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Alastor
59
6
(Zastrozzi, St Irvyne's); there, too, he had that May morning
vision of 'intellectual beauty' (Hymn to Intellectual Beauty,
dedication to The Revolt of Islam) which 'burst his spirit's sleep,'
and became, thenceforward, the 'master light of all his seeing. ' The
circumstances of his brief Oxford career, his expulsion and marriage
with Harriet Westbrook (August 1811) are familiar, and need not be
recalled. In January 1812, he wrote to Godwin, declaring himself
“the pupil of him under whose actualguidance my very thoughts have
hitherto been arranged. ' Godwin's sway, never entirely outgrown,
over a mind remote from his own in gifts and temperament, was due
to his political individualism and to his ethical determinism. The one
appealed to Shelley's hatred of tyranny, the other to his passion for
ideal unity. In Queen Mab (surreptitiously published 1813), his
Godwinian creed is proclaimed from the mouths of legendary
personages, inspired, as is their loose irregular verse, by the
mythical epics of Southey. Shelley was soon to leave Queen Mab
far behind; yet, its passionate sincerity, and the indefinable
promise of genius in its very extravagances, make it very impressive.
Some sections he, later, rehandled as The Daemon of the World.
The following year (1814) saw the gravest crisis of his life. Its
circumstances cannot be discussed here. Finding Harriet spiritually
irresponsive, and believing her to have been unfaithful, he treated
their marriage as dissolved, and, in July, left England with Mary
Godwin. Neither the three months' tour through France and
Switzerland, nor the succeeding winter and spring, bore any
immediate literary fruit; but, during the autumn of 1815, he wrote,
in the glades of Windsor, Alastor, his first authentic and unmis-
takable poem. The harsh notes and crude philosophy of Queen
Mab are no longer heard ; Southey has yielded place to Coleridge
and Wordsworth, to the romantic chasm of Kubla Khan, and the
visionary boy of The Excursion. The blank verse, too, is built
upon the noble, plain music of Wordsworth, but with delicate
suspensions and cadences and wayward undulations of his own.
Yet, the mood and purport of this first genuine achievement of
Shelley is one of frustration and farewell. His reform schemes
had utterly failed, and he believed (on the strength of a medical
report) that he was about to die. Alastor is the tragedy of the
)
idealist who seeks in reality the counterpart of his ideal. In his
preface, Shelley loftily condemns the idealist, but only to pronounce
a sterner condemnation upon the multitude who live untroubled
by generous delusions ; and the final lines, some of the noblest he
ever wrote, are penetrated with the forlornness of a world where


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[CH.
Shelley
‘many worms and beasts and men live on,' while 'soine surpassing
spirit’ is snatched away, leaving to the survivors
But cold despair and pale tranquillity,
Nature's vast frame, the web of human things,
Birth and the grave, that are not as they were.
To Shelley himself, ‘Nature's vast frame' and 'the web of human
things' were not only a source of consolation : they were a
problema problem, however, of which he was assured that he had
the key. Much of this autumn was occupied with attempts to set out
in prose his philosophic convictions. The results remain in a series
of unfinished prose essays : On Love, On life, On a Future State,
On Metaphysics, On Morals, On Christianity. Neither as literature
nor as speculation are they very remarkable; but they help to
determine the character of Shelley's doctrines at a time when the
Godwinian mould of his ideas, still almost untouched by the in-
fluence of either Spinoza or Plato, was already undergoing the
implicit transmutation in his mind which familiarity with them, and
especially with Plato, splendidly completed. His determinism
remains, but is assuming a more and more idealist complexion.
'Necessity,' with Godwin a bulwark against miracles and freewill,
was already, in Queen Mab, a sublime creation and harmonising
power—the mother of the world, and life 'the great miracle. '
Shelley believes, with Berkeley, that 'nothing exists but as it is
perceived,' and reduces mind to a merely perceiving power; but, in
another context, he can assert that man has 'a spirit within him
at enmity with nothingness and dissolution. ' And the Godwinian
individualism is in sore peril when Shelley, in the same essay
(On life), declares that 'I, you, they are not signs of any actual
difference, . . . but merely marks employed to denote the different
modifications of the one mind. '
The author of these fragments was clearly ripe for Plato, and
the ardent Greek studies of the following winter with Hogg and
Peacock brought his later Platonism perceptibly nearer. The
Swiss journey of the following summer (1816) was memorable for
the beginning of his friendship with Byron. To these months of
animated intercourse with a man of genius very unlike his own-
discussions and readings in the villa Diodati, boat explorations
in the footsteps of Julie and St Preux and much else-Shelley
owed stimulus ; but, not like Byron, a poetic new birth. The
Mont Blanc stanzas and the Hymn to Intellectual Beauty mark
no such sudden heightening of vision or matured power as do
Manfred and the third canto of Childe Harold in comparison
a


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The Revolt of Islam
with all the writer had done before. Yet they express the
Shelleyan idealism with a new loftiness of assurance, as of one
who had found his dreams unassailably confirmed. The Alps, for
Byron a symbol of nature's ruinous and savage force, were, for
Shelley, the habitation of the secret Strength of Things Which
governs thought and to the infinite dome of heaven is as a law'
-a bond of union, like Wordsworth's Duty, between the visible
universe and the ideal strivings of man.
The state of England during the winter which followed
(1816—17) offered little support to this optimism. The overthrow
of Napoleon had brought about, for the English working class, a
period of intense and widespread misery. Reaction had triumphed,
but the country had never been nearer to revolution. Shelley,
settled with Mary at Marlow on Thames, coped energetically and
generously with the need around him, pouring out his thoughts,
meantime, in a great revolutionary epic. Laon and Cythna (later
renamed The Revolt of Islam), the work of these summer months,
is a brilliant dream-woof of poetry, in which are wrought figures,
now purely allegoric, like the eagle and the snake—the evil and
the noble cause—now symbolic, like the hero and the heroine
themselves, who wage the eternal war of love and truth against
tyranny. Shelley's boundless faith in the might of spiritual forces
permeates and suffuses the whole poem, and to such a degree that
the opposing and resisting powers remain shadowy and incredible.
In vain the most savage tortures and, finally, death at the stake
are inflicted upon Laon and Cythna ; we seem to be onlookers at
a visionary spectacle in which hate is impotent and pain dissolved
in ecstasy. Not till The Cenci did Shelley, handling a real story,
imagine with corresponding power the antagonist of his heroic
spirit, and thus attain true and great drama. The Faerie Queene,
which he read to Mary during these months, counted for something
in the substance as well as in the form. Cythna is the woman
warrior, a Britomart of heroic valour and impassioned purity; but
her ideals are those of a more modern time; she seeks, like Mary
Wollstonecraft, the intellectual liberation of her sex, and she is
mated with Laon in a comradeship of sister spirits such as now
bound Mary Wollstonecraft's daughter to Shelley. The tenderly
intimate dedication to his wife nobly commemorates, also, her
mother and her father.
Kindred impulses inspired the fragment Prince Athanase,
written, likewise, at Marlow. Athanase is a Laon transposed-so far
as the unfinished poem discloses--in a quieter key. The eternal


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[CH.
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3
warfare of the idealist must, in some sort, have been its theme, and
the triumph of love its climax; but its most distinct pictures are not
of bridal rapture or martyr ecstasy, but of philosophic converse
between a young disciple and a 'divine old man’ who has nurtured
him in the soul-sustaining songs of ancient Hellas and in the
wisdom of the Symposium.
Yet, Shelley's personal history during these months would have
excused a note of more unequivocal tragedy, a confidence less
exalted in the final triumph of love. The chancery suit brought
by the Westbrooks for the custody of his and Harriet's children
threw him into an agony of apprehension. The threatened loss of
the children touched him less acutely than the consequent ruin,
as he deemed it, of their souls. Harriet's suicide towards the close
of 1816 had affected him little. He had long ceased to love her, and
the pathos of her miserable end failed to touch the springs of
his flowing compassion. The cruelty of his situation makes the
fierce stanzas To the Lord Chancellor impressive; but they are
hardly great poetry. Before Lord Eldon's decree was pronounced,
Shelley and Mary had resolved to leave the country. In March 1818,
they set out for Italy. The stanzas To William Shelley, though
probably written before, breathe the exultant joy and the ideal
hope which qualified for them the regrets of exile.
Rosalind and Helen, begun at Marlow and finished next
summer at the baths of Lucca, has caught little of this afflatus. It
is a Shelleyan essay in the romantic tale to which Scott and Byron
a
had lent a vogue. The influence of Christabel is often felt in the
rhythm, but there is no archaism of style. Shelley calls it, indeed,
'a modern eclogue,' and be experiments, fitfully and somewhat
awkwardly, with the familiar, colloquial manner which he was to
make consonant with poetry in Julian and Maddalo and the
Gisborne letter. In Italy, this manner grew steadily stronger and
richer. The incidents of Rosalind and Helen, however, read like
a bad dream of the Marlow days : Rosalind's child is ravished
from her, Helen's lover fades and dies as Shelley and Mary believed
was soon to be his own destiny. And the close, with its air of
mellowed and assuaged suffering, and its sudden opulence of style,
reads like an awakening amidst the radiance and the security of
Italy.
'Lo, where red morning thro' the wood
Is burning o'er the dew! '
says Rosalind, symbolically.
But the spell of Italy first becomes fully apparent in the poems


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Venice and Este
6
written during this summer at Byron's villa near Este-a nest, after
Shelley's own heart, on the jutting brink of a ravine commanding
the Lombard plain, the Adriatic, the towers of Venice and Padua,
the far-off Alps and Apennines and the flame-like Euganean peaks
close at hand. Nature had here, at length, gone out to meet him,
creating visibly before him a scene which might have been a pro-
jection of his imagination. Lines written among the Euganean
Hills express the rapt mood of a mind 'wedded,' as Wordsworth's
habitually, as Shelley's rarely, was, with this goodly universe';
his soul,
which so long
Darkened this swift stream of song,
grows one with the glowing noontide skyand with the flower glimmer-
ing at his feet. The experience is still strange to him and he half
questions whether it be more than the visionary fancy of his mind
peopling’a ‘lone' and empty world. He stands in a flowering
island' of the spirit; but round it surge 'the waters of wide
Agony,' and he is soon to be adrift upon these waters again. In
misery, he, like Tennyson, woos sorrow 'as a bride,' but with a
half-playful sadness wholly his own. And even the 'unspeakable
beauty of Naples,' deeply as it impressed him, could not exorcise
the moods of deep dejection which found utterance in the poignant
Stanzas written there. At Venice, on the other hand, where he
renewed his old comradeship with Byron, the bitter cynicism of
the elder poet called out in protest all Shelley's faith and hope
for men. Julian and Maddalo gives a fascinating account,
undoubtedly true in substance, of their intimate talk; and the
memories of real debate which underlie it helped Shelley to a
speech unwontedly natural and familiar, and to verse which gives
full play to the free movement of conversational sentences, yet
turns its freedom into ever fresh occasions for rhythmic beauty.
In the maniac's story, recounted to the two poets, conversation,
naturally, gives way to narrative; but, with the conversational tone,
the easy grace also passes from the style, and the delicate variety
of pause from the verse. In the previous year, Byron had made
his first essay in the poetic-familiar, and his, too, was a Venetian
story; but there is little affinity between the cynical and ironic
gaiety of Beppo and Shelley's high-bred ease and charm, or between
its smart metallic ringing rimes and Shelley's undulating music.
From Este, Shelley turned south once more, arriving, early in
1819, at Rome. Many vivid letters to Peacock and the Stanzas
written in dejection, near Naples (December 1818), already
2


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[CH.
Shelley
mentioned, make the journey live for us. Since his arrival in Italy,
he had brooded over the plan of a lyrical drama. Three subjects,
Mrs Shelley reports, attracted him: Tasso, Job, Prometheus. Of the
first two, only a fragment of Tasso remains; but the fact helps
to define his line of approach to the one which he finally adopted
and carried into execution. In all three, a noble character suffers
grievous things at the hands, or by the consent, of a superior all-
powerful will. There is tragedy, of varying quality, in the
situation of all three. The sublime figure of Job, visited with
immeasurable sufferings, but resisting all appeals to submission,
alone in all literature matched the heroic grandeur of the
Aeschylean Prometheus. But that this last subject finally
prevailed is not surprising. Aeschylus had been his constant com-
panion since he crossed the Alps, in the spring of the previous
year. The typical Shelleyan situation-an ideal hero confronting
a tyrant—was far more unequivocally present in the Prometheus
story than in the rest. And this story offered an opening for the
doctrine, yet more intimately Shelleyan, of love as the central
principle of things and the key to the ideal future of humanity.
The figure of Prometheus had appealed powerfully to other idealists
of the revolutionary age. Goethe, in his storm and stress phase,
had seen in him the human creator, shaping men in his own image
and scorning God; and Beethoven found noble music for the
theme. To Byron, in 1816, he was a symbol of the divineness, the
heroic endurance and the 'funereal destiny' of man. To Shelley,
also, he stood for man creating and enduring, endowing the gods
themselves with wisdom and strength, and suffering their vindictive
rage. But, for Shelley, no symbol of humanity could suffice which
excluded the perfected man of the future he confidently foresaw.
Aeschylus had made Prometheus finally surrender to Jupiter, and
become reconciled with him. This conclusion was, to Shelley,
intolerable.
The moral interest of the fable ſhe declares) would be annihilated if we
could conceive him unsaying his high language, and quailing before his
successful and perfidious adversary.
The story thus had to undergo a radical transformation to fit
it to Shelley's boundless faith in the perfectibility of man. His
Godwinian creed had, in this respect, undergone no abatement
whatever. Pain, death and sin were transitory ills. Religion, too,
man would necessarily outgrow, for the gods were phantoms
devised by his brain. A Prometheus who should symbolise
humanity thus conceived necessarily triumphed; there was even


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Prometheus Unbound
danger lest his adversary's overthrow—at bottom, a fight with a
figment—should appear too certain and too easy. And this
danger was not diminished by the specifically Shelleyan traits
which transformed the substance without altering the outline of
Godwinian man, and changed the being of pure reason into the
being of absolute love; making earth no mere source of human
utilities, but the mother ‘interpenetrated' in every pore of her
granite mass with love like his own. The sublime doctrine of
love was foreign to Aeschylus and to Greek myth, no less than to
Godwin; but the legend which made Prometheus the son of Earth
provided Shelley with a pregnant symbol for his thought. The earth-
born Titan must partake of the spirit of love which pervades the
earth. Even towards his enemy Jupiter, he cannot, therefore, be
implacable. Yet, since Jupiter stands for the power of evil which
it is his task and destiny to destroy, he cannot be placated. The
allegorical and the literal sense thus thrust the story in different
directions. Prometheus acts, in part, as the spirit of love, hating,
ipso facto, the spirit of hate, and ruthlessly pursuing it to its
doom; in part, as the sublime Christ-like sufferer, who wishes 'no
living thing to suffer pain,' and will not curse even his persecutor.
In the great first act, hanging in torture on the cliffs of Caucasus,
he seeks to recall the curse upon Jupiter which he had once pro-
nounced, and to which all nature had listened appalled. But he will
not disclose the secret which alone can avert Jupiter's ruin. To
the threats and arguments of Mercury—in the most Aeschylean and
least undramatic scene of the poem-and to the torments of the
furies, he remains inflexible. The catastrophe accordingly follows;
Jupiter topples from his throne, as it were, at a touch; indeed, the
stroke of doom is here so instantaneous and so simple as to be
perilously near the grotesque. Jupiter's fall is the signal for the
regeneration, no less instantaneous, of humanity; man's evil nature
slips off like a slough ; Prometheus is ‘unbound. '
But this symbolism leaves the character of Prometheus incom-
pletely portrayed. To be chained and set free is but a slender
portion of his suffering or of his joy. His keenest pangs—the last
—
resource of the furies when other torments fail-are of the soul,
pity for the sufferings of other men, and, worse than blood and fire,
pity for their deadly apathy :
6
Hypocrisy and Custom make their minds
The fanes of many a worship now outworn.
They dare not devise good for man's estate,
And yet they know not that they do not dare.
E. L. XII.
CH, III.
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[ch.
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6
And, as his pains are spiritual, so, while he is still bound, are his joys.
The earth, his mother, sends the spirits of heroes and martyrs to cheer
him; lovely phantasmal shapes of faith and hope hover round him;
and he knows that there awaits him, still afar and invisible, his
bride, Asia, the spirit of love in nature—'Lamp of the earth,'
'whose footsteps pave the world with light'-but whose transform-
ing presence will fade 'unless it be mingled with his own. ' The love
that is ‘blindly wove through all the web of being’is incomplete until
the love that pervades nature has also triumphed in man made
one harmonious soul of many a soul. ' Long before that blissful
hour arrived, nature and man had mingled in the glowing speech
of poetry; into her 'golden chalice,' when his being overflowed,
he poured the bright wine' of his impassioned thought. Such
moments Prometheus remembers, though Asia is afar, and 'vain
all hope but love. '
Prometheus has thus, from the first, great allies '; even when
anguish is loudest, a hushed rapture of expectation is not far off.
Everything in the drama seems to support the faith of Shelley's
most exalted hours, that love, even here and now, is the substance
of things, and evil a phantasmal shadow. In such hours, we know,
it was written : the vigorous awakening of the Roman spring
around him as he wrote, and the new life with which it drenches
the spirits even to intoxication, were the inspiration of this drama';
The speech is almost everywhere lyrical in temper where not in
form, and the ardour of Shelley suffuses itself into the atmosphere,
compelling even the forces of evil to speak in accents like his, as
if secretly persuaded of the fatuity of their own cause. Jupiter
speaks in lovely images of stars and sun, as if he, too, were a lover
of Asia, the lamp of earth; the fury, in the very act of tormenting
Prometheus, speaks as one who herself suffers what she inflicts.
Finally, in the fourth act, added as an afterthought, some
months later, this implicit lyricism becomes a sustained rapture of
song. Considered as the closing act of a drama, it is otiose, for it
adds nothing to the action ; but it is rather to be regarded as the
final movement of a symphony; a completion necessary in the
logic of emotion, though superfluous in the logic of event. In
the great choric songs of the earth and the moon, and in the
triumphant strains of the hours and the spirits of the mind, Shelley
reaches the sublimest note of his lyric. No modern poet has come
nearer than he to making the morning stars sing together. '
Almost all his other modes of song, from the simplest to the most
intricate, are to be found in the earlier acts; and on the deep organ


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The Cenci
67
tone of Demogorgon, proclaiming that love and wisdom and
endurance are of the eternal truth of things, the poem closes.
Prometheus Unbound is not to be judged as an essay in the
philosophy of progress ; but neither is it to be treated merely as a
tissue of lovely imagery and music. Shelley's ardour, fortified and
misled by the cold extravagances of Godwin, hurried him over the
slow course of social evolution. He conceived both the evil in
human nature and the process of overcoming it with strange, sublime
simplicity. But the ideal of love and endurance, which he sees
fulfilled by regenerated man, stands on a different plane; it is
rooted in existing human nature, and expresses a state towards
which all genuine progress must advance. And, when he portrays
the universe as at one with the moral strivings of man, he is
uttering no fugitive or isolated extravagance, but the perennial
faith of idealists in all ages. Under forms of thought derived
from the atheist and materialist Godwin, Shelley has given, in
Prometheus Unbound, magnificent expression to the faith of
Plato and of Christ.
Though written at Rome, Prometheus does not bear any direct
trace of its origin. Any other flowering glades than those that
crowned the baths of Caracalla, and any other glowing Italian sky,
would have provided a like intoxicating milieu. Nor was Shelley
easily accessible to the specific traditions and character of Rome.
It was no city of the soul for him, as for Byron, but a beautiful
tomb, 'where empires and religions lie buried in the ravage they
have wrought'; and neither Vergil nor Lucretius, nor Lucan-a
name more honoured by Shelley than either—availed to endear to
him the metropolis of papacy. But one tradition of modern Rome
had, since his arrival in Italy, moved his deepest interest. The story
of Beatrice Cenci, in a form, as is now known, more favourable to
her than history warrants, was universally current among the Roman
populace, and ‘not to be mentioned in Roman society without
awakening a deep and breathless interest. ' Guido's portrait of
Beatrice, in the Colonna palace, heightened Shelley's passionate sym-
pathy with her personality. Her story was already a tragedy, and
' nothing remained, as I imagined, but to clothe it to the apprehen-
sions of my countrymen in such language and action as would bring
it home to their hearts. ' To bring his thoughts and convictions
home to the hearts of his countrymen had never been an aim
foreign to Shelley ; but he had never, as now, subordinated his
own artistic bent and technique to this aim. Though distrustful
of his power to write a drama for the stage, he yet chose this
a
a
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7
11
incomparable means of popular appeal; and he held his visionary
imagination in severe control, avoiding all ‘mere poetry,' and using
a speech which differs from the 'familiar speech of men' only in
its nobler, more classical, simplicity. That Shelley, after a few weeks'
interval, could carry out, with unfaltering hand, and with supreme
success, a poetic transition not less astonishing than would have
been the appearance of Samson Agonistes on the morrow of Comus,
marks his will power no less than his imaginative range.
The central theme and situation of The Cenci are still, it
is true, the heroic resistance to tyranny, of all situations the most
kindling to Shelley. It is no longer a mythic symbol, however, but
an actual event. And the chief actor and sufferer is a woman.
Shelley, by merely following the lead of his own ardent and
indignant sympathy, struck out a tragic type in effect new, and to
none of the great masters stranger than to Shakespeare himself.
Euripides, Sophocles, Massinger, Webster had nobly handled the
tragedy of heroic womanhood; but neither Medea nor Antigone,
nor Vittoria, nor Dorothea, nor the duchess of Malfi anticipated
Beatrice Cenci in her way of meeting an intolerable wrong. She
strikes down the criminal, not with the fierce vengeance of a Medea,
but as the instrument of divine justice-
Because my father's honour did demand
My father's life.
This is the Shelleyan magnanimity, and Shelley found no hint of it
in his source. But he wove into her character every positive trait
that it supplied ; his Beatrice, therefore, with all her ideal great-
ness of soul, is no abstraction, but an Italian girl, with flashing
moods and impulses. She thinks, in her agony, of suicide
Lucretia’s remedy-before she finds her own ; she is as sure as
Antigone that her guilt is innocence, yet fights her accusers with
the rare cunning of an advocate; she confronts the faltering
murderers with more than the fierce energy of Lady Macbeth,
yet has her moment of a young girls anguish at the thought of
passing for ever from the sunshine into a 'wide, grey, lampless,
deep, unpeopled world. Analysis may pronounce this or that
trait inconsistent; but the qualified reader will feel himself
in the grip of a character of Shakespearean richness of texture,
irradiated through and through by a flawless splendour of soul.
If Beatrice recalls Greek, as well as Elizabethan, analogies,
count Cenci is of the race of the Barabbases and Volpones who
mark the extremest divergence of Elizabethan from Greek tragedy.
Yet, he is drawn with a reticence of which no Elizabethan would


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Politics
have been capable, and the horror of his act is so far mitigated
that its motive is hate, not lust. He has moments almost of sublimity,
in which his hate appears a tragic doom :
The act I think shall soon extinguish all
For me: I bear a darker deadlier gloom
Than the earth's shade, or interlunar air;
or in which he imagines his piled wealth making a flaming pyre
out in the wide Campagna; which done,
My soul, which is a scourge, will I resign
Into the hands of him who wielded it.
The Cenci owes more to Shelley's intense self-projection into a
real story profoundly sympathetic to him than to conscious imita-
tion of any master or school. If the Elizabethans were most in
his mind, the absorbing interest for him of the person and the fate
of his heroine checked any disposition to diffuseness of plot or
luxury of style. No secondary interest gets foothold for a moment;
.
the mother and brothers, even the hapless Bernardo, are distinctly,
if faintly, drawn ; but their fate hardly moves us beside that of
Beatrice. And, if the Greeks, too, were in his mind, the same
passionate championship effectually overcame any Hellenic dis-
position to find a relative justification for both contending parties.
Cenci was beyond apology; but a blindly scrupulous, instead of a
basely mercenary, pope would have strengthened the play.
And a play Shelley did, in fact, intend it to be. In Beatrice
Cenci, he actually had in mind the great tragic actress Eliza O'Neill,
and, in sending the MS to the lessee of Covent Garden, intimated
his desire that she should play it. Harris, as was inevitable,
declined the proposal, but invited its author to write a play for him
on some other subject.
Shelley was already, however, absorbed in other tasks. 'I
have deserted the odorous gardens of literature,' he wrote, 'for
the great sandy desert of politics. ' From that 'desert,' in truth,
he had never averted his ken. And the provocation to enter it
was now unusually great. Popular hostility to the government,
fomented by the horrors of the factory system, the oppressiveness
of the corn laws and the high-handed toryism of the ministry, had,
in 1819, become acute. The Peterloo affair (16 August) roused
Shelley’s fierce indignation, and, in brief serried stanzas as of knotted
whipcord, he lashed the man whom he chose to hold responsible
for the threatened revolution. The Masque of Anarchy is much
more, however, than a derisive arraignment of the arch- anarch'
Castlereagh. Of Shelley's finest vein of poetry, it contains few
a
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[ch.
Shelley
6
hints; but, without it, we should more unreservedly discredit his
sense for the realities of a free national life. From the visionary
freedom of Prometheus, this practical and attainable freedom of the
'comely table spread' and the 'neat and happy home' is as far re-
moved as is the human tragedy of the Cenci palace from the mythic
pangs of the pale sufferer on Caucasus. The publication, the same
autumn, of Wordsworth’s Peter Bell (written in 1798) drew an out-
burst of sardonic mockery, not the less bitter for its sportive form,
upon the tory poet. It had already been reviewed by Hunt (whose
notice Shelley read with great amusement') and parodied by
J. H. Reynolds. In Peter Bell the Third, Shelley attacks at once
the reactionary politician and the 'dull' poet, but the reactionary
who had once hailed with rapture the 'dawn' of the revolution,
and the dull poet who had once stood on the heights of poetry. And
the two indictments, for Shelley, hung together. Wordsworth was
dull because he had been false to his early ideals. To convey this
by identifying the poet with Peter Bell, his own symbol of the
dull man, was an ingenious satiric device and not unfair retribution.
Under cover of it, moreover, Shelley delivers (in part iv) some
shafts of criticism which illuminate as well as pierce, and he can
pointedly recall the older Wordsworth who made songs
on moor and glen and rocky lake
And on the heart of man.
In the most elaborate of these satires, on the other hand, the quasi-
Aristophanic drama Swellfoot the Tyrant (1820), on the scandal
of George IV and the queen, Shelley's humour crackles drearily.
Its hideous symbolism is unredeemed.
In the meantime (January 1820), the Shelleys had moved to
Pisa, their home, with occasional intervals by the sea or in the
mountains, for the next two years. His vaster poetic schemes
during the first of these years fell into the background; Prometheus
and The Cenci had no successors. But he was himself in the full
tide of growth; in lyric, at least, he now showed a finished mastery
which, even in his great lyric drama, he had not always reached;
and he struck out upon fresh and delightful adventures. In The
Sensitive Plant, the loveliness of an Italian flower garden in
spring, and its autumn decay, inspired a Shelleyan myth, akin
in purport to Alastor, but with a new, delicate plasticity, like that
of the contemporary Skylark. His flowers, commonly impressionist
hints of colour and perfume, are now finely articulated and
characterised; they are Shelleyan flowers, but, like those of
Shakespeare, they are, recognisably, nature's too. In 'the sensitive


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111]
71
The Witch of Atlas
>
plant’ itself, Shelley found a new symbol for his own 'love of
love,''companionless,' like the poet in Alastor and the 'one frail
form' of Adonais ; and, as in Adonais, the mood of lament at the
passing of beauty and the seeming frustration of love merges in a
note of assurance, here not ecstatic but serene, that beauty and
love are, in reality, the eternal things. The anapaestic verse is
nearer than any other to that of Christabel ; it lent itself with,
perhaps, excessive ease to the fluid undulations of Shelley's rhythms,
but he discovers in it new and exquisite effects.
The Witch of Atlas is a more airily playful essay in poetic
myth-making. Imagined on a solitary mountain climb, after days
spent in translating the delightful rogueries of the Homeric
Hymn to Mercury, The Witch is a hymn in kindred vein: the
deeper harmonies of his thought and aspiration transposed into
blithe irresponsible fancy and dainty arabesque. But poetry it
remains, despite some menace of the mock-heroic at the outset, and
of satire at the end. The ottava rima which Shelley uses here, as
for his Hymn to Mercury, had, for centuries, been the accepted
measure, in Italian, of playful poetry; and Byron had lately
adopted it for the epic mockery of Don Juan,
Tradition and example helped to suspend here the ‘shrill' and
'intense' notes of Shelley's poetry; but they set no check upon
the wayward loveliness of his music and imagery. To his wife,
as is well known, the poem did not appeal; it could have no
apter prelude than the charming 'apology' in which he bids her
prithee for this one time
Content thee with a visionary rhyme.
A few other experiments in narrative of the same time
A Vision of the Sea, Orpheus, Cosimo and Fiordispina-open up
alluring glimpses of beauty, but, on the whole, confirm the im-
pression that story with difficulty sustained itself in Shelley's
imagination unless it partook of the tone and temper of lyric.
The first-named is a kind of Shelleyan Ancient Mariner, woven of
beauty and horror, but less ‘visionary,' in the sense which troubled
Mrs Shelley, than The Witch of Atlas; and the anapaests crash
and surge-a new potency in a metre of which only the liquid
melodious lilt had appeared to be known to the poet of The Cloud
and The Sensitive Plant. Shelley's passion for the sea was
beginning to impress his poetry.
These adventures in poetic tale, however, even when highly fortu-
nate, like The Witch, did not draw their inspiration from the depths
of Shelley's nature. They were experiments in artistry, exercises of


## p. 72 (#96) ##############################################

72
[CH.
Shelley
his now ripe expressive power. But his artistry was also summoned
to the service of his political and social ideals. The revolutionary
fervour which, in the previous year, had provoked his satires and
squibs, now clothes itself in the intricate rhythms of the Pindaric
ode. The odes To Naples and To Liberty contain splendid bursts
of poetry, such as epode i B of the first, and the Athens stanza (v) of
the second; but do not, as complete poems, overcome the obstacle to
poetry presented by the abstract and political themes from which
he set out. The Ode to the West Wind, on the other hand,
originates directly in that impassioned intuition which is the
first condition of poetry; the wild autumn wind sweeping through
the forest possesses his imagination and becomes a living symbol
of the spiritual forces which regenerate the fading or decadent life
of nations, bring succour and 'alliance' to forlorn heroic spirits,
and scatter their burning words, ‘like ashes from an unextinguished
hearth,' among mankind. Nowhere does Shelley's voice reach
a more poignantly personal note or more perfect spontaneity.
Yet, this ode is no less his masterpiece in calculated symmetry of
structure, matching here the artistry of Keats's Grecian Urn or
Autumn. The 'Titan in a virgin's form' (so Leopardi called him)
finds consummate utterance in this great song, where we hear
together the forlorn wail and the prophetic trumpet-blast. The
symbolism, here, is too individual and too passionate to resemble
the instinctive rendering of natural phenomena in terms of con-
scious life, which we call ‘myth. But, much of Shelley's loveliest
lyric, as has often been observed, does provoke this comparison.
Arethusa, and the Hymns of Apollo and Pan, are of a serene and
radiant beauty almost untouched by the personal note, whether of
pathos or of prophecy. And, in The Cloud, Shelley quits the
guidance of Greek divinities, and, with superb and joyous ease,
makes myth for himself. There is nothing esoteric in this cloud's
life; all the familiar aspects of the cloud which ‘changes but
cannot die' are translated by a kind of brilliant poetic wit into
plastic image. Hence, in part, its universal appeal. In The
Skylark, closely akin in the entrancing swiftness and subtlety of
its music, the temper is wholly unlike. The skylark is divine, as
the cloud is immortal; but, instead of personating it, the poet
looks up with wistful longing to its 'clear keen joyance,' its love
which had never known love's sad satiety. The brief, quivering
pulsations of the verse contrast with the superb, pacing measure
of The Cloud.
The second year at Pisa (1821) brought new friendships and


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111]
Epipsychidion
73
interests; and Shelley's poetry, henceforth, is more largely coloured,
or even inspired, by personal intimacy. The Letter to Maria
Gisborne, of the preceding August, had commemorated a purely
intellectual friendship. Unlike Pope's Epistle to Arbuthnot—its
only rival among English letters in verse-it ‘imitates' neither
Horace nor anyone else, but, on the contrary, reveals, with trans-
parent and spontaneous frankness, the Shelley of sparkling and
sprightly converse, of fun shot through with poetry, and poetry
with fun, of human thoughtfulness, and keen common-sense, whom
only his best friends knew. Epipsychidion, Adonais and the lyrics
written to Jane Williams are monuments of kinds of friendship
more passionate and more individually Shelleyan, yet as diverse
as the poetry which enshrines them. Shelley had lately trans-
lated the Symposium of Plato. In Emilia Viviani, he thought he
saw realised the visionary beauty which, from 'youth's dawn,'
had beckoned and whispered to him in all the wonder and
romance of the world. A similar apparition had, at least once
before, crossed his path, in the wife whom he still sincerely, if not
passionately, loved. The situation was complex, and not in all its
aspects favourable to poetry. The rejected fragments show that he
did not without effort refrain from the mere defiant bravado of one
facing a groundless or specious charge. In what remains, nothing is
ignoble, nothing prosaic; but the passages in which he is explaining
and justifying are distinguished by their plainer phrasing from
those in which, as in the rapturous close, he soars, with beating
wings, above earth and its laws and limits to pierce into the rare
universe of love. The Godwinian doctrine of free love is, doubt-
less, discernible, on a last analysis, in the justification; but that
doctrine is taken up into the sublime Platonic faith that love
permeates the universe, and cannot, therefore, be completely
mirrored in the facet of any one human form. Thus, in defending
his passion for Emilia, Shelley is led to an argument which cuts
away the ground of the exclusive and absorbing adoration of her
which much of his language suggests. She is no mere symbol;
her womanhood and her beauty are real; but beauty more uni-
versal and enduring than her own is gathered up in her, as light
in the sun, and this ideal value, though the emphasis fluctuates, is
never absent from Shelley's thought. Yet, the comparison which
he invokes with the Vita Nuova is not wholly just; the virginal
passion of Dante repudiates every suggestion of union, even in
marriage; while Shelley's spiritual passion finds adequate utter-
ance only in the rapt imagery of possession.


## p. 74 (#98) ##############################################

74
Shelley
[ch.
a
The romance of Emilia Viviani had a somewhat sordid sequel,
and Shelley felt the bitterness of disillusionment. But illusion had
brought him thought, vision and song, which were not illusory.
Epipsychidion enshrines a rare and strange mode of feeling,
accessible only to the few; we pass, nevertheless, into a larger air
when we turn from this Platonist bridal hymn to the great elegy
with which, a few weeks later, he commemorated the death of
Keats. The two poets had never been intimate, and neither
thought of the other's poetry, as a whole, so highly as it deserved.
But Shelley put Hyperion on a level with the grandest poetry of
his time. Grief for a dead friend has hardly more part in Adonais
than in Lycidas; but it is, in a far greater degree, an impassioned
lament for a poet. The death of Edward King gave Milton an
occasion for a meditation of unequalled splendour upon poetic
fame; the death of Keats is felt by Shelley as a calamity for
poetry, and for everything in nature and humanity to which
poetry gives enduring expression, and the very soul of poetry
seems to utter itself, now in sorrow, now in retributive indignation,
through his lips. It is something more than literary artifice, or
,
the example of antique elegy, that leads him to picture muses
and seasons, dreams, desires and adorations, joining in his lament.
All he had loved and moulded into thought
From shape and hue and odour and sweet sound
Lamented Adonais;
and, Adonais being, for Shelley, chiefly the poet of Hyperion, his
chief mourner is the heavenly muse Urania. Even the persons
who are represented beside his grave, Byron, Hunt, Moore, Shelley
himself, are there not as friends but as fellow-poets. The stately
Spenserian stanza, to which Shelley communicates a new magni-
ficence of his own, accords well with the grandeur of the theme.
Solitary as he was, and echoless as his song, for the moment,
remained, he knew that he was speaking out of the heart of
humanity, and not merely ‘antheming a lonely grief. ' And, in the
,
triumphant closing movement, he gave expression more sublime
than either Milton or any ancient elegist had found, to the im-
mortality of poetry. The poet, like the lover, could transcend the
limits of personality, and become at one with eternal things.
It was in the spirit of these magnificent vindications of poet
and lover, and during the interval between them, that Shelley
wrote (February-March 1821) his memorable Defence of Poetry.
Peacock's essay, The Four Ages of Poetry, in Ollier's Literary Mis-
cellany, 1820, had stirred him to a 'sacred rage' by representing


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11]
Last Poems
75
the revival of imagination, in his day, as a futile reversion to the
infantine culture of primitive man. Not poetry alone, as ordinarily
understood, but ethics, the very meaning of conduct, of history,
nay, of life itself, was, for Shelley, at stake; and his Defence
ranges far beyond the scope of literature. Poetry reveals the
order and beauty of the universe ; it is impossible without
imagination and without love, and these are the secret, also, of
all goodness, of all discovery, of all creation. 'A man to be greatly
good, must imagine intensely and comprehensively . . . the great
secret of morals is love. The Defence is a noble statement not
only of Shelley's own poetic ideals, but (despite some ambiguity
of expression) of what is most poetic in poetry at large.
In the flights of lovely song which came from Shelley during
the later Pisan time, and the three months by the Spezzian bay
which followed, the note of magnificent confidence which sounds in
the close of Adonais, and in the Defence, is more rarely heard.
Most of them are inspired by his tender intimacy with Jane
Williams; a 'desire of the moth for the star,' which touched even
the happiest of them with the sense of futility. Frailty and
evanescence are now the lot of all lovely things. The flower that
smiles today, tomorrow dies; the light of the shattered lamp
lies dead in the dust; the spirit of delight is a rare visitor. And
these thoughts are enshrined in verse of a like impalpable tenuity,
unsubstantial as a rose-petal, and floating on a subtler, more
tremulous and evasive music. For the splendid rhythmical sweep
of The Cloud, we have the plaintive suspensions and resumptions
of the music of When the lamp is shattered. Here and there, as
in Lines to Edward Williams (“The serpent is shut out from
Paradise'), the plaintiveness becomes a bitter cry, or, again, it
gives way to playful charm, as in Aziola; only the Lines on
Napoleon's death ("What! alive and so bold, O Earth ? ') have
a resonant and ringing music. With this requiem, blended of
anger and admiration, for the fallen conqueror, was published the
lyrical drama Hellas, inspired by the Greek war of liberation.
Hellas is, indeed, a prolonged lyric, conveyed partly through
dialogue as impassioned as the choric songs. The famous last
chorus is the noblest example of Shelley's command, when he
chose, of a classic simplicity and close-knit strength of speech.
The unfinished drama Charles I, which occupied much of the
later months at Pisa, shows, further, at moments, his advance in
genuine dramatic power. Charles and Henrietta are more alive
than other characters with whom Shelley was in closer sympathy,


## p. 76 (#100) #############################################

76
[CH.
Shelley
and whom he could make the mouthpiece of his own political
animus and ideas.
In April, the Pisan circle broke up, and Shelley, eager for the
sea, settled, with Mary, and Edward and Jane Williams, in a lonely
mansion, Casa Magni, on the wild Spezian bay. Several of the
lyrics to Jane were written here, but his central preoccupation
was the uncompleted Triumph of Life. Petrarch, in his Trionfi,
had portrayed men subjugated by love, chastity, time. For
Shelley, life itself, the 'painted veil' which obscures and dis-
guises the immortal spirit, is a more universal conqueror, and, in
vision, he sees this triumphal chariot pass, 'on the storm of its
own rushing splendour,' over the captive multitude of men.
Dante, rather than Petrarch, has inspired the conduct of the
vision, where Rousseau, the darkened light whence a thousand
beams had been kindled, interprets, like Vergil, to the rapt and
questioning poet. Much of the symbolism is obscure, but the
significant allusion to the Paradiso-
the rhyme
Of him whone from the lowest depths of hell
Through every Paradise and through all glory
Love led serene, and who returned to tell
In words of hate and awe—the wondrous story
How all things are transfigured except Love-
justifies the surmise that love, which arms heroic spirits against
the sway of life, was, in some way, to win the final triumph. The
terza rima is very nobly handled, with a dominant fluidity which
is more Petrarchian than Dantesque, but with moments of con-
centrated brevity which belong to the greater model. And the
passionate outlook upon life which pervades and informs it marks
Shelley's kinship. The sequel, doubtless, would have added clear-
ness to a poem which remains one of the grandest, but by no means
the least enigmatic, among the torsos of modern poetry.
The Triumph of Life was the occupation of summer days spent
afloat with Williams, on the Spezian bay. On 8 July, Shelley's
boat was run down, it is said deliberately, in a sudden squall.
His ashes, by the care of Trelawney, were buried in the protestant
cemetery at Rome, side by side with those of the great brother-
poet whose requiem he had sung, and whose poetry had been his
companion in the hour of death.
A century has almost passed, and Shelley is still the subject of
keener debate than any of his poetic contemporaries, not excepting
Byron. That he is one of the greatest of lyric poets is eagerly
allowed by his most hostile critics; the old grounds, too, of hostility


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111]
Summary
77
man.
to him bave, in the main, long since spent their malice, or count on
his side; while some, which cannot be dismissed, are irrelevant to a
final estimate of his poetry. But many who feel the spell of his
'lovely wail' are repelled by his 'want of substance'; Matthew
Arnold's 'ineffectual angel’ ‘pinnacled dim in the intense inane'
expresses, for them, the whole truth about the poet and about the
And a part of the truth it undoubtedly does express. No
stranger apparition ever visited that robust matter-of-fact Georgian
England than this ‘frail form,' of whom, at the outset, Hazlitt might
have said with yet more truth than of Coleridge, that he had wings
but wanted hands and feet. ' Only, while Coleridge's wing “flagged'
more and more 'wearily' (as Shelley said), Shelley grew steadily,
not only in power of flight, but in his living hold, both as poet and
as man, upon certain orders of fact. His ‘strangeness' was a part
(not the whole) of his originality; and he paid its price. To most
of what was complex, institutional, traditional in his milieu, he
remained inaccessible, intransigent; he could not, like Wordsworth,
find his 'home' in these things, still less find it a 'kindred-point'
with his ‘heaven. ' For Shelley, society was rather the ground from
which (like his Skylark) he soared to a heaven far remote; or, to
use his yet more splendid image, the dome of many-coloured glass'
beyond which he strove to project himself into a white radiance of
eternity. As Bradley has aptly remarked, he forgot, not always
but often, that the white radiance itself persists transformed in the
many colours. That pure and intense aspiration, however, is the
first note of Shelley's authentic poetry. It would not be authentic,
it would hardly be memorable, if it merely expressed aspirations,
however ideal and intense; but the expression itself is already
creative and new. Shelley's mature verse and diction do not merely
serve as a channel for his thought and feeling: the temper of his
spirit penetrates and suffuses their very texture, evoking spon-
taneous felicities of rhythm and phrase, which are beautiful in
their own right as well as by their subtle symbolism. Of all the
poets of his time, Shelley's style carries us furthest from the close-
packed, tessellated brilliance, the calculated point and precision,
of the Augustans; to describe it we have to recur to images drawn
from the undulating contours of waves, the pure intensity and
splendour of flame. During the last years of his short life, his
soaring idealism abated nothing of its ardour; but he found in the
actual world of nature and of man more varied intimations of the
'Life of Life' they veiled, and his poetry, within its range, acquired
a piercing and profound human truth without losing its unearthly


## p. 78 (#102) #############################################

78
[ch. III
Shelley
beauty. The most 'subjective of modern English poets created
our one great modern English tragedy. And the most 'romantic'
of them had, almost alone, the secret of a truly classical' simplicity;
a speech nobly bare, even austere, familiar without banality, poetic
without artifice. Some kinds of poetic experience, and those not
the least vital, he expresses with a delicate precision not less than
that of the “subtle soul'd psychologist’ Coleridge; and he is some-
times most precise when he appears, to the ordinary reader, most
'vague. ' And, while the philosophic beliefs of Coleridge hardly
touch his poetry, and were deeply coloured by the interests of the
theologian and the political theorist, the ultimate metaphysic of
Shelley is the articulate interpretation of his most intense poetic
vision, and vitally supplements, where it does not rudely traverse,
the dogmas of his ‘atheistic' or 'democratic' creed. To all readers,
Shelley will remain the consummate inventor of lyric harmonies.
To some, he will be not less precious for the glimpses given, in
Adonais and in The Defence of Poetry, of a doctrine of universal
being more consonant than any other with the nature of poetry.


## p. 79 (#103) #############################################

CHAPTER IV
KEATS
JOHN KEATS was born on 29 or 31 October 1795, the eldest
son of a livery-stable keeper in Finsbury Pavement, London.
Sent, as a child of eight, to a school at Enfield, he attracted the
interest and, before long, the devoted friendship, of the junior
master, Charles Cowden Clark, to whom he owed his first
initiation into poetry. About 1813, Clark read to the young
. "
surgeon's apprentice Spenser's Epithalamion, and put into his
hands The Faerie Queene. In phrases as indispensable to the
portrayer of Keats as those of Hogg to the biographer of Shelley,
Clark tells us how
he went thro' it as a young horse thro' a spring meadow ramping. . . . Like
a true poet, too, he specially singled out epithets, . . . he hoisted himself up,
and looked burly and dominant, as he said, 'What an image that is,—"sea-
shouldring whales. ”'
His earliest extant poem (1813) was an Imitation of Spenser.
Yet, Spenser was to count for less in his poetry than other Eliza-
bethans to whom Spenser led him— Fletcher, Browne and
Chapman; and it was the arresting experience of 'first looking
into Chapman's Homer' that prompted, early in 1815, his earliest
outburst of great song. The writings of Leigh Hunt added an
influence kindred, in some points, to these, and quickened, from
the summer of 1816, by the spell of personal friendship. At
Hunt's Hampstead cottage, Keats met Hazlitt, Haydon and
Shelley. The former two won his deep admiration; Hazlitt's
'depth of taste' and Haydon's pictures he declared to be, with
The Excursion, the three things to rejoice in in this age,' a
dictum which, in each point, foreshadows a riper Keats than his
poetry at this date betokens. His first volume of poems, issued
in 1817, is still impressed, both for better and for worse, with the
influence of Hunt. For better, since Keats could still learn much
(
6


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80
[CH.
Keats
from his Ariosto-like charm and ease, and especially from his
revival of the flexible mode of the rimed couplet; for worse,
since Hunt's faults of looseness and bad taste were, for Keats, still
insidious and infectious. The volume marks the swiftness of his
upward flight. Between the stanzas To some Ladies and I stood
tiptoe or Sleep and Poetry, the distance is enormous, and
Hunt’s was the most powerful of the external forces which con-
curred with the most potent of all, his own ripening vision of
beauty and truth. This vision of beauty, steadily growing richer
as well as purer and more intense, inspires Sleep and Poetry, a
noble prelude and forecast of his own future song. Still a young
neophyte— not yet a glorious denizen of the heaven of poesy'-
he derides, with boyish emphasis, the mechanic practitioners who
'wore its mark. ' Keats was only renewing in fiery verse, when the
battle was far advanced, the challenge with which, in his prose preface,
Wordsworth had opened the affray. But Wordsworth had plainly
helped him, also, to grasp the ideal task of the poet, and, thus,
to formulate his own poetic aims. In Tintern Abbey, the older
poet had looked back upon the ecstasies of his youthful passion
for nature with a mind which had already reached a 'sublimer
mood', responsive to the burden and mystery of the world.
Keats finds in that retrospect the clue to his own forecast. He,
too, will pass from the region of thoughtless joy-the realm of
Flora and old Pan, where he chose each pleasure that his fancy
saw-to the agonies, the strife of human hearts'; for this he
already knows to be “the nobler life. ' But the parallel, though
real, must not be too closely pressed. Keats was no disciple even
of Wordsworth; he forged his own way, and his vision of beauty,
even in its present immature stage, is far richer and more various
than can be ascribed to the Wordsworth of 1793. Apart from his
greater opulence of sensation, he draws a delight, which never
counted for much with Wordsworth, from the imagination of
others; beauty, for him, is not only 'a living presence of the
earth’; the bright deities of Greeks and Elizabethans have their
part in it, and Keats revels in airy touches which give us
momentary glimpses of them. Is he indignant at the riot of
foppery and barbarism? Apollo is indignant too; and to read
the meaning of Jove's large eyebrow is no less a part of the
poetic vision than to paint the tender green of April meadows.
The caressing charm and joyance of manner, as well as the flowing
rimed couplets, are still reminiscent only of Hunt, and, at the close,
he turns from awed contemplation of the 'long perspective of


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iv]
Endymion
81
the realms of poesy' before him to describe, with a full heart, the
home of his good friend and mentor, and
The hearty grasp that sends a pleasant sonnet
Into the brain ere one can think upon it.
The sonnet was, indeed, at this stage, Keats's most familiar mode
of lyric expression. As early as 1814, he had stammered in this
form his boyish worship of Byron and Chatterton. The seventeen
sonnets published in the 1817 volume are mostly fresh utterances
of admiring friendship. Haydon, his future sister-in-law Geor-
giana (' nymph of the downward smile and sidelong glance'), his
brothers, or ‘kind Hunt' are addressed or remembered in
eminently pleasant, but rarely accomplished, verse.
They all
follow the severe Petrarchian rime-form used by Wordsworth,
and often recall his more meditative sonnets both in phrase
and sentiment.
The little volume was discriminatingly reviewed by Hunt, but
made no impression. Keats, too acutely sensitive to his own
critical judgment to care much for the world's, was already
immersed in the great quest of beauty of which he had dreamed
in Sleep and Poetry.
Endymion, the work of the twelve months from April 1817 to
April 1818, has the invertebrate structure, the insecure style, the
weakness in narrative and the luxuriance of colour and music,
natural to one who still lived more in sensation than in thought;
but, also, the enchanted atmosphere and scenery, and the sudden
reaches of vision, possible only to one whose senses were irradiated
by imagination, and ‘half created,' 'half perceived. “Poetry must
surprise by a fine excess,' was a later dictum of Keats, justified
by some of his finest work. At present, he spends his wealth
wantonly, careless of the economies and reticences of great art.
Yet, there are strokes of magic which no artistry could achieve,
and many lines and phrases which help us to understand how,
from the effeminate sentiment, was evolved the tender delicacy
of The Eve of St Agnes, and, from the riot of luxurious fancy, the
noble and ordered opulence of the Autumn ode. Of such is the
wonderful picture of the wave
Down whose green back the short-liv'd foam, all hoar,
Bursts gradual, with a wayward indolence.
The story of Endymion and the moon, as retold by the
Elizabethans, had early captivated Keats's imagination : the
loveliness of the moon-lit world-even in a London suburbhad
6
E. L. XII.
CH. IV.


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82
[ch.
Keats
become a kind of symbol for all beauty, and he himself a new
Endymion, the implicit hero of the story he told; and, by the
same symbolism, a lover of all loveliness, so that nothing in the
universe of real or imagined beauty was irrelevant to his quest.
Hence, we pass easily to and fro from this to other legends not
otherwise akin-Cybele, Glaucus and Scylla, Arethusa.