No More Learning

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FjJRTH
THE
CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS
A HISTORY OF NEWSPAPERS,
AND OF THE LIBERTY OF THE
BY F. KNIGHT HUNT.
IN TWO VOLS. VOL. II.
" What is it that drops the same thought into ten thousand minds at the same moment ? —the Newspaper. " De Tocqueviixe.
" There she is— the great engine— she nevcr sleeps. She has her ambassadors in every quarter of the world— her couriers upon every road. Her officers march along with armies, and her envoys walk into statesmen's cabinets. They are ubiquitous. Yonder Journal has an agent at this minute giving bribes at Madrid ; and another inspecting the price of
potatoes at Coven t Garden. "
Pbndennis.
LONDON:
DAVID BOGUE, 86, FLEET STREET.
ESTATES
PRESS.
LONDON :
HENRY VIZETELLY, PRINTER AND ENGRAVER, GOUGH SQTJARE, FLEET STREET.
CONTENTS. — VOL. II.
CHAPTER VII.
THE PRESS OF THE PRESENT CENTURY.
Napoleon Bonaparte in Westminster Hall. The Libels of the French Emigrants. L'Ambigu. Mackintosh's Speech in defence of M. Peltier. Leigh Hunt, The Examiner, and the Prince Regent. Cobbett. Numerous Government Prosecutions. "The Battle of the Unstamped. " Bulwer, and the Taxes on Knowledge. Reduc tion of the Stamp. The Increase of Newspapers. . . page 1
CHAPTER VIII.
THE LONDON DAILY PAPERS.
The Public Advertiser. 'Woodfall and Junius. The Public Ledger. The Morning Chronicle. Perry. John Black. The Morning Post. Mr. Tattersall. Rev. Bate Dudley. Dan Stuarfs Descriptions.
Coleridge. Charles Lamb. Prospectus of the Paper. tive. The Constitutional.
Bate Dudley starts The Morning Herald. History of The Times. The Representa
The Daily News.
90
. . .
IV CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.
THE MECHANISM OP A MORNING PAPER.
The growth of Newspaper arrangements and expenses. The Accounts of The Public Advertiser and of The Morning Chronicle. Increased Expenses caused by growing Competition. Staff of a Daily Paper in 1850. Editors. Reporters. Foreign and Home Correspondents. Printers. Overland Mail. Waghorn. Arrival of a Mail. Twenty-
four hours in a Newspaper Office
CHAPTER X. THE EVENING PAPERS.
190
Evening Paper in 1727. The Evening Posts. The Courier and Coleridge. Percival. Second Editions. James Stuart. Laman Blanchard. The Globe. G. Lane. The Sun. The True Sun. The Standard. Drs. Gifford and Maginn. The Evening Mail and
St. James's Chronicle
CHAPTER XI. REPORTING AND REPORTERS.
221
Early Parliamentary Debates. The Commonwealth. The Revolution. George the Second. The Gentleman's Magazine. Parliamentary
Guthrie. Dr. Johnson. Almon. "Woodfall. Perry.
History.
Sheridan.
ers' Gallery.
porters are in the House of Commons
Sketch of the Report The Theory that no Re
242
288
A Concluding Word.
CHAPTER XII. . . . .
Peter Finnerty. Mark Supple. O'Connell. Sir R. Peel.
CHAPTER VII.
THE PRESS OF THE PRESENT CENTURY.
— " Before this century shall have run out, Journalism will be the whole press the whole human thought. Since that prodigious multiplication art has given to speech —to be multiplied a thousand-fold yet—mankind will write their book day by day, hour by hour, page by page. Thought will spread abroad in the
world with the rapidity of light ; instantly conceived, instantly written, instantly understood, at the extremities of the earth, it will speed from pole to pole. Sud den, instant, burning with the fervour of soul which made it burst forth, it will be the reign of the human word in all its plentitude —it will not have time to ripen, to accumulate into the form of a book— the book will arrive too late. The only book possible from to-day is a Newspaper. " —Lamartine.
Napoleon Bonaparte in Westminster Hall. —The Libels of the French Emigrants. — L'Ambigu. — Macintosh's Speech in defence of M. Peltier. —Leigh Hunt, the Examiner, and the Prince Regent. — Cobbett. —Numerous Government Prosecutions. -—" The Battle of the Unstamped. " — Bulwer, and the Taxes on Knowledge. — Reduc tion of the Stamp. — The Increase of Newspapers.
THE present century found the press surrounded by difficulties, yet growing in power and useful
ness, despite the constant suspicion of the ruling powers, the occasional attacks of the law-officers of the crown, and the weight of still increasing taxation. We have seen how its aid was invoked here by the opponents of the revolutionary party in France ; how a Paper was set up in England to abuse the new rulers of the sister country, whilst, in return, a por tion of the Parisian press replied to the verbal missiles
thus hurled across the Channel, by abuse of England, and all things English. Soon the people of this country were surprised by the curious spectacle of
VOL. II. B
THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Bonaparte — the rising dictator of con Europe — seeking redress in Westminster Hall for libels alleged to have been published against him. It was not the first time that our laws had
been appealed to by foreign magnates in cases of alleged libel. We have noticed one action in which the Emperor of Russia was plaintiff, and obtained a verdict against a London Newspaper; in another instance the Queen of France sought damages for an
libel published in this country. But whilst foreigners complained of libels printed in England, an echo of the charge might have well been raised by England against the press of the Continent. In truth, both sides, during the war, indulged also in a conflict of words, in which few scruples checked the com batants. Amongst the libels, in The Moniteur for instance, it is on record that there was " a revival of
a report charging the English Government with having caused the murder of Roberjot and Bonnier, the two French plenipotentiaries, who were assassin ated near Radstadt. As if to give greater publicity to this libel, a design for a monument to the unfortu nate men, was placed in the gallery at Versailles, and upon a pedestal in the picture were the following words — " Est puvent egages par des assassins soudoyes parte Gouvernment Anglais. " The Argus, not to be behind the official Journal, roundly accused Mr. Windham of contemplating the assassination of the First Consul, and of having expressed his inten
tions even in the Parliament House. He is reported by The Argus to have alluded to " the probability of see
2
Napoleon tinental
alleged
BONAPARTE S DEMAND. 3
ing some opportunity recur of making an attempt on the life of the First Consul. "
Bonaparte, in the first instance, applied to the Court of St. James's, to expel from their refuge, in Great Britain, the French writers, whom he regarded as the authors of the attacks upon his policy and pro
Peace then existed between the French Directory and the English King, but this demand,
conceived in the spirit of a military dictator, was not to be complied with by a constitutional monarch. Napo leon required his envoy, Otto, " to complain to the British Government, asserting that a deep and con tinued system existed to injure his character, and prejudice the effect of his public measures through the medium of the press; and, at the same time, he peremp torily demanded the extradition of the French Eoyal ists. " The English minister replied that the French Journals were equally violent in their abuse of the British Government, which in fact had no control over the free press of England ; while, on the other hand, the French Journals were completely under the surveillance of their own Government. He stated also, that the courts of law in England were equally open to the foreigner as to an Englishman ; and at the same time he refused, in decided terms, to send
the Eoyalist emigrants out of the country.
But Bonaparte was not to be put off in this way. He returned to the subject, and proposed that " means
should be adopted to prevent in future any mention being made, either in official discussions, or in polemi cal writings in England, of what was passing in France; as, in like manner, in the French official dis
B2
ceedings.
4 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
cussions and polemical writings, no mention what ever should be made of what was passing in England. " This reciprocity being also declined, the future Em peror is said to have manifested much indignation ; and though the authors of the attacks upon him were not given up to his vengeance, the English Ministers sought to appease the anger of their French ally, by directing the Attorney General to proceed against the writer of one of the obnoxious Papers. Thus it was that Napoleon Bonaparte's name appeared in West minster Hall, as asking justice for alleged libels pub lished by the Frenchman, M. Peltier. This trial is memorable for more reasons than one. It exhibited the spectacle of a great soldier asking the help of the law ; of a foreign potentate suing in an English court; and it gave an opportunity for a Journalist, Mr. Mackintosh, to vindicate still more
his claim to the character of an orator and a lawyer. Mackintosh, it is well-known, had come to London in search of fortune, and had applied his pen to the service of a Morning Newspaper. This fact, and his general reputation as a thinker and writer of the liberal party, no doubt influenced M. Peltier to select him as an advocate ; and the satis factory mode in which Mackintosh fulfilled his high duty, his eloquent argument for the liberty of the press, not only increased his reputation, but doubtless contributed to smooth the way to the legal promotion he afterwards secured. The public excitement created
by the approach of this trial was very great. The peace had existed but a short time, and its duration was very generally believed to be dependant upon
completely
TRIAL OF PELTIER. 5
the result of the proceedings in Westminster Hall. When the days came the court and all its avenues were crowded, and an equally intense feeling was excited in another place. The Stock Exchange was in a fever of expectation, and during the week that preceded the trial, money speculations were made upon the belief that Peltier's acquittal would be regarded in France as tantamount to a declaration of war against the First Consul, and wagers were laid that a verdict of not guilty would lower the funds five per cent. The jobbers had messengers at Westminster Hall, prepared to run with all possible speed from the court to the Stock Exchange, with the first news of verdict, if it should be pronounced before the House shut. " It was under these unpropitious omens," says Peltier, in describing his trial, " that I sat in the Court of Queen's Bench, and my anxiety was naturally increased when the first objects that I saw there, were the aide-de-camp, and the secretary of the ambassador of the First Consul, placed, in some sort, en faction, beneath the box of the jurymen. "
The case came on for trial on Monday, February 21, 1803, before Lord Ellenborough and a special
jury. The case for the Crown was conducted by the Attorney General, Spencer Percival, the future minister, and victim of the assassin Bellingham. Manners Sutton, Abbott, and Garrow, all afterwards judges, followed on the same side ; whilst Mackintosh, (the future Sir James Mackintosh, recorder of Bombay), with Mr. Fergusson, appeared for the defence.
" The information stated, that there subsisted friendship and peace between our sovereign lord the
6 THE FOUKTH ESTATE.
King, and the French Republic ;" that, " citizen Napoleon Bonaparte was First Consul of the said Re public, and as such, Chief Magistrate of the same ;" and further, that certain libels had been printed and published by Jean Peltier, of St.
Anne, Westminster, traducing and vilifying the said Napoleon Bonaparte, and calculated to bring him into contempt ; and to excite the animosity, jealousy, and hatred of the First Consul and the French Republicans against the King and people of England. The libels when read now, nearly half a century after their publication, appear harmless enough; but, during the excitement of 1803, were doubtless thought to be of very serious character. The most pointed and severe of these attacks on the First Consul, and the one on which the law-officers of the crown much relied, may be quoted to illustrate this remarkable trial.
" Wish of a good patriot on the fourteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and two.
" What fortune has the son of Laetitia arrived at ! A Corsican , he becomes a Frenchman, his new country adopts him, nourishes him in the rank of its children, and already promises him the greatest destinies. A storm arises. By the force of the tempests the state is overturned —the most noble persons fall—everything is broken. The unhappy Frenchman regrets with sighs his error and his wishes. Napoleon appears flying from victory to victory —he reaches the summit of glory—the east, the west witnesses of his exploits, are vanquished by him, and receive his laws. The Nile had shuddered ; but the lot that forces him on, recalls his vanquisher to the banks of the Seine. Five chiefs, or five tyrants, shared the power. He forces from their hands the sceptre and the censer. Behold him then seated where the throne was raised. What is wanting to its wishes ? —a sceptre ? —a crown ? Consul, he governs all—he makes
THE PELTIER LIBEL. 7
and unmakes kings. Little careful to be beloved, terror estab lishes his rights over a people degraded even to the rank of slaves —he reigns ! —he is despotic ! —they kiss their chains ! What has he to dread ? —he has dictated peace —kings are at his feet, begging his favours. He is desired to secure the supreme authority in his hands ! The French ; nay, kings themselves, hasten to congratulate him, and would take the oath to him like subjects. He is proclaimed Chief and Consul for life. As for me, far from envying his lot, let him name, I consent to it, his worthy successor. Carried on the shield let him be elected Emperor ! Finally, (and Romulus recalls the thing to mind), I wish that on the morrow, he may have his apotheosis. Amen ! "
These libels appeared in Numbers 1 and 3 of a Paper called " L'Ambigu, or Amusing and Atrocious Varieties, a Journal of the Egyptian kind. " It was in French, and was sold by a Frenchman in Gerrard Street, where the agents of the Government bought the copies used for the prosecution.
Percival in stating his case to the jury, declared
that he prosecuted this Publication because it had a
tendency " to endanger the security, the tranquillity, and the peace of the country. " He said, " I do not think I am at all called on to state any general princi ple of law which may apply, or at least strictly to define to what extent the Government of a country, at peace with our own, may lawfully be made the sub
ject of animadversion. I am not now called upon to lay down such a definition, but undoubtedly there are some broad distinctions on the subject. I have no difficulty in laying down this : for instance, I think no man can suppose that I mean to contend, that any Publication, professing to consider the conduct of a foreign Government at peace with us, would be a
8 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
libel ; which, if applied to the Government of our own country, would not be deemed to be such. Though the province of the historian be the detail of facts, yet, if he introduced the fair discussion of the politician, or of the philosopher, on the facts and events he de tailed, even this, unquestionably published fairly and bona fide, and not as a cover for slander and defama tion, such a Publication I should certainly never think of deeming the subject of presecution. But, if the case be this : if defamation be the sole object of the Pub lication, and if the Publication has the necessary and direct tendency of exciting that degree of jealousy and hatred in the country to which the Publication is directed, against the country from which it issues, and to alienate the dispositions of that country from our own, and consequently to interrupt the intercourse of peace which subsisted between them — I think it is not likely any lawyer will stand up and say such a Publication is not a libel, and that the author of it ought not to be punished. But even that is not this offence ; the offence here charged to have been com mitted by the defendant, is this—that his Publication is a direct incitement and exhortation to the people of the French Republic, to rise up in arms against their First Consul and Chief Magistrate, to wrest the power from the hands in which de facto it is placed, and to take away the life of the man who
presides over them. Is it possible we can have any difficulty
in supporting the proposition, that such a Publication is an offence against the law of this country ? "
Mackintosh's defence of Peltier, was regarded as one of the most brilliant speeches of the time. He
PELTIER.
9
declared the real prosecutor in the case to be " the master of the greatest empire the civilized world ever saw. " " The defendant," he said, " is a defence less proscribed exile. He is a French Royalist, who fled from his country in the Autumn of 1792, at the period of that memorable and awful emigration, when all the proprietors and magistrates of the greatest
civilized country of Europe were driven from their homes by the daggers of assassins ; when our shores were covered as with the wreck of a great tempest, with old men, and women, and children, and ministers of religion, who fled from the ferocity of their country men as before an army of invading barbarians. The greater part of these unfortunate exiles, of those, I mean, who have been spared by the sword, who have survived the effect of pestilential climates or broken hearts, have been since permitted to revisit their country. Though despoiled of their all, they have
embraced even the sad privilege of being suffered to die in their native land. Even this miser able indulgence was to be purchased by compliances, by declarations of allegiances to the new Government, which some of these suffering Royalists deemed in compatible with their conscience, with their dearest attachments, and their most sacred duties. Among these last is M. Peltier. I do not presume to blame those who submitted, and I trust you will not judge harshly of those who refused. You will not think unfavourably of a man who stands before you as the voluntary victim of his loyalty and honour. If a revolution (which God avert) were to drive us into
eagerly
10 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
exile, and to cast us on a foreign shore, we should expect, at least, to be pardoned by generous men, for stubborn loyalty, and unseasonable fidelity to the laws and government of our fathers. "
He called upon the jury to remember certain facts in English history. " If, during our usurpation, Lord Clarendon had published his History at Paris, or the Marquis of Montrose his verses on the murder of his sovereign, or Mr. Cowley his Discourse on Cromwell's government, and if the English ambassador had com plained, the President de Mole, or any other of the great magistrates who then adorned the Parliament of Paris, however reluctantly, painfully, and indignantly, might have been compelled to have condemned these illustrious men to the punishment of libellers. I say this only for the sake of bespeaking a favourable attention from your generosity and compassion to what will be feebly urged in behalf of my unfortunate client, who has sacrificed his fortune, his hopes, his connections, his country, to his conscience ; who seems marked out for destruction in this his last asylum. That he still enjoys the security of this asylum, that he has not been sacrificed to the resentment of his powerful enemies, is perhaps owing to the firmness of the King's Government. If that be the fact, gen tlemen ; if His Majesty's Ministers have resisted applications to expel this unfortunate gentleman from England, I should publicly thank them for their firmness, if it were not unseemly and improper to suppose that they could have acted otherwise—
to thank an English Government for not violating
THE SPEECH OF MACKINTOSH. 11
the most sacred duties of hospitality ; for not bring ing indelible disgrace on their country. *"
Turning from personal considerations for his client, to the consideration of the great principles in volved in his case, Mackintosh declared the trial they
were engaged in, to be the first of a series of conflicts between the greatest power in the world and the only free press remaining in Europe. " This distinction of the English press," he said, " is new — it is a proud and melancholy distinction. Before the great earth quake of the French Revolution had swallowed up all the asylums of free discussion on the Continent, we enjoyed that privilege, indeed, more fully than others, but we did not enjoy it exclusively. In great mo narchies, the press has always been considered as too formidable an engine to be entrusted to unlicensed individuals. But in other continental countries, either by the laws of the state, or by long habits of liberality and toleration in magistrates, a liberty of discussion has been enjoyed, perhaps sufficient for
most useful purposes. It existed, in fact, where it was not protected by law ; and the wise and generous connivance of governments was daily more and more secured by the growing civilization of their subjects.
* In an " Address to the Public," annexed by Mr. Peltier to the original report of this trial, " he thus expresses himself on the subject mentioned in the text ;— Thanks, above all, to the Government of His Majesty, who, in the very moment when it was thought that my prosecution was necessary to the experiment they were then making of the practicability of a peace with the Republic, have protected me against the fury of the First Consul, who demanded my transportation out of this kingdom ; and who have felt that there did not exist a single spot in Europe out of His Majesty's dominions, where, I could set my foot without falling into the tiger's den. "
12 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
In Holland, in Switzerland, in the imperial towns of
Germany, the press was either legally or practically free. Holland and Switzerland are no more; and, since the commencement of this prosecution, fifty imperial towns have been erased from the list of independent states, by one dash of the pen. Three or four still preserve a precarious and trembling ex istence. I will not say by what compliances they must purchase its continuance. I will not insult the feebleness of states whose unmerited fall I do most bitterly deplore.
" These governments were in many respects one of the most interesting parts of the ancient system of Europe. Unfortunately, for the repose of mankind, great states are compelled, by regard to their own safety, to consider the military spirit and martial habits of their people as one of the main objects of their policy. Frequent hostilities seem almost the necessary condition of their greatness; and, without being great, they cannot long remain safe. Smaller states exempted from this cruel necessity — a hard condition of greatness, a bitter satire on human na ture — devoted themselves to the arts of peace, to the cultivation of literature, and the improvement of reason. They became places of refuge for free and fearless discussion ; they were the impartial spectators
and judges of the various contests of ambition, which, from time to time, disturbed the quiet of the world. They thus became peculiarly qualified to be the organs of that public opinion which converted Europe into a great republic, with laws which mitigated, though they could not extinguish, ambition, and with moral
THE SPEECH OF MACKINTOSH. 13
tribunals to which even the most despotic sovereigns were amenable. If wars of aggrandizement were un dertaken, their authors were arraigned in the face of Europe. If acts of internal tyranny were perpetrated, they resounded from a thousand presses throughout all civilized countries. Princes, on whose will there were no legal checks, thus found a moral restraint which the most powerful of them could not brave with absolute impunity. They acted before a vast audience, to whose applause or condemnation,
they could not be utterly indifferent. The very constitution
of human nature, the unalterable laws of the mind of man, against which all rebellion is fruitless, subjected the proudest tyrants to this control. No elevation of power, no depravity, however consummate, no inno cence, however spotless, can render man wholly inde- pendant of the praise or blame of his fellow men.
" These governments were in other respects one of the most beautiful and interesting parts of our ancient
The perfect security of such inconsiderable and feeble states, their undisturbed tranquillity, amidst the wars and conquests that surrounded them, attested beyond any other part of the European system, the moderation, the justice, the civilization, to which Christian Europe had reached in modern times. Their weakness was protected only by the habitual reverence for justice, which, during a long series of ages, had grown up in Christendom. This was the only fortification which defended them against those mighty monarch s to whom they offered so easy a prey. And, till the French Revolution, this was sufficient. Consider, for instance, the situation of the Republic
system.
14 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
of Geneva : think of her defenceless position in the very jaws of France; but think also of her undisturbed security, of her profound quiet, of the brilliant success with which she applied to industry and literature, while Louis XIV. was pouring his myriads into Italy before her gates ; call to mind, if ages crowded into years have not effaced them from your memory, that happy period when we scarcely dreamt more of the subjugation of the feeblest republic of Europe, than of the conquest of her mightiest empire, and tell me if you can imagine a spectacle more beautiful to the moral eye, or a more striking proof of progress in the noblest principles of true civilization. These feeble states, these monuments of the justice of Europe, the asylum of peace, of industry, and of literature, the the organs of public reason, the refuge of oppressed innocence and persecuted truth, have perished with those ancient principles which were their sole guard ians and protectors. They have been swallowed up by that fearful convulsion, which has shaken the uttermost corners of the earth. They are destroyed and gone for ever. One asylum of free discussion is still inviolate. There is still one spot in Europe where man can freely exercise his reason on the most important concerns of society, where he can boldly publish his judgment on the acts of the proudest and most powerful tyrants : the press of England is still free. It is guarded by the free constitution of our forefathers. It is guarded by the hearts and arms of Englishmen, and I trust I may venture to say, that if it be to fall, it will fall only under the ruins of the British empire. "
Mackintosh went on to describe those general
THE SPEECH OF MACKINTOSH. 15
principles of law on the subject of political libel, and then again descending to the more immediate affairs of his client, he declared that the object of Peltier's Paper was to give a picture of the cabals and intrigues
of the French factions ; and then, turning skilfully upon the law officers of the crown, he inquired why other Papers, which went unchallenged in their abuse, not only of the French but of the English authorities, were not prosecuted. If the general lawfulness of republications from the French, (for Peltier's work professed to be partly a reprint from the French,) " if the general lawfulness," he said, " of such republica tions be denied, then I must ask Mr. Attorney General to account for the long impunity which English Newspapers have enjoyed. I must request him to tell you why they have been suffered to republish all the atrocious, official and unofficial libels which have
been published against His Majesty for the last ten years, by the Brissots, the Marats, the Dantons, the
the Barreres, the Talliens, the Reubels, the Merlins, the Barrases, and all that long line of
bloody tyrants who oppressed their own country, and insulted every other which they had not the power to rob. What must be the answer ? That the English publishers were either innocent, if their motive was to gratify curiosity, or praiseworthy, iftheir intention was to rouse indignation against the calumniators of their country. "
After a long argument intended to show the almost impossibility of libelling or overstating the blackness of character of some of the French revolu tionary heroes, Mackintosh gave some historical views
Robespierres,
16 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
relative to the liberty of the press — (he accepts as true, by the way, the false story of the English Mer- curie,) —"During this ignominious period of our
a war arose on the Continent, which cannot but present itself to the mind on such an occasion as this ; the only war that was ever made on the avowed ground of attacking a free press. I speak of the invasion of Holland by Louis XIV. The liberties which the Dutch Gazettes had taken in discussing his conduct were the sole cause of this very extra ordinary and memorable war, which was of short duration, unprecedented in its avowed principle, and most glorious in its event for the liberties of mankind, that republic, at all times so interesting to Englishmen, —in the worst times of both countries our brave ene mies, — in their best times our most faithful and valuable friends, —was then charged with the defence of a free press against the oppressor of Europe, as a sacred trust for the benefit of all generations. They felt the sacredness of the deposit, they felt the dignity of the station in which they were placed, and though deserted by the un-English Government of England they asserted their own ancient character, and drove
out the great armies and great captains of the oppressor with defeat and disgrace. Such was the result of the only war hitherto avowedly undertaken to oppress a free country because she allowed the free and public exercise of reason : and may the God of justice and liberty grant that such may ever be the result of wars made by tyrants against the rights of mankind, espe cially against that right which is the guardian of every other. "
history,
AN APPEAL TO A JURY.
In concluding his speech, Mackintosh
forcibly to former examples where juries had vindicated the freedom of the press. " In the court where we are now met, Cromwell twice sent a satirist on his tyranny
to be convicted and punished as a libeller, and in this court, almost in sight of the scaffold streaming with the blood of his sovereign, within hearing of the clash of his bayonets, which drove out Parliaments with contumely, two successive juries rescued the intrepid
satirist* from his fangs, and sent out with defeat and
disgrace the usurper's Attorney General from what he had the insolence to call his court ! Even then, when
this unhappy country, triumphant indeed abroad, but
enslaved at home, had no prospect but that of a long
succession of tyrants wading through slaughter to a throne — even then, I say, when all seemed lost, the unconquerable spirit of English liberty survived in the hearts of English jurors. That spirit is, I trust in God, not extinct : and if any modern tyrant were, in the drunkenness of his insolence, to hope to overawe an English jury, I trust and I believe that they would tell him —' Our ancestors braved the bayonets of Cromwell — we bid defiance to yours. Contempsi Ca-
tUince gladios—non pertimescam tuos ! '
" What could be such a tyrant's means of overawing
a jury ? As long as their country exists, they are girt round with impenetrable armour. Till the destruction of their country no danger can fall upon them for the performance of their duty, and I do trust that there is no Englishman so unworthy of life as to desire to outlive England. But if any of us are condemned
-
VOL. II.
* Lilburne.
C
appealed
17
18 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to the cruel punishment of surviving our country — in the inscrutable counsels of Providence, this favoured seat of justice and liberty, this noblest work
of human wisdom and virtue, be destined to destruc
tion, which, shall not be charged with national
prejudice for saying, would be the most dangerous wound ever inflicted on civilization at least let us carry with us into our sad exile the consolation that we ourselves have not violated the rights of hospitality to exiles—that we have not torn from the altar the suppliant who claimed protection, as the voluntary victim of loyalty and conscience Gentlemen, now leave this unfortunate gentleman in your hands. His
character and his situation might interest your hu manity — but, on his behalf, only ask justice from you. only ask favourable construction of what cannot be said to be more than ambiguous language,
and this, you will soon be told from the highest autho rity, part of justice. "
This powerful appeal was in vain. The jury found Peltier guilty but war breaking out soon afterwards between England and France, he was never called up to receive sentence.
On the opening of the session of Parliament in 1805, the most prominent subject of debate arose out of aNews- paper paragraph. Lord Melville's delinquencies had compelled his dismissal from office but the disgraced minister found friend in Mr. Peter Stuart, the editor of Tory Journal then enjoyingsome influence, entitled The Oracle. Stuart was brother to Charles Lamb's
" Dan. Stuart of The Morning Post. " Who wrote the offending remarks does not now appear, but they are
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;
if,
LORD MELVILLE S DELINQUENCIES. 19
worth notice as a specimen of what was then thought
to be " vigorous Newspaper writing. " The champion of a minister dismissed for misappropriation of the
public monies, retorts upon his enemies by accusing them of similar delinquencies ; but the use of gross personality in partisan disputes was not then limited to the columns of the Newspapers. After stating that Sir Charles Middleton had been appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, the paragraph that caused this
parliamentary disturbance went on as follows : —
While we announce this arrangement as the proper re ward of public and private virtue, we cannot help sincerely regretting that party rancour and popular clamour have at this time deprived our King and country of the great and power ful abilities of Lord Melville. In no period of our political history can we find such an instance of the strong effects of prejudice. With all our profound respect for the motives which influenced the majority of the House of Commons; with all our admiration of that spirit which arouses and animates the people in their expressions of indignation at the supposed
malversations of an individual ; with all our regard for town and country meetings, when properly directed, in supporting the cause of independence, freedom, and public virtue, we cannot help again declaring, that Lord Melville has fallen a victim to
confidence misplaced, to prejudice misjudged, and to indignation misapplied : he has been condemned without trial ; when an appeal has been offered to his intemperate judges ; when a request has been made to put him on his defence ; when it has been earnestly solicited to give him a fair and candid hearing, and then come to a decision on the merits of the case, a strong and presumptuous negative have been given, directed and enforced by the violence of the times. If those who were so very impatient to deprive Mr. Pitt of so able a coadjutor, were equally zealous in their endeavours to restore to the public the unaccounted millions of which that public has been so dis
gracefully robbed, there would, perhaps, be some excuse for all C2
20 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
that affectation of public virtue which has lately distinguished certain brawling patriots of the day. Lord Melville has not deprived the public of a single farthing ; his most implacable enemies have not dared to charge him with such an act : can as much be said of the fathers of some men? If the public were paid its pecuniary claims—long since indisputably proved —certain furious patriots, instead of living in splendour, would be put on the parish. In the future resolutions of the House of Commons, in the future resolutions of all public meetings, we hope that an immediate attention to the enormous debts still due to the public, by certain noisy individuals, will be strongly recommended.
This was the article which called down upon its author the full indignation of the House of Commons, and the debate that ensued upon it is memorable, amongst other things, by the eminence of those who took part in it. On the 25th of April, 1805, Mr. Grey, the champion of the popular party be it re membered, rose to bring the matter before Parliament, and the discussion and other proceedings that followed, as we find them stated in the publications of the time,* afford an interesting view of the temper in which Newspaper critiques on public affairs were regarded, and show also how lenient a parliamentary majority can be when a delinquent has done what agrees with its political humour.
Mr. Grey began by remarking, that whatever reluctance he might feel to take any steps which should seem inconsistent with the most perfect liberty of the press, he could not forbear calling the attention of
the House to a most indecent libel on their proceed ings; it was of a nature so gross that, consistent with its own dignity, the House could not suffer it to pass
* Annual Register and Newspapers, April, 1805.
PARLIAMENT AND "THE ORACLE. 21
over, without expressing its indignation against it. He then read, from The Oracle of the former day, the paragraph we have just quoted, and concluded by moving that Mr. Peter Stuart of Fleet Street, the prin ter and publisher of the offending Paper, should be called to the bar of the House. One of the ministers rose to defend the literary champion of his late col league. The Chancellor of the Exchequer admitted that the passage just read was libellous and indecent, but hoped that if gentlemen now began to turn their attention to everything of a libellous and indecent tendency, they would at least observe the strictest impartiality. Observations of the same kind on the proceedings of the House had often before appeared, and were as often overlooked; but if it was now resolved that remarks derogatory to the dignity of the House should be marked with its indignation, he was satisfied. All he desired was, that they should not select one particular instance for punishment, and let others pass with impunity. He concluded by ob jecting to the motion. Mr. Grey rose to reply. If the right honourable gentleman, (he said) wished to make this a part of a general system, he could have no objection; but he had selected this case as one which it became the House to take under its special
The reason he brought it forward was, that he thought it one which was right and proper to select. Mr. Fox allowed that in affairs of this kind
the strictest impartiality ought always to prevail ; but, in judging of the propriety of such motions, regard should be had to particular times and circumstances. It was the duty of the House to take care that the late
cognizance.
22 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
decision (in reference to Melville) which diffused such
universal gratitude throughout the country, should not be wantonly attacked and insulted. The necessity was the greater, when men in high official situations were seen endeavouring to protect persons convicted of the grossest malversations, and when the present treasurer of the navy was continuing in office a man whom the commissioners of naval inquiry declared unworthy of acting in any pecuniary situation. This allusion to a ministerial employee, brought Mr. Can ning into the discussion, and he led the House into a debate having very little to do with the Newspaper topic with which it commenced, and, after Fox and Sheridan had spoken, the debate was ended by the
motion being adopted.
The following evening April 26, on the order of
the day being read for the attendance of Mr. Stuart of The Oracle at the bar, Mr. Atkins Wright said a good and wise word for the liberty of the press. He deprecated the adoption of any severe measures towards Mr. Stuart, however necessary it might be to support the resolutions. For his own part, he (Mr. Wright) did not feel his peace of mind broken in upon by any animadversions that might be made upon them. The people of this country had a right to discuss freely the conduct of their representatives. He professed to be of no party, but he highly felt the necessity of maintaining the liberty of the press
in all its purity. The honour and dignity of Parlia ment, in his opinion, would be best consulted in passing the article over in silence ; as that House ought to have a firm reliance on its own rectitude. Mr. Grey was
WINDHAM AND SHERIDAN. 23
inclined to overlook the offence. He said that if the article had appeared a trivial matter to him, or if it had been a fair comment on public affairs, he should not have complained of it ; but it appeared to him, on the contrary, to be mere invective and unqualified abuse, tending to villify the proceedings, and insult the authority of Parliament ; but if the House thought lightly of or the honourable member who had spoken last should think proper to move that the order be discharged, he should not feel necessary to press his motion. Mr. Atkins Wright again conjured the House not to make this matter of any conse quence, as bare reprimand would be sufficient for the purpose. Mr. Windham, however, would listen to no such compromise. He said, he supposed the honourable gentleman who spoke last, would take care to be more tender of his own character as an indivi dual, than he seemed to be of that of the House of
Commons; but he saw no reason
why gentlemen
should feel in that way as would be as much as
saying to the public, " you may say what you please,
we don't mind it. " If such was the rule, why not proclaim It would be false language to say, that, because many things of this kind were passed over, none should be noticed. The only question was, whe ther the present instance went to such excess as should lead them to interfere for the maintenance of their own dignity In his opinion, was gross, calumnious,
and licentious, and he should not think himself acting on vindictive principle he voted for punishing the offender, in certain degree, as warning to others Sheridan next rose to say his word in favour of freedom
a
?
it ?