallo-Roman party, was resisted
by the Senate, and fell in his turn. The accession of the next emperor,
Majorian, is at any rate in form a triumph for the Senate ; in his first
constitution Majorian thanks the Senate for letting its choice fall upon
him, and promises to govern by its advice. But the reign of Anthemius
(467-472) seems to mark the zenith of senatorial power. It was the
appeal of the Senate to Constantinople which led to his accession; during
his reign the Senate is powerful enough to try and condemn Arvandus,
the praetorian praefect of Gaul, on a charge of treason; and in the civil
war which precedes his fall, the Senate takes his side against his adver-
sary Ricimer. Thus, in the paralysis of the imperial authority, the
Senate stands side by side, and sometimes face to face, with the military
power, as the representative of public authority and civil order. Its
effective power is indeed little; the sword is too strong and too keen
for that; but at any rate, in the agonies of the Empire, it behaves not
unworthily of its secular tradition. And indeed in still other ways
one cannot but feel that the end of Rome was not unworthy of herself.
Her last work in her age-long task of ruling the peoples was to give
into the hands of the Teutonic tribes her structure of law and her
system of administration : to the one, as late as 438, the Codex
Theodosianus had just been added, while the other was being reformed
and purified as late as the days of the last real Emperor of the West,
Majorian. So Rome handed on the torch, as it were, newly trimmed;
and though we must admit that in fact the imperial government of the
fifth century suffered from the impotence of over-centralisation, we
must also allow that she was in intention, as Professor Dill has well said,
“ probably never so anxious to check abuses of administration, or so
compassionate for the desolate and the suffering, as in the years when
her forces were being paralysed. "
The figures in the drama of the last years of the Western Empire,
which have perhaps had the greatest appeal for the imagination of the
historian, are those of Galla Placidia and of Attila. Both figures have,
indeed, a significance, which deserves some little consideration. Ravenna
still testifies to-day to the fame of Placidia ; and her name suggests the
CH. XIV.


## p. 398 (#428) ############################################

398
Placidia and Attila
[412–451
names of many others, her kinswomen and contemporaries, Pulcheria,
Eudocia, Eudoxia, and Honoria, whose influence appears, in the pages
of the Byzantine historians, to have largely determined the destinies of
their age. “It is indeed,” writes Gregorovius, “a remarkable historic
phenomenon, that in periods of decadence some female figure generally
rises into prominence”; and Professor Bury has also remarked that the
influence of women was a natural result of the new mode of palatial life
-a result which is obviously apparent in the attribution of the title of
Augusta to Eudoxia in the East and to Placidia in the West.
cannot but feel that the Byzantine historians have been led by a certain
“feminism," if it may be so called, which is characteristic of their
historiography, to attribute to women, at any rate as regards the
West, an excessive influence on the politics of the period. The fifth
century was the age of the erotic novel-of Daphnis and Chloe, of
Leucippe and Cleitophon; and it would almost appear as if Byzantine
historians had infused into their history the eroticism of contemporary
novels'. It is therefore permissible to doubt whether Honoria was
really responsible for the attack of Attila upon the West, or Eudoxia
for the sack of Rome by Gaiseric: whether Olympiodorus' account of
the relations of Honorius and Placidia after the death of Constantius is
not a play of fancy, and the story given by Joannes Antiochenus” and
Procopius of the seduction of the wife of Maximus by Valentinian III,
which led Maximus to compass his death, is not equally fanciful.
The figure of Attila owes much of its fascination to the vivid descrip-
tions which Priscus gives of his court and Jordanes of the great battle of
the Mauriac plain ; and the Nibelungenlied has added the attraction of
legend to the appeal of history. Attila has, indeed, his significance in
the history of the world. It matters little that he was vanquished in
one of the so-called “ decisive battles of the world”: if he had been the
victor on the Mauriac plain, and had lived for twenty years afterwards,
instead of two, he would none the less have fallen at last, if only the
allies who stood together in that battle had continued their alliance.
The real significance of Attila lies in the fact, that the pressure of his
Huns forced the Romans and the Teutons to recognise that the common
interest of civilisation was at stake, and thus drove them to make the
great alliance, on which the future progress of the world depended. The
fusion of Romans and Teutons, of which the marriage of Ataulf and
Placidia, as it is described in the pages of Olympiodorus, may seem to be
a harbinger, is cemented in the bloodshed of the Mauriac plain.
1 Most striking is the fragment of Malchus (Müller, F. H. G. iv. p. 117)
describing the amour of Harmatius and Zenonis. It reads like the
passage
in Dante
which tells the story of Paolo and Francesca.
2 The fragment of Joannes Antiochenus in which this story occurs (Müller,
F. H. G. iv. p. 614) contradicts another fragment, in which a totally different
version is given; and it is rejected as spurious by Bury, History of the Later
Roman Empire, 1. p. 181 n. 4.


## p. 399 (#429) ############################################

410—476]
Ataulf in Italy
399
Between the death of Alaric and the fall of Romulus Augustulus, the
progress of events may be arranged in three definite stages. A period,
which is marked by the patriciate of Constantius, begins in 410 and ends
with the death of Honorius in 423; during this period there takes place
the Visigothic settlement in the South of France. A second period,
marked by the patriciate of Aëtius, covers the reign of Valentinian III,
and ends in 455: it is the period of the Vandal settlement in Africa,
and of Hunnish inroads into Gaul and Italy. A final period, in which
the patriciate is held by Ricimer, follows upon the extinction of the
Theodosian house in the West: it ends, in the phrase of Count Mar-
cellinus, who alone seems to have realised the importance of the event,
with the “ extinction of the Western Empire of the Roman race," and
the settlement of Odovacar in Italy.
At the end of 410 Rufinus, as he wrote the preface to his translation
of the homilies of Origen in a Sicilian villa which looked across to
Reggio, saw the city in flames, and witnessed the gathering of the ships
with which Alaric was preparing to invade Africa. A little later, and
he may have seen the ships destroyed by a tempest; a little later still,
and he may have heard of Alaric's death and of his burial in the bed of
the Busento. The Gothic king was succeeded by his brother-in-law
Ataulf; and upon the doings of Ataulf, for the next two years, there
rests a cloud of darkness. We know, indeed, that he stayed in Italy till
the spring of 412; we learn from the Theodosian Code that he was in
Tuscany in 411; and we are told by Jordanes that at this time he was
spoiling Italy of public and private wealth alike, and that his Goths
stripped Rome once more, like a flock of locusts, while Honorius sat
powerless behind the walls of Ravenna—the one rock left to the
Emperor in the deluge which at this time covered Italy, Gaul, and
Spain. But the story of Jordanes is probably apocryphal. Orosius and
Olympiodorus, who are excellent contemporary authorities, both remark
on the prosperity of Rome in the years that followed on the sack of 410:
“recent as is the sack, we would think, as we look at the multitude of
the Roman people, that nothing at all had happened, were it not for
some traces of fire. ” In the face of this evidence, a second plundering of
Rome by Ataulf is improbable ; and it appears equally improbable,
when we consider the character of the new Gothic king and the natural
line of his policy. A Narbonese citizen, who had perhaps witnessed the
marriage of Ataulf to Galla Placidia in 414 at Narbonne and heard
the shouts of acclamation, from Romans and Goths alike, which hailed
the marriage festivities, reported to St Jerome at Bethlehem, in the
hearing of Orosius, the words which he had often heard fall from the lips
of Ataulf. “I have found by experience, that my Goths are too
savage to pay any obedience to laws, but I have also found, that without
laws a State is never a State ; and so I have chosen the glory of seeking
CH. XIV.


## p. 400 (#430) ############################################

400
The position in Gaul
(406–412
to restore and to increase by Gothic strength the name of Rome.
Wherefore I avoid war and strive for peace. " In 411 Ataulf had
indeed already strong motives for seeking peace. He had abandoned
the African expedition of Alaric, but he needed the supplies which that
expedition had been meant to procure, and which he could now only
gain from the Emperor; and he had in his train the captive Placidia,
the sister of Honorius, whose hand would carry the succession to her
brother's throne. To negotiate with Honorius for supplies and for
formal consent to his marriage with Placidia was thus the natural policy
of Ataulf; and in such negotiations the year 411 may have passed.
But if there were negotiations, there was no treaty? Honorius had
been strengthened by the arrival of a Byzantine fleet with an army on
board ; and he shewed himself obdurate. When Ataulf was driven
from Italy into Gaul, apparently by lack of supplies, in the spring of
412, he did not come as the friend and ally of Honorius.
In 412 Gaul was beginning to emerge from a state of whirling chaos.
The usurper within, and the barbarian from without, had divided the
country since 406. There had been two swarms of invaders, and two
different “ tyrants. ” In 406 the Vandals, Alans and Sueves had poured
into Gaul, surged to the feet of the Pyrenees, and falling back for å
while had then, with the aid of treachery, poured over the mountains
and vanished into Spain, which henceforth became the prey of “four
plagues—the sword, and famine, and pestilence, and the noisome beast”
(409). In the wake of this tide had followed an influx of Franks,
Alemanni and Burgundians; and in 411 these three peoples were still
encamped in Gaul, along the western bank of the Rhine, preparing for
a permanent settlement. The usurpation of Constantine in 406 had
synchronised with the invasion of Gaul by the Vandals, Alans and
Sueves; and indeed, the invasion was probably the result of the usur-
pation, for Stilicho would seem to have invited these peoples into Gaul,
in the hope of barring the usurper's way into Italy. In 409 a second
tyrant had arisen in Spain: Gerontius, one of Constantine's own
officers, had created a rival emperor, called Maximus ; and it was this
usurpation which had caused the invasion of Spain by the Vandals and
their allies, Gerontius having invited them into Spain, as Stilicho had
before invited them into Gaul, in order to gain their alliance in his
struggle with Constantine. In 411 Gerontius had advanced into Gaul,
L. Schmidt (Geschichte der deutschen Stämme, p. 225) thinks that Ataulf's
policy of peace was only conceived towards 414, under the influence of Placidia.
But did not Ataulf think of marrying Placidia, and therefore of “Romanising,"
from the
very
first?
2 F. Martroye (Genséric, pp. 92–3) is inclined to believe that there was a treaty:
otherwise, he thinks, Ataulf would not have had sufficient supplies to maintain
himself in Italy for the year, and Honorius would not have been able to despatch
Constantius with an army into Gaul. But the fact remains that Ataulf entered
Gaul as a free-lance, and not as a man under treaty.


## p. 401 (#431) ############################################

411-413)
Ataulf in Gaul
401
and was besieging Constantine in Arles, while Constantine was hoping
for the arrival of an army of relief from the barbarians on the Rhine.
At this moment Constantius, the new “master of the troops,” arrived in
Gaul to defend the cause of the legitimate emperor, Honorius. He
met with instant success. Gerontius was overwhelmed and perished :
.
Constantine's barbarian reinforcements were attacked and defeated ;
Constantine himself was captured, and sent to Italy for execution. By
the end of 411 Gaul was clear of both usurpers; and the Roman general
stood face to face with the Franks, Alemanni and Burgundians, who had
meanwhile, during the operations round Arles, created a new emperor,
Jovinus, to give a colour of legality to their position in Gaul. Without
attacking Jovinus, however, Constantius seems to have left Gaul at the
end of the year, perhaps because the northward march of Ataulf was
already causing unrest at Ravenna.
When Ataulf's march finally conducted him over Mont Genèvre
into Gaul, somewhere near Valence, in the spring of 412, it seemed
probable that he would throw himself on the side of Jovinus, now
encamped in Auvergne, and acquire from the usurper a settlement in
southern Gaul. It was his natural policy : it was the course which was
advised by the ex-Emperor Attalus, who still followed in the train of
the Goths. But Jovinus and Ataulf failed to agree. Ataulf seems to
have occupied Bordeaux in the course of 412, and Jovinus regarded him
as an intruder, whose presence in Gaul threatened himself and his
barbarian allies; while on his side Ataulf attacked and killed one
of Jovinus' supporters, with whom he had an ancient feud. Dardanus,
the loyal praefect of the Gauls, was able to win Ataulf over to the side
of his master, and some sort of treaty was made (413), by which Ataulf
engaged to send to Honorius the heads of Jovinus and his brother
Sebastian, in return for regular supplies of provisions, and the recog-
nition of his position in Bordeaux and (possibly) the whole of Aquitanica
Secunda! Ataulf fulfilled his promise with regard to Jovinus and
Sebastian; but by the autumn of 413 he had already quarrelled with
Honorius, and the Goths and the Romans were once more at war. Two
causes were responsible for the struggle. - In the first place the govern-
ment of Honorius had failed to provide the Goths with the promised
supplies. The failure is evidently connected with the revolt of Heraclian,
the Count of Africa, in the course of the year 413. Heraclian, influenced
by the example of the many usurpations in Gaul, and finding a basis in
.
1 The date of the treaty is taken from Olympiodorus (Müller, F. H. G. iv.
p. 61). That Ataulf had occupied Bordeaux in 412 is a suggestion of Seeck
(article on Ataulf in Pauly-Wissowa): that the occupation was recognised in the
treaty of 413 is suggested by the entry in Chronica Gallica (no. 73), Aquitania Gothis
tradita—an entry which is best dated under the year 413. Seeck and Schmidt,
however, both think that the cession of Aquitaine was made by Attalus, when
acting as Emperor at Ataulf's behest, in 414.
26
C. MED. H, VOL. I. CH. XIV.


## p. 402 (#432) ############################################

402 Revolt of Heraclian. The position of Constantius (413–414
the anti-imperial sentiment of the persecuted Donatists of Africa, had
prepared for revolt in 412; and in 413 he prohibited the export of
corn from his province, the great granary of Rome, and had sailed for
Italy with an armada which contained, according to Orosius, the almost
incredible number of 3700 ships. He was beaten at Otricoli in
Umbria with great slaughter, and flying back to Africa perished at
Carthage; but his revolt, however unsuccessful in its issue, exercised
during its course a considerable effect on the policy of Honorius. On the
one hand, it must have been largely responsible for the treaty with
Ataulf in 413: the imperial Government needed Constantius in Italy
to meet Heraclian, and, destitute of troops of its own in Gaul, it had to
induce the Goths to crush the usurper Jovinus on its behalf. At the
same time, however, the revolt had also exercised an opposite effect; it
had prevented the imperial Government from furnishing the Goths with
supplies, and had made it inevitable that Ataulf should seek by war
what he could not get by peace.
There was however a second and perhaps more crucial cause of
hostilities between the Goths and the Romans. Placidia still remained
with the Goths; and the question of the succession, which her marriage
involved, had still to be settled. Again and again, in the course of
history, the problem of a dubious succession has been the very hinge of
events; and the question of the succession to Honorius, as it had
influenced the policy and the fate of Stilicho, still continued to deter-
mine the policy of Ataulf and the history of the Western Empire. In
this question Constantius, the“ master of the troops," was now resolved to
interfere. Sprung from Naissus (the modern Nisch), he was a man of pure
Roman blood, and stood at the head of the Roman or anti-barbarian
party. “ In him," says Orosius, “ the State felt the utility of having its
forces at last commanded by a Roman general, and realised the danger
it had before incurred from its barbarian generals. ” As he rode, bending
over his horse's mane, and darting quick looks to right and left, men
said of him (Olympiodorus writes) that he was meant for empire; and
he had resolved to secure the succession to the throne by the hand of
Placidia--the more, perhaps, as such a marriage would mean the victory
of his party, and the defeat of the “barbarian " Ataulf.
In the autumn of 413 hostilities began. Ataulf passed from
Aquitanica Secunda into Narbonensis: he seized Toulouse, and “at
the time of the gathering of the grapes ” he occupied Narbonne.
Marseilles (which, as a great port, would have been an excellent source
of supplies) he failed to take, owing to the stout resistance of Boniface,
the future Count of Africa ; but at Narbonne, in the beginning of 414,
he took the decisive step of wedding Placidia. By a curious irony, the
bridegroom offered to the bride, as his wedding gift, part of the
treasures which Alaric had taken from Rome; and the ex-Emperor
Attalus joined in singing the epithalamia. Yet Romans and Goths
1


## p. 403 (#433) ############################################

414-415]
The end of Ataulf
403
rejoiced together; and the marriage, like that of Alexander the Great
to Roxana, is the symbol of the fusion of two peoples and two
civilisations. “Thus was fulfilled the prophecy of Daniel,” Hydatius
writes, “that a daughter of the King of the South should marry the
King of the North. ” Meanwhile in Italy Constantius had been created
consul for the year 414, and was using the confiscated goods of the
rebel Heraclian to celebrate his entry upon office with the usual public
entertainments, in the very month of the marriage festivities at Nar-
bonne. In the spring he advanced into Gaul. Here he found that
Ataulf, anxious for some colour of legitimacy, and seeking to maintain
some connexion with the “Roman name,” had caused Attalus once more
to play the part of emperor, excusing thereby his occupation of
Narbonensis, as the Franks and their allies had sought to excuse their
position on the west of the Rhine by the elevation of Jovinus in 412.
An imperial Court arose in Bordeaux in the spring of 414; and Paulinus
of Pella was made procurator of the imaginary imperial domain of the
actor-emperor Attalus, who once more, in the phrase of Orosius,“ played
at empire" for the pleasure of the Goths. But on the approach of
Constantius, Ataulf set the city on fire, and leaving it smoking behind
him, advanced to defend Narbonensis. Constantius, however, used
his fleet to prevent the Goths from receiving supplies by sea ; and the
pressure of famine drove Ataulf from Narbonne.
He retreated by way
of Bazas, which he failed to take, as the procurator Paulinus induced the
Alans to desert from his army; and, having no longer a base in Bor-
deaux, he was forced to cross the Pyrenees into Spain, where along with
the Emperor Attalus, he occupied Barcelona (probably in the winter of
414-415). In devastated Spain famine still dogged the steps of the
Goths: the Vandals nicknamed them Truli, because they paid a piece
of gold for each trula of corn they bought. This of itself would
naturally drive Ataulf to negotiate with Honorius, but the birth of
a son and heir, significantly named Theodosius, made both Ataulf and
Placidia tenfold more anxious for peace, and for the recognition of their
child's right of succession to the throne of his childless uncle. The
Emperor, Attalus, was thrown aside as useless; Ataulf was ready to
recognise Honorius, if Honorius would recognise Theodosius. But his
hopes shipwrecked on the resistance of Constantius, who had now been
rewarded by the title of patricius for his success in expelling the Goths
from Gaul. Soon afterwards the child Theodosius died, and was buried
in a silver coffin with great lamentations at Barcelona. In the same city,
in the autumn of 415, Ataulf himself was assassinated in his stables ?
by one of his followers. With him died his dream of “ restoring by
1 It be suggested here that the phrase in Prosper and Hydatius (inter familiares
fabulas jugulatur, followed by Isidore of Seville) should read inter familiares
stabulis jugulatur. Olympiodorus speaks of Ataulf as killed while eis énitúpnou
των οικείων ίππων. . . διατρίβων εν τω ίππωνι (Müller, F. H. G. ΙV. p. 63).
а
may
CH. XIV.
26—2


## p. 404 (#434) ############################################

404
The reign of Wallia
[416-419
Gothic strength the Roman name”; yet with his last breath he com-
manded his brother to restore Placidia and make peace with Rome.
The Goths, however, were not minded for peace. On the death of
Ataulf (after the week's reign of Sigerich, memorable only for the
humiliation he inflicted on Placidia, by forcing her to walk twelve miles
on foot before his horse), there succeeded a new king, Wallia, “elected
by his people,” Orosius says, “ to make war with Rome, but ordained by
God to make peace. ” Harassed by want of supplies, Wallia resolved to
imitate the policy of Alaric, and to strike at Africa, the great granary
of the West? The fate of Alaric attended his expedition: his fleet
was shattered by a storm during its passage, twelve miles from the
Straits of Gibraltar, at the beginning of 416. Wallia now found that
it was peace with Rome, which alone would give food to his starving
army; and Rome was equally ready for peace, if it only meant the
restoration of Placidia. In the course of 416 the treaty was made.
The Romans purchased Placidia by 600,000 measures of corn; Wallia
became the ally of the Empire, and promised to recover Spain from the
Vandals, Alans and Sueves. In January 417 Constantius was once
more created consul : in the same month he became the husband of the
unwilling Placidia. She bore him two children, Honoria and Valentinian ;
and thus the problem of the succession was finally settled by the victory
of the Roman Constantius, and the name of Rome was renewed by Roman
strength. It was no undeserved triumph which Constantius celebrated
in 417. The turmoil which had raged since Alaric's entry into Greece
in 396 seemed to have ceased : the loss of the whole of the Gauls, which
had seemed inevitable since the usurpation and the barbarian influx of
406, was, at any rate in large measure, averted. Constantius had
recovered much of the Seven Provinces : Wallia was recovering Spain.
Constantius too was finally destined to settle the problem of
the Goths, and to give them at last the quieta patria, in search of
which they had wandered for so many years.
For a time Wallia
fought valiantly in Spain (416–418): he destroyed the Silingian
Vandals, and so thoroughly defeated the Alans, that the broken
remnants of the tribe merged themselves into the Asdingian Vandals.
In the beginning of 416 the Romans had only held the east coast and
some of the cities of Spain: by 418 the Asdingian Vandals and the
Sueves had been pushed back into the north-west of the peninsula,
and Lusitania and Baetica had been recovered. In 419 Wallia had his
.
reward ; Constantius summoned the Goths into Gaul, and gave them
for a habitation the Second Aquitaine. Along with it went Toulouse,
1 It is possible that Wallia first attempted to move northward again into Gaul.
In the Chronica Gallica (no. 78) there is mention of a movement by the Goths on
the death of Ataulf, and of its being repelled by Constantius, who would naturally
be encamped in southern Gaul. It is unlikely that Constantius entered Spain, as
Seeck thinks.


## p. 405 (#435) ############################################

418-421]
Imperial policy in Gaul
405
which became their capital, and other towns in the Narbonese province ;
and thus the Visigoths acquired a territory of their own, with an
Atlantic seaboard, but, as yet, without any outlet to the Mediterranean.
We can only conjecture the reasons which dictated this policy. It may
be, as Professor Bury suggests, that Honorius did not wish to surrender
Spain, because it was the home of the Theodosian house and the seat of
the gold mines : it may be that the imperial Government wished to in-
vigorate with the leaven of Gothic energy the declining population of
south-western Gaul. In any case the policy is of great importance.
For the first time the imperial Government had, of its own motion, given
a settlement within the Empire to a Teutonic people living under its
own king'. But the policy becomes doubly important, when it is con-
sidered in connexion with the constitution of 418, which gave local
government to Gaul, and enacted that representatives of all its towns
should meet annually at Arles. Honorius was endeavouring to throw
upon Gaul the burden of its own government, and in the new municipal
federation which he had thus instituted he sought to find a place for
the Goths. On the one hand, the council at Arles would contain
representatives from the towns in Gothic territory, and would thus
connect the Goths with the Roman name: on the other, the Goths, as
foederati of the council, defending its territory, and supplying its troops,
would give weight to its deliberations. The policy of decentralisation
thus enunciated in 418, and the combination of that policy with the
settlement of the Visigoths in 419, indicate that the Empire was
ceasing to be centralised and Roman, and was becoming instead Teutonic
and local.
The years that elapse between the settlement of the Goths and the
death of Honorius in 423 are occupied by the affairs of Italy and the
court history of Ravenna. In 421 Constantius, who had been virtual
ruler of the West since 411, was elevated by Honorius, somewhat
reluctantly, to the dignity of Augustus and the position of colleague.
Placidia, to whose instance the elevation of her husband was probably
due, had her own ambition satisfied by the title of Augusta, and began
actively to exercise the influence on events, which she had already
exercised more passively during the struggle between Ataulf and
Constantius. The elevation of Constantius and of Placidia to the
imperial dignity led to friction with the Eastern Empire, which refused
to ratify the action of Honorius, and in 421 a war seemed imminent
between East and West. But Constantius, whose rough soldier tastes
made him chafe at the restrictions of imperial etiquette, fell ill and died
1 It is, however, possible that Ataulf had already, as was suggested above,
received the Second Aquitaine in 412. It is also possible that, as von Wietersheim
suggests, the imperial Government had recognised the Burgundians in the district
round Worms as early as 413 (cf. Prosper Tiro, 8. a. 413: Burgundiones partem
Galliae. . . optinuerunt).
CH. XIV.


## p. 406 (#436) ############################################

406
The struggle of Castinus and Boniface
[421–423
in the autumn of 421, and with his death the menace of war disappeared.
The influence of Placidia remained unshaken after her husband's death:
the weak Honorius shared his affection between his beloved poultry and
his sister; and scandalmongers even whispered tales about his excessive
affection for Placidia. But by 422 the affection had yielded to hatred;
and a struggle raged at Ravenna between the party of Honorius, and a
party gathered round Placidia, which found its support in the retinue
of barbarians she had inherited from her marriages with Ataulf and
Constantius. The struggle would appear to be the old struggle of the
Roman and the barbarian parties ; and it is perhaps permissible to con-
jecture that the question at issue was the succession to the office of magister
militum, which Constantius had held. If this conjecture be admitted,
Castinus may be regarded as the candidate of Honorius, and Boniface as
the candidate of Placidia ; and the quarrel of Castinus and Boniface, on
the eve of a projected expedition against the Vandals of Spain, which is
narrated by the annalists, may thus be connected with the struggle between
Honorius and Placidia. The issue of the struggle was the victory of
Honorius and Castinus (422). Castinus became the magister militum and
took command of the Spanish expedition, in which he allowed himself to
be signally defeated by the Asdingian Vandals, now settled in Baetica :
Boniface fled from the Court to Africa, and established himself, at the head
of a body of foederati, as a semi-independent governor of the African dio-
cese, where he had before been serving as the tribune of barbarian auxilia.
The flight of Boniface was followed by the banishment of Placidia and
her children to Constantinople (423); but in her exile she was supported
by Boniface, who sent her money from Africa. This was the position
of affairs when Honorius died (423). One of the weakest of emperors,
he had had a most troubled reign ; yet the last years of his rule had
been marked by peace and success, thanks to the valour and policy of
Constantius, who had defeated the various usurpers and recovered much
of the Transalpine lands. The one virtue of Honorius was a taste
for government on paper, such as his nephew Theodosius II also
shewed; he issued a number of well-meant constitutiones, alleviating
the burden of taxation on Italy after the Gothic ravages, and seeking
to attract new cultivators to waste lands by the offer of advantageous
terms.