No More Learning

In 1618, he became
reader in Greek, and, having taken holy orders, was appointed vicar
of Alderton in Suffolk, where he died in 1623. Although he was
some six years younger than his brother, his poem Christs Victorie,
and Triumph in Heaven, and Earth, over and after death was
published many years before his brother's poem The Purple Island,
namely, in 1610, by C. Legge at Cambridge. Christs Victorie and
Triumph is his principal work, but he also wrote a Canto upon the
Death of Eliza, an Elegy upon Prince Henry's Death and a short
poem in riming couplets, to which Boas has given the name A De-
scription of Encolpius Christs Victorie, written in 265 eight-lined
stanzas (riming ababbocc) is divided into four parts. In the first
part, he describes Christ's victory in Heaven through the inter-
cession of Mercy against the indictment of man by Justice; in
the second, His victory on earth where He overcomes Satan, who,
in the guise of a reverend palmer, tempts Him to Desperation, to
Presumption and to Vainglory ; in the third, he describes Christ's
triumph over death, 'in generall by his joy to undergo it . . . by his
passion itself,' and the particular effects of the triumph throughout
the universe; and, in the last part, Christ's triumph after death
is narrated, as manifested in the resurrection and the effects of the
resurrection on all living things. There is no doubt that, as a


## p. 165 (#187) ############################################

The Fletchers
165
whole, the poem is hampered by the very quality which gave it
birth-the author's devoutness. He is unable to weave his own
fancy and the accepted traditions into a composite pattern ; and
the effort to make his verse worthy of its subject often produces
the effect of constraint or of exaggeration. There are, however,
many passages of individual beauty, such as the description of
Mercy, and some of great dramatic power, notably the passage in
which the effect of Christ's triumph upon Judas is told. The
vigour of his phrase and the loftiness of his aim combine to make
him a worthy link in the chain which connects his great master and
his great successor-Spenser and Milton.
His elder brother, Phineas Fletcher, was born in 1582, and
went from Eton to King's college, Cambridge, in the Commons
book of which college his name first appears in 1600. A contribu-
tion of his appeared in Sorrowes Joy, a poetical miscellany,
compiled at the university in 1603, in which his younger brother's
Canto upon Eliza gained a place and which mourned Elizabeth's
death at the same time as it welcomed the arrival of king James.
The resemblance in the lives of the brothers is as marked as the
resemblance in their work. The chief legacy which their father
left them was a good education. Both lived at Cambridge for
some years until Giles Fletcher became vicar of Alderton in
Suffolk, and Phineas Fletcher, after being for five years chaplain
to Sir Henry Willoughby, became rector of Hilgay in Norfolk, in
1621, two years before his brother's death in 1623. Phineas
Fletcher wrote far more than Giles, and was possessed of a light
manner as well as of the more deeply serious manner which
characterises the extant work of his brother. Brittain's Ida,
first published in 1628, Sicelides and Piscatorie Eclogues are
the most notable examples of this lighter manner. Brittain's
Ida is a pretty, amatory poem in six cantos on the subject of
Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis. The stanzas are of eight lines
and rime ababbccc. The long success of the publisher's ruse
which attributed the poem to Spenser and which remained un-
discovered until Grosart proved the authorship shows how nicely
Fletcher hit the manner of Spenser. Sicelides, a piscatory,
is a fisher-play of spirited wit and fancy, which was acted
at King's college, Cambridge on 13 March 1614/15, and printed,
also without the author's consent, in 1631. No grave divine,
such as Fletcher had then become, would have been pleased
1 See also Boas's preface to poetical works of Giles and Phineas Fletcher, vol. II,
Cambridge, 1909.
1


## p. 166 (#188) ############################################

166
The Successors of Spenser
to own offspring so flippant and indecorous as these works of his
youth. His immense poem The Purple Island, as well-known as
it is little read, he did not, however, thus view askance. Its
scope is colossal, for the purple island is the little isle of man, a
country which, be it observed, Davies, Wither and Drummond had
each in his own way explored. For the secret realm of a man's
own nature had, for these poets, as great an attraction as unknown
lands had for the previous generation of pioneers in exploration.
Though the intention is interesting, the setting—the daily conver-
sations of shepherds—is laboured, and the allegory troublesome
to follow. He does not aid his minute description of the body
and its functions by his continual geographical analogies ; indeed,
many passages would be completely meaningless without his own
explanatory notes. But his enthusiasm for the delicate mechanism
of the body is none the less remarkable that his expression of it is
often amusing. After a detailed description of man's anatomy, he
turns his attention to qualities of man's mind, and passes in
review all the virtues and vices. Here, in small allegorical
pictures, he is more successful ; many of them are happy in idea
and beautiful in execution, especially his pictures of ignorance, of
Andreos or fortitude, of Androphilus or gentleness.
His two best poems are The Apollyonists and Elisa, an Elegie.
The Locusts or Apollyonists was published in 1627 with a poem
Locustae on the same subject, in Latin hexameters, and is
written in five cantos of forty stanzas each. The stanza is of
nine lines, riming abababccc, and affords another variant of the
Spenserian stanza from the seven-lined stanza, riming ababbcc in
the Elegy and ababccc in The Purple Island. In this poem,
he uses the fall of Lucifer as a device to explain the strength of
the church of Rome, whose machinations are made to culminate
in the Gunpowder plot. He writes with the bitterness that might
be expected from an English clergyman of the time; but this
bitterness narrows the scope of the poem to an expression of
party-hatred—a function ill-suited to poetry. Many lines, how-
ever, especially at the outset, where he deals with evil in general,
are vigorous, and, at times, so forcible and spacious as to justify
the epithet Miltonic. Elisa is an elegy, published in the 1633
quarto, upon the death of Sir Antony Irby, composed, as its
separate title-page announces, at the request, and for a monument,
of his surviving lady. The poem is in two parts of fifty stanzas
each, and maintains a high level of sustained feeling. It shows
Phineas Fletcher at his simplest and at his best. He creates with
,


## p. 167 (#189) ############################################

a
The Fletchers
167
striking power the illusion of reality in a dialogue between the
dying husband and his wife, which is singularly original and
reaches its climax of pathetic beauty in the last eighteen stanzas
of the first part, in which he begs her gladly to continue with the
burden of life for the sake of their children-'this little nation to
thy care commend them. '
Both the Fletchers were steeped in Spenser's poetry, and
carried on the Spenserian tradition. In their work is to be found
Spenser's diffuseness, his use of allegory, many variants of his
stanza and the echo, often a beautiful echo, of his music. More-
over, Milton knew the work of the Fletchers as intimately as he,
or the Fletchers, knew the work of Spenser. And so one of the
prettiest and most intricate problems that is to be found in litera-
ture arises on the question of what is known as influence. The
best example of the affinity between the work of Milton and the
work of Phineas Fletcher is to be found in a comparison between
the way in which Milton treats that stock episode of the miracle
play, the fall of Lucifer, and the way in which Fletcher treats it.
In The Apollyonists, the fall of Lucifer is a prelude to an onslaught
upon the Jesuits : the great opening is narrowed to the confines
of religious hatred. But the sympathy which Milton could not
but feel for the rebel transformed the figure of Satan from a fine
conception to one of immortal grandeur. Milton humanised
the devil, Fletcher diabolised the priest. Their meeting-point is
found in Fletcher's lines
To be in heaven the second hé disdaines :
So now the first in hell and flames he raignes,
Crown'd once with joy and light: crown'd now with fire and paines.
and in the Miltonic
Better to reign in hell then serve in Heav'n,


## p. 168 (#190) ############################################

CHAPTER X
MICHAEL DRAYTON
>
THE poet of whom this chapter treats was much admired
by his contemporaries. The title golden-mouthed,' first given
him by Fitzgeffry, clung to him, and Meres praises him for the
purity and preciousness of his style and phrase. ' After more than
a century of neglect, he was reprinted and read in the middle of
the eighteenth century; but, though he again acquired some vogue
in the Elizabethan revival of the early part of the nineteenth
century, it is only in recent years that his poetry has begun to
receive the recognition it deserves.
Michael Drayton, as we learn from the portrait by William
Hole which forms the frontispiece to the Poems of 1619, was
born at Hartshill, in the county of Warwick, in 1563. He died,
probably in London, near the end of 1631. Born within a year
before Shakespeare, and dying when Milton was already twenty-
three, he worked hard at poetry during nearly sixty years of his
long life, and was successful in keeping in touch with the poetical
progress of a crowded and swiftly-moving period. His earliest
published work tastes of Tottel's Miscellany: before he dies, he
suggests Carew and Suckling, and even anticipates Dryden. This
quality of forming, as it were, a map or mirror of his age gives him
a special interest to the student of poetry, which is quite distinct
from his peculiar merits as a poet.
Drayton himself has left us, besides other scraps of autobio-
graphy scattered among his works, an account of the genesis of
the great passion of his life. His family appears to have been of
the same grade as Shakespeare's, that of well-to-do tradespeople> ;
:
1 The advance in Drayton's just reputation is brought into prominence by Elton, O. :
Michael Drayton: A Critical Study (1895 and 1905). No modern student of Drayton
can escape his obligations to this scholarly and stimulating work.
? Reproduced, Elton (1905), p. 107. All subsequent references are to this edition.
For some details and a pedigree see Elton, pp. 244.


## p. 169 (#191) ############################################

Drayton's Boyhood
169
and, in early boyhood, Michael Drayton, one of a large family,
was taken to be page, or something of the kind—at any rate, to
occupy a position of confidence and intimacy-in the family of
Sir Henry Goodere of Powlsworth (now Polesworth), on the river
Ancor, not far from Tamworth. His gratitude to Sir Henry
Goodere, “the first cherisher of his muse,' he expressed more than
once : in the dedications of the Heroicall Epistles (1597) of queen
Isabel to king Richard II, of lady Jane Grey to lord Guilford
Dudley and of queen Margaret to the duke of Suffolk. And,
in his sixty-fourth year, Drayton looked back and gave his friend
Henry Reynolds, in a letter in verse, an account of his education
at Polesworth, and the birth in him of the desire to be a poet.
For from my cradle, (you must know that) I,
Was still inclin'd to noble Poesie,
And when that once Pueriles I had read,
And newly had my Cato construed,
In my small selfe I greatly marveiļd then,
Amonst all other, what strange kinde of men
These Poets were; And pleased with the name,
To my milde Tutor merrily I came,
(For I was then a proper goodly page,
Much like a Pigmy, scarse ten yeares of age)
Clasping my slender armes about his thigh.
O my deare master! cannot you (quoth I)
Make me a Poet, doe it if you can,
And you shall see, Ile quickly bee a man,
Who me thus answered smiling, boy quoth he,
If you'le not play the wag, but I may see
You ply your learning, I will shortly read
Some Poets to you; Phoebus be my speed,
Too't hard went I, when shortly he began,
And first read to me honest Mantuan,
Then Virgils Eglogues, being entred thus,
Me thought I straight had mounted Pegasus,
And in his full Careere could make him stop,
And bound upon Parnassus" by-clift top.
I scornd your ballet then though it were done
And had for Finis, William Eldertoni.
The account forms an interesting comment on Drayton's muse,
which was always sensitive to the influence of other poets, and was
largely inspired from without.
However he may have 'scornd your ballet' and William
Elderton, there was another influence, and one less pedantic than
Mantuan or Vergil, at work upon him during those boyish years
at Polesworth. In 1619, when dedicating his Odes to Donne's
1 Text from Brett, pp. 108—9. Elderton (ob. 1592 ? ) was a ballad-writer.


## p. 170 (#192) ############################################

170
Michael Drayton
6
friend, Sir Henry Goodere the younger, he recalled to the memory
of his old playmate
John Hewes his lyre
Which oft at Powlsworth by the fire
Hath made us gravely merry.
John Hewes, presumably, was the minstrel attached to the Goodere
household, and, from his name, presumably also Welsh; and it has
been suggested that on Hewes's lips the boy may have heard
‘those rough dactyls of the old folk-ballad Agincourt, Agincourt,
which gallop through Drayton's own monumental war-chant,' the
Ballad of Agincourt, dedicated ‘To the Cambro-Britans and their
Harpe.
It is not known whether Drayton went to a university. Our
first news of him is that in February 1591 he was in London.
The sixth eclogue in the 1606 edition of his Idea, the Shepheard's
Garland, contains a passage which, perhaps, may obscurely hint
at some irregularity of life after he had left his native county; but
nothing can be built upon it, and any supposition of debauchery
would be contrary to other evidence of Drayton's character
On 1 February 1591, his earliest extant work was entered
at Stationers' Hall; and the dedication to the lady Jane Devereux
of Merivale, sister-in-law of the earl of Essex, is dated the tenth of
the same month. How Drayton came to enjoy the patronage of
this lady is not known. The Harmonie of the Church, as has
been said above, has a flavour of Tottels Miscellany. The author,
clearly, was well read in his Old Testament and Apocrypha ; for
the matter of his book is the versification of nineteen prayers
and
songs of thanksgiving from these sources, including The Song
of Songs. The song of Moses, from the thirty-second chapter of
Deuteronomy, the song of Deborah and Barak from Judges, the
prayer and song of Judith and the joyful thanksgiving of the
faithful from the twelfth chapter of Isaiah are among the passages
paraphrased. There is nothing in all this painstaking 'prentice
work that foreshadows the poet who was to be; and it is hard
to believe that this was really the best that Drayton could do
at the age of twenty-eight. Though quatrains and stanzas of six
decasyllabic lines occur, the principal metre is that of the old
fourteeners,' or twelves and fourteeners mixed, common in the
earlier Elizabethan poetry. Drayton uses it without spirit or
1 By Elton, p. 8.
2 See Meres, Palladis Tamia; Fuller, Worthies; and The Returne from Parnassus,
&ct 1, 8c. 2.


## p. 171 (#193) ############################################

The Harmonie of the Church
171
a
novelty, and it may not be unfair to regard The Harmonie of the
Church as intended merely to acquire for the author a very
respectable introduction to the public of his day. The statement,
long current, that the book was confiscated in the year of its
publication has been proved erroneous! Drayton reissued the
work in 1610 under the title, A Heavenly Harmonie of Spirituall
Songes.
For something over two years, Drayton was silent. Then, in
April 1593, there was entered at Stationers' Hall a book which
showed a different influence from that revealed in The Harmonie
of the Church, and one which proved its author's title to the name
of poet. Throughout his life, Drayton maintained a fervent
admiration for Spenser, and Spenser was the model whom he
followed in his second publication. In 1579, the voice of what
was then the new poetry had spoken for the first time in Spenser's
Shepheards Calender. In 1593, Drayton's Idea, the Shepheard's
Garland, Fashioned in nine Eglogs. Rowlands Sacrifice to the
Nine Muses, carried on the same form, though not entirely with
the same end in view. In 1619, when he issued a third edition of
Idea under a new title (in the volume entitled Poems, including
The Barons Warres, England's Heroicall Epistles, Idea, Odes. . .
Pastorals, Contayning Eglogues, etc. ), Drayton prefixed to it a
brief discourse on pastoral in general, which contains this character-
istically ungrammatical sentence:
The subject of Pastorals, as the language of it ought to be poor, silly, and
of the coarsest woof in appearance; nevertheless, the most high, and most
noble matters of the world may be shadowed in them, and for certain some-
times are.
Notably so, of course, in Spenser's Shepheards Calender. But
Drayton, much as he owes to his great forerunner's work, shows
two points of difference. His language is not 'poor, silly, and
of the coarsest woof. ' It almost entirely avoids the archaisms in
which Spenser rejoiced, and it rises, when occasion demands, to
a nobility which makes these eclogues one of his finest achieve-
ments. Secondly, he almost entirely discards the tradition which,
starting in England, perhaps, from the study of Mantuan, had
forcibly affected all the writers of pastoral from Googe to Watson,
and was to reappear in Lycidas. Idea moralises but little, and
includes few complaints of the decay of nobility, misgovernment
1 By R. B. MºKerrow in The Library, 3rd Series, October 1910, pp. 348–350.


## p. 172 (#194) ############################################

172
Michael Drayton
in church and state and so forth. There is, in other words, little
trace upon the work of that change from the decayed order of
chivalry to a newly organised social scheme, which is the real
,
topic of much previous pastoral. The 'high and noble matters'
of which it treats comprise only love, panegyric and poetry.
In these eclogues as they first appeared, there is, it must be
admitted, a good deal that is old-fashioned. In the first,
Drayton, under his pastoral name Rowland, laments his sins and
his misery; and there is small promise of a new poet in such
lines as :
My sorrowes waxe, my joyes are in the wayning,
My hope decayes, and my despayre is springing,
My love hath losse, and my disgrace hath gayning,
Wrong rules, desert with teares her hands sits wringing:
Sorrow, despayre, disgrace, and wrong, doe thwart
My Joy, my love, my hope, and my desert.
The second eclogue gives us a debate between age and youth-in
the persons of Wynken and Motto-about love; the third is in
praise of Beta-that is, queen Elizabeth ; the fourth is a lament
for Elphin, Sir Philip Sidney; and the fifth sings the praises of
Idea. Of the identity of the person intended by this name more
must be said later. In the sixth eclogue, the departed worthies of
England are touched upon; but the main theme of the poem is the
panegyric of Pandora, who, probably, stands for the countess of
Pembroke. In the seventh, we have another contest between an
old man and a young about love; the eighth describes the pastoral
golden age; and the ninth and last is another lament from Rowland,
this time for unrequited love.
In 1606, Drayton, who spent much labour in the revision of his
previously published poems, issued a new edition of Idea, the
Shepheard's Garland, in his volume of Poemes Lyrick and
Pastoral. The differences from the first edition are many. The
title is changed to Eglogs, the dedication to Robert Dudley is
omitted, a new eclogue is added, the order is rearranged and the
text is much altered and much improved. The few archaisms
have disappeared, and so have all such outworn tricks as that
exemplified in the stanza quoted above. We find a fresher,
sweeter and stronger music, a rejection of the conventional in
image and scenery, and a greater freedom from that clumsiness
of grammar and construction which was Drayton's besetting
poetical sin all his life.
To the modern reader, nothing is more enjoyable in the Idea
of 1593 than the songs introduced into the dialogue. In the


## p. 173 (#195) ############################################

Idea, the Shepheard's Garland
173
6
Eglogs of 1606, these are even better; of the old songs, five have
disappeared, four of them to be replaced by others much less
'conceited,' much fresher and more purely lyrical and showing
something of the light and dainty music, the secret of which
Drayton was to master later in life. The two which remain are
polished, to their great benefit. One of these is the peculiarly
brave and swinging song in praise of Beta, which uses the old
‘sixes and eights' (with shorter lines between each pair) with
a skill and movement of which the author of The Harmonie of
the Church would never be supposed capable; the other is a
delightful ballad, in the metre of Chaucer's Sir Thopas, concerning
Dowsabell and her shepherd boy, in which archaic terms are intro-
duced to the best and quaintest effect. The new eclogue, the ninth,
contains three songs, all among Drayton's best. It may be noted,
too, that, in these pastorals, Drayton first makes the high claim for
poets and poetry which he had learned from Spenser, and which he
maintained throughout his life.
The pastorals of 1606 are of considerable interest on the
biographical side. In the first place, the poet speaks more directly
from the heart and more particularly of himself. It is only
necessary to compare the two versions of the last eclogue (ix in
1593, x in 1606), to see the difference. The one is a vague,
purely poetical and conventional complaint; the other, the very
voice of the man who had passed through disappointment and
sorrow. The references to other persons need further examina-
tion? . A few, about which there is no difficulty, have been mentioned
above; and to these may be added the reference in eclogue VIII to
a certain Sylvia, who may well be supposed to be a lady of the
family of Sir William Aston, by 1606 Drayton's patron. But who
is Idea, who Panape, who the 'great Olcon,' that has deserted
Rowland and the sheepfold, and who Selena, who is roundly
cursed by the poet for jilting Rowland in favour of deceitful
Cerberon '?
The questions are of importance in the biography of Drayton,
since they affect his honour as a man. Now, for the first time
in his writings, he gives, in this eclogue VIII of 1606, unmistakable
evidence of the identity of Idea. A previous mention (in Endimion
and Phoebe, ? 1595) had supplied the fact that she was then an
unmarried woman, living by the river Ancor. In the eclogue, we
1 In Fleay, Biog. Chronicle of the Eng. Drama, 1, pp. 143—5 there is a list of
interesting, if not always secure, identifications of Drayton's pastoral characters with
actual persons.


## p. 174 (#196) ############################################

174
Michael Drayton
are told that she is the younger sister of Panape, who still lives
by the Ancor, and that she has lately moved to another part of
England
The younger then, her sister not less good,
Bred where the other lastly doth abide,
Modest Idea, flower of womanhood,
That Rowland hath so highly deified;
Whom Phoebus' daughters worthily prefer,
And give their gifts abundantly to her.
Driving her flocks up to the fruitful Meene,
Which daily looks upon the lovely Stowre,
Near to that vale, which of all vales is queen,
Lastly, forsaking of her former bow'r:
And of all places holdeth Cotswold dear,
Which now is proud, because she lives it near.
Of the two daughters of Sir Henry Goodere, the patron of Dray-
ton's boyhood, the elder, Frances, had married her cousin and lived
on at Polesworth; the younger, Anne, had married, in 1595 or
1596, Sir Henry Rainsford of Clifford Chambers, 'in Evesham vale,
on the Stour, and north of Meon Hill, an outlying spur of Cotswold". '
There can be little doubt that, by 1606, at any rate, Idea was
Anne Rainsford, née Goodere. Further evidence comes from
The Barrons Wars (1603):
My lays had been still to Idea's bower,
Of my dear Ancor, or her loved Stour;
and from the thirteenth song of Poly-Olbion (1613), where Drayton,
singing of Coventry and Godiva, has these lines :
The first part of whose name, Godiva, doth fore-reed
Th' first syllable of hers, and Goodere half doth sound;
and states that 'her being here was by this name fore-shown,'
while
as the first did tell
Her sir-name, so again doth Ancor lively spell
Her christen'd title Anne.
The passage ends by informing us that Coventry was Anne Goodere's
birth-place. Once more, in the Hymn to his Ladies Birth-Place,
among the Odes of 1619, he states that Godiva was the type of
Idea, and that Idea was born in ‘happy Mich-Parke,' the 'best and
most frequent'street of Coventry.
There seems here ample evidence that, from 1595 to 1619-
from Drayton's thirty-second to his fifty-sixth year—Idea was
Anne Goodere ; and his long friendship with lady Rainsford and
1 Elton, p. 20.


## p. 175 (#197) ############################################

The Identity of 'Idea'
175
her husband is, also, well attested. Was Idea always Anne Goodere?
And is the Idea of the eclogues of 1593, and of the sonnets of 1594
and later years, which offer no evidence, the same person? It
would be natural to suppose that they were, and that Drayton
was faithful throughout to his ‘lady. As we have seen, he
. '
distinctly states in eclogue VIII of 1606 that the Idea of that
eclogue was the lady whom Rowland hath so highly deified'—that
is, to whom Drayton had addressed the sonnets. But it has been
suggested' that there was a change, and a very violent change,
in Drayton's allegiance, and that the attack on Selena in
eclogue VIII of 1606 is intimately connected with this change 2.
Endimion and Phoebe ( 1595), was ushered in by a glowing sonnet
addressed to Lucy countess of Bedford, the famous daughter of lord
Harington, whose seat was at Combe Abbey on the banks of the
Ancor. The sonnet thanks her for her bounty, and vows the poet's
devotion; it is, in fact, the stock tribute of client to patron. The
last twenty-two lines of Endimion and Phoebe form an address to
a 'sweet mayd,' the 'purest spark of Vesta's kindled fire,' the
'sweet Nymph of Ancor, crowne of my desire. ' It has been argued
that the sonnet to the patroness and the closing lines of the poem
must refer to the same person; to which it may be objected that
the two tributes are quite different in tone, and that the phrases
quoted above are very inaptly applied to a married woman, and
very aptly to one who was still unmarried and who seems to have
been the object of the poet's love, rather than of his reverence
or gratitude. If, however, the Idea of Endimion and Phoebe
be the countess of Bedford, it is fair to conclude that so is the Idea
of the eclogues of 1593 and the sonnets of 1594. In 1596, Drayton
dedicated to the countess of Bedford his Mortimeriados; in the
same year, his legend of Robert Duke of Normandy; and, in 1597,
his Englands Heroicall Epistles. Then, in 1603, in issuing his
Mortimeriados in a new form, he dedicated it, not to lady Bedford
but to Sir William Aston, and omitted all the references to that
lady. Finally, in eclogue VIII of 1606, comes the attack on Selena.
It has been supposed that the countess of Bedford had withdrawn
1 By Courthope, III, pp. 29 et seq.
? There is a puzzle in eclogue iv of 1593. What is meant by saying of the un.
faithful nymph that
Her lippes prophane Ideas sacred name,
And sdayne to read the annals of her fame?
The obvious explanation is that Anne Goodere had seen the sonnets to Iden in
manuscript (cf. the introductory sonnet to Anthony Cooke), and made light of them;
but this seems hardly satisfactory.


## p. 176 (#198) ############################################

176
Michael Drayton
a
her patronage; that Drayton, in revenge, took from her the
dedication of the new form of Mortimeriados; and that, in the
Idea of 1606, taking advantage of the fact that both ladies had
dwelt by the Ancor, he turned Idea into Anne Goodere and made
the countess of Bedford the hated and perfidious Selena. Unless
it can be proved that the Idea of Endimion and Phoebe was the
countess of Bedford, the accusation seems to break down; and
it must be remembered that, though the new form of Morti-
meriados was dedicated to Sir William Aston, the sonnet to the
countess of Bedford was reprinted in the same volume, and con-
tinued to be reprinted with the other sonnets till Drayton's death.
It seems possible, therefore, that Drayton effected the change of
patron without grossly insulting his former benefactress or even
quarrelling with her, and that he remained faithful in love
throughout to a single lady, to whom he consistently gave the title
of Idea. Who Selena was, who Cerberon and who Olcon, must
remain uncertain. In a later and revised edition of these pastorals,
published in 1619, the lines on Selena are omitted.
In 1594, still following the poetical fashion, Drayton published
a historical 'legend. ' Readers of Elizabethan literature have no
need to be reminded how ardently, in the last twenty years of
Elizabeth's reign, the newly awakened patriotism of England
turned to the history of past achievements. The form which
Drayton chose for the expression of this sentiment was still the
popular form, although it dated from the days of A Mirror for
Magistrates and was beginning to be shaken from its hold on the
public by the success of the chronicle play. Perhaps a discerning
admiration for Samuel Daniel's Complaynt of Rosamond, published
in 1592, may have helped to incline Drayton towards this form, for
Daniel was one of his three chief poetical masters.
The legend of Peirs Gaveston Earle of Cornwall was followed, in
1594, by that of Matilda, the faire and chaste daughter of the Lord
Robert Fitzwater; in 1596, both were revised and issued together
with a third, The Tragicall Legend of Robert Duke of Normandy;
w and, in 1607, Drayton, for some reason, turned back to the old
form, and published The Legend of Great Cromwel. On these
legends, there is little need to dwell. They suffer from the faults
common to all their kind: monotony, and an incomplete assimila-
tion of the historical and poetical matter, whereby the facts, as
they occur in the careful record, let the poetry down with a thud.
1 On the whole question, see Courthope, ut supra; Elton, pp. 14–23.
See vol. ni of the present work, chap. IX; and, for Drayton, p. 198.


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Legends
177
One or two points, however, may be noticed. Perhaps the best
passage in any of the four legends is the charming description of
the poet's betaking himself on a summer morning to the banks of
Thames, there to fall asleep and dream the quaint, old-fashioned
estrif between Fortune and Fame over Robert of Normandy. It
gives a foretaste of that love for the glory and beauty of his own
land which was later to inspire and enrich Poly-Olbion. The
legend of Matilda shows a warm humanity and some real pathos ;
and it is not too much to say that, when all allowance is made for
Drayton's incorrigible clumsiness in grammar and construction,
certain passages in Great Cromwel are the most remarkable
example of the use of poetry for reasoning that occurs before
Dryden. The versification is seldom attractive. Robert, Duke of
Normandy and Matilda are in rime royal; Peirs Gaveston in
stanzas of six; and Great Cromwel in stanzas of eight; but in
none does Drayton use the decasyllabic line with much individuality
or beauty.
His next work, in its first form, showed once more the influence
of Daniel. In 1594, sonnet sequences were in the height of fashion.
Astrophel and Stella had found its way into print in 1591; but it
was not till some years later that Drayton's sonnets were to show
the influence of Sidney. When he published Ideas Mirrour, in
1594, his model was rather Daniel, of whose Delia three editions
had appeared in 1592. In 1594, Ideas Mirrour consisted of fifty-
one sonnets, which, as we learn from the additional dedicatory
sonnet to Anthony Cooke, had 'long slept in sable night. ' The
form of sonnet which Drayton principally affects is the typically
Elizabethan form of three quatrains and a final couplet, not the
strict Petrarchian form. Of these fifty-one sonnets, however, two
consist of four quatrains with a final couplet, two are written
mainly in alexandrines, which are also scattered through certain
other sonnets, and, in eighteen, each quatrain is rimed not abab,
but on the rarer principle of abba.
Any independence which these and a few other variations may
be thought to show can find little counterpart in the material of
the sonnets of Ideas Mirrour. In this earliest edition, it is very
seldom that the poet shakes himself free of the conventions of the
day, or so uses them as to convey an impression of the sincerity
with which, of course, their use is never incompatible. Of two
sonnets which connect Idea with the river Ancor, the first (Amour
XIII) has a personal touch, the second (Amour XXIV) displays the
knowledge of the streams of England which was to stand Drayton
12
E. L. IV.
CH. X,


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178
Michael Drayton
in good stead in the future; but Amour xxxvIII is alone among
these early efforts in its simple, convincing force and directness.
If chaste and pure devotion of my yonth,
Or glorie of my Aprill-springing yeares,
Unfained love in naked simple truth,
A thousand vowes, a thousand sighes and teares;
Or if a world of faithful service done,
Words, thoughts, and deeds devoted to her honor,
Or eyes that have beheld her as theyr sunne,
With admiration ever looking on her:
A lyfe that never joyd but in her love,
A soule that ever hath ador'd her name,
A fayth that time nor fortune could not move,
A Muse that unto heaven hath raised her fame.
Though these, nor these deserve to be imbraced,
Yet faire unkinde, too good to be disgraced.
The fact that the couplet shows Drayton's weakness in grammar
cannot undo the effect of the quatrains. It is, however, in
scattered lines and passages rather than in any complete sonnet
that the value of the earliest Amours will be found to lie. Into
the vexed question of the genuineness of the sentiments expressed
in these and other Elizabethan sonnets, this is not the place to
enter. It is, perhaps, generally recognised that the adoption of a
poetic convention does not necessarily denote insincerity in the
poet; and the question is not whether or whence he borrowed his
conventions, but whether he has subdued them to his own genius.
The fact that Drayton borrowed, as it appears, the title of Idea
(and, as it also appears, little, if anything, else) from a French
poet? , and his material and machinery from the poetical stores of
his day, does not prove that these Amours of 1594 are a mere
literary exercise. Nor does the mention of the river Ancor in two
of the sonnets prove them sincere outpourings of his heart. The
workmanship proves that Drayton was not yet poet enough to
subdue the conventions of form to the matter of his own thoughts
and emotions, and it is therefore that his earliest sonnets stumble
and leave us cold.
Ideas Mirrour was much admired Eleven new issues were
called for between its first publication and the author's death in
1631. On none of his productions did Drayton spend so much care
in revision. The issues of 1599, 1600, 1602, 1605 and 1619, are all
6
i Claude de Pontoux, author of L'Idée, 1579. See vol. II of the present work,
pp. 263—4; and, on the Elizabethan use of the Platonic · idea,' see Elton, p. 47 and
references.
* See Daniel's Delia and Drayton's Idea; ed. Esdaile, A. , p. 149.


## p. 179 (#201) ############################################

Ideas Mirrour
179
new editions, in which new sonnets are constantly included and
old ones rearranged, omitted altogether, or polished, sometimes
almost beyond recognition! It is not always possible to agree
with Drayton's own ideas of improvement; but the general result
of all this care is that, as time goes on, the character of the collec-
tion changes. The rather heavy, elaborate model provided by
Daniel gives place to the simpler and more direct style of Sidney.
Conventions disappear, or are turned to good account; and, though
there is, in the general opinion, only one masterpiece among all
Drayton's sonnets, the edition of 1619 includes few sonnets that
have not something masterly in them. The masterpiece referred
to is the well-known sonnet: 'Since there's no helpe, Come let us
kisse and part. ' It suggests, irresistibly, a record of a definite
moment in the actual relations between the poet and some woman;
and, in general, it may be said that the sonnets, as time goes on,
bear less and less the mark of the literary exercise and more and
more that of the expression of genuine feeling. It is true that, in
the editions of 1599, 1602 and 1605, Drayton introduced two
sonnets: 'Into these loves who but for passion looks,' and 'Many
there be excelling in this kind,' in which the reader is warned
that
My verse is the true image of my mind,
Ever in motion, still desiring change,
To choyce of all varietie inclin'd,
And in all humours sportively I range;
and that
My wanton verse nere keepes one certain stay,
But now, at hand; then, seekes invention far,
And with each little motion rupnes astray,
Wilde, madding, jocond, and irreguler;
but such statements, it may be submitted, mean nothing more than
that love is not the only subject of which he intends to treat;
while such sonnets as “Since there's no helpe'; 'How many paltry,
foolish, painted things'; 'An evill spirit your beauty haunts me still’;
'Whilst thus my pen strives to eternize thee,' compel a belief in
their sincerity.
Much has been written, and much more, doubtless, will be
1 Elton, pp. 207–9, gives a table of one hundred and seven sonnets in the five
editions. Brett, pp. 1–55, prints one hundred and eight (the extra sonnet being that to
Sir Walter Aston, 1605) in their earliest forms, without variants; and, in an appendix,
T'p. 250, 251, gives three complimentary sonnets prefixed to works of other authors.
12--2


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180
Michael Drayton
written, on the relation of Drayton's sonnets to Shakespeare's. It
has been well said that
the question which of the two was the lender is insoluble, so long as we only
know that some of Shakespeare's sonnets were in private circulation in 1598,
while two were printed by Jaggard in 1599, and the rest not till ten years
laterl.
After the first edition of the sonnets, Drayton's next publication
was Endimion and Phoebe, entered at Stationers' Hall in April
1595, and, presumably, published in the same year. This is one of
the most beautiful and interesting of Drayton's poems. In it the
sweetness and simplicity of pastoral are exalted by the touch of
the heroic; and the occasional display of philosophy and quaint
learning, astronomical, medical and what not, though it sometimes
brings the poetry perilously near to doggerel, is not without its
historical interest or its charm. At the close of the poem, Drayton
commends it, humbly, to three other poets, Spenser (Collin), Daniel
(Musaeus) and Lodge (Goldey). The influence of the first two
is plain in the poem, but a stronger influence still is that of
Marlowe, whose Hero and Leander (published in 1598) Drayton
must have seen in manuscript. Endimion and Phoebe has not the
passion of Marlowe's work; or of Venus and Adonis, which, no doubt,
Drayton had also seen. His are cool, moonlight loves; but the
exquisite delicacy of rather fantastic ornament, combined with a
freshness of atmosphere in the narrative and descriptive passages,
shows a lighter touch and a suppler mind than anything the poet
had yet produced. The poem recalls irresistibly some Italian
painting of the renascence, where nymphs and satyrs occupy a
quiet, spacious and purely decorative world. Endimion and
Phoebe has its claims, moreover, on the side of poetical craftsman-
ship. However he may stumble in his learned nines and threes'
(as Lodge called his description of the celestial orders)? , in his
narrative, Drayton's movement is swift and graceful. The poem is
written in rimed decasyllabic couplets, which, at their best, are not
echoes of Marlowe, Spenser or Daniel, but Drayton's own, with a
distinctive cadence, and not a little of that ease which he was by
time and labour to acquire.
The couplets avoid both the wearisome, epigrammatic certainty
of pause which this form acquired in the eighteenth century, and
1 Elton, p. 56. See the whole passage, which inclines slightly to the view that
Drayton was the borrower. See also Beeching, Sonnets of Shakespeare, pp. 132–140.
? In A Fig for Monius (1595). For nines and threes,' see also the eighth Amour
of Ideas Mirrour, 1594,
6


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Mortimeriados
181
the straggling looseness with which it has been used since.
Without jerkiness or shapelessness, they flow as brightly and
smoothly along as any of the streams of Latmus.
For some reason, Drayton never reissued Endimion and Phoebe.
Years later, he returned to the idea, and incorporated parts of his
beautiful early poem in an uninteresting work, The Man in the
Moone, 1606, which has a body of crabbed learning with a head
and tail of satire.
For the next few years, Drayton devoted himself to historical
poetry, and, in the course of them, hit upon what his contem-
poraries and the two following centuries considered his best
production. With his ardour for Daniel still unabated, he pub-
lished, in 1596, the Mortimeriados, of which mention has been
made above. It is not among his most successful efforts. The
story of the wars between Edward II and the barons, down to
the capture of Mortimer at Nottingham castle by Edward III, is
told in rime royal, and at great length. Drayton's struggles with
history induce the faults observable, also, in Daniel. The narrative
of events is not clear, and it is continually standing in the way of
the dramatic interest in the characters. Nevertheless, there are
admirable passages in this long and comprehensive epic, every line
of which shows Drayton hard at work in his dogged, persevering
way; determined to hammer out the best poetry he can, seldom
slovenly, though often crabbed, and now and then meeting with
the reward of his conscientious labours. Mortimer's escape from
the Tower, his meeting with queen Isabella in France, the unhappy
state of England, the scene of Edward's deposition at Kenilworth
and his lament at Berkeley, are at least vigorously told; while the
description of the queen's bower at Nottingham gives Drayton an
opportunity for letting his fancy run free in renascence ornament.
Seven years later, Drayton rewrote the whole poem, under the
new title The Barrons Wars, and in a new metre, expanding his
seven-lined stanza into an eight-lined stanza. The reason for this
change is set out in a preface which is interesting, not only for the
excellence of its matter, but for its testimony to the conscientious-
ness and to the sound knowledge of poetry on which Drayton based
his prolonged and determined efforts to be a poet. In the stanza
of seven lines, in which there are two couplets,
the often harmony 'thereof soften’d the verse more than the majesty of the
subject would permit, unless they had all been geminals, or couplets. . . . The
Quadrin doth never double, or to use a word of Heraldry, never bringeth
forth gemells: The Quinzain too soon. The Sestin hath twins in the base,
but they detain not the musick nor the close, as Musicians term it, long


## p. 182 (#204) ############################################

182
Michael Drayton
enough for an Epic Poem. . . . This of eight both holds the time clean through
to the base of the column, which is the couplet at the foot or bottom, and
closeth not but with a full satisfaction to the ear for so long detention.
Briefly, this sort of stanza hath in it majesty, perfection, and solidity, resem-
bling the pillar which in Architecture is called the Tuscan, whose shaft is of
six diameters, and base of two.
In spite of this, The Barrons Wars is free from none of the
essential faults of Mortimeriados, and even discards some of its
fresher beauties, though the careful revision of diction was not
without its good effect.
Drayton discovered the means of dispensing with those essential
faults in 1597, when (having meanwhile published the Legends of
Robert, Matilda and Gaveston referred to above) he produced the
famous Englands Heroicall Epistles. These are a series of letters
from heroic lovers, with, in every case, the answer. The amount
of history is reduced to a minimum; yet Drayton is enabled to
celebrate the great men and women of his country, and to fan in
others that flame of patriotism which burned steadily in himself.
The first edition of these Epistles was evidently soon exhausted;
in 1598, they were reissued with additions; the number was again
enlarged in 1599 and in 1602; and, altogether, between the first
issue and the poet's death, the Heroicall Epistles were issued
thirteen, possibly fourteen, times. They have been reprinted since
more often than any other of Drayton's works. Twelve couples
exchange letters. Henry II and Fair Rosamund; king John and
Matilda Fitzwater; queen Isabel and Mortimer; the Black Prince
and the countess of Salisbury; Richard II and his wife Isabel;
queen Catherine and Owen Tudor; Eleanor Cobham and her
husband, Humphrey of Gloucester; William de la Pole duke of
Suffolk and queen Margaret; Edward IV and Jane Shore; the
queen of France and Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk; Surrey and
Geraldine; lady Jane Grey and lord Guilford Dudley. Two of
these pairs, Drayton had already treated in other poems; to all, he
gives a life and vigour for which we may look in vain in his more
strictly historical poems. It cannot be said that he has a keen
sense of character; but he has at least enough to avoid sameness
in a work where sameness would have been easy. There is no
confusing, for instance, the letter of Jane Shore with that of lady
Jane Grey; and, in each case, Drayton bears carefully in mind the
character as well as the circumstances. And the poems abound
in pleasant features. The appeal of Mary to Suffolk is charming,
for all the peculiarity of the conditions under which it was made.
Geraldine describes delightfully her life in the country grange


## p. 183 (#205) ############################################

Englands Heroicall Epistles
183
where she will await Surrey's return; and Matilda Fitzwater's
reply to John is a noble piece of eloquence.
The form of these letters was due, it appears, to Ovid's Heroides;
and, with the form, Drayton took something, also, of his model's
versification. In Englands Heroicall Epistles, we find completed
the improvement of the rimed couplet which was begun in
Endimion and Phoebe. Nowhere is it better used during the
Elizabethan epoch. To the smoothness and the crispness (always
stopping short of epigram), which remind us of Ovid's elegiacs,
there are added other good qualities. Drayton's years of hard
work were having their effect. When not overburdened with his
subject (and he was too ready to undertake subjects that would
have overburdened greater poets), he moves more easily and yet
more strongly than any except the supreme pair of his age,
Spenser and Shakespeare. And in the work under notice he did, in
1597, what Edmund Waller has gained all the credit of doing
nearly thirty years later, in the 'smoothening' of English verse.
Further, to this 'smoothness' he adds a skill in the choice and
placing of words for the effect of sonority and point which is not
found again till Dryden.
After this achievement, Drayton might have been expected to
forge ahead and make profitable use of the years of his prime. He
was now famous and should have been prosperous; but his out-
put for the next few years consisted only of revisions of, and
additions to, his Heroicall Epistles and sonnets. He was turning
his energy into other channels. For one thing, as Meres states in
Palladis Tamia, 1598, he had already embarked upon that huge
undertaking, Poly-Olbion; for another, he had been drawn into
the net of the theatre. It may not be permissible to declare him
unwise; but his work for the theatre brought him no enduring
fame (and, as it appears, but little immediate reward), while Poly-
Olbion was to embitter him with disappointment and vexation
while he lived, and leave an easy mark for the scorn of impatient
judges for centuries after his death? .
It must not be supposed that the years 1598—1604 were barren.
Besides so much of Poly-Olbion as they may have seen completed,
they produced some of Drayton's best sonnets and several new and
good Heroicall Epistles. But they do not show the marked advance
1 Drayton's work for the theatre will be discussed elsewhere in this work. Refer.
ence may here be made to Elton, pp. 83–93; Greg's Henslowe's Diary and Henslowe
Papers ; Fleay, Biog. Chron. 8. v. 'Drayton'; and the article by Whitaker discussed
by Elton, pp. 91–93.


## p. 184 (#206) ############################################

184
Michael Drayton
that might have been expected from a man in his prime, with such
a point d'appui as he had made for himself in those Epistles.
In 1603, came 'the quiet end of that long-living Queene,' Eliza-
beth. Drayton owed her nothing, though she owed to him one of
the sweetest songs ever sung in her praise, the song to 'Beta' in
Idea. Within the year before her death, in the sonnets of 1602,
he had already celebrated James VI of Scotland as prince and
poet; and, when Elizabeth died, he turned immediately, without à
word of regret for the star that had sunk, to hymn the star that was
rising. His haste was considered indecent? ; his gratulatory poem,
To the Majestie of King James, received no attention, either from
the public or the prince. A little later, he wrote a Paean
Triumphall for the society of the Goldsmiths of London; but
there can be no doubt that his disappointment was keen. Fortun-
ately for himself, he found, about this time, a new patron, Walter
Aston, of Tixall, who, on receiving knighthood from James I, made
Drayton one of his esquires, an honour which the poet was careful
to claim on his future title-pages.
It appears significant that the first of Drayton's satires should
have been published in 1604; but, while it doubtless implies a
mood of disappointment and depression, it cannot be taken for
certain to refer to the king's neglect of his advances. In the
preface, Drayton states that The Owle, entered at Stationers'
Hall in February 1604, had been 'lastly finished' almost a year
before; and, therefore, it is unsafe to find in it any autobiographical
references. Nevertheless, the mere fact that Drayton should have
included satire at all in the list of the then common forms of poetry
which he seems to have considered it his duty as a poet to practise
is some indication that he was not happy or content. The owl, in his
satire, is the keen-eyed, disinterested observer. Nagged at by little
birds, and attacked by the fear and jealousy of crows, kites, ravens
and other marauders, he is rescued by the kingly eagle, to whom he
describes the abuses he has seen carried on by evil birds who prey
on the commonwealth of fowls. The poem is inspired, doubtless,
by The Parlement of Foules; but it imitates neither the metre
nor the good qualities of that work. More than once in his works,
Drayton makes use of birds, of which, however, he betrays no
more than common knowledge; and the opening of The Owle con-
tains a pretty enough description of the surroundings in which the
poet fell asleep to dream his satire. In the satire itself, there is
i See Chettle, Englandes Mourning Garment (1603), D. 3, and Drayton, Epistle to
George Sandys (1627), Il. 11, 19–26.


## p. 185 (#207) ############################################

His Satires
185
not sufficient trenchancy, originality, or humour to make the poem
interesting, and the rimed couplets run sluggish and dull. The
Man in the Moone has already been mentioned, and it may be
convenient to dismiss the subject of Drayton's satires by saying
here that, in 1627, at the age of sixty-three, he published, in a
volume containing better things, The Moone-Calfe. It is plea-
santest to think of this as inspired by his conscientious wish to
leave no poetical stone unturned; and yet it was so long since
Marston had published a satire that the attempt to follow in his
steps was belated. The Moone-Calfe is a coarse, clumsy and brutal
piece of work, redeemed only by the vigour of its sketches of con-
temporary manners.
In the same year as The Owle (1604), appeared Moyses in a
Map of his Miracles, to be revised and published twenty-six years
later, as Moses, his Birth and Miracles. Here Drayton once more
makes a high claim for poetry,
That from full Jove takes her celestial birth,
And quick as fire, her glorious self can raise
Above this base abominable earth;
6
and, in the days before the Authorised Version, he may be
pardoned for thinking that he could do something for the story of
Moses greater than had been done for it by 'that sacred and
canonic writ. ' He had before him, also, the example of Du Bartas
and Sylvester, to whom he renders generous tribute. Unfortunately,
his treatment of the story does not raise it in the eyes of modern
readers; the poem throughout lacks exaltation and grandeur, and
its chief interest lies in certain human moments, where the drama
of the episodes is happily amplified by the poet's sturdy humanity.
But Moses is not a negligible poem in any study of Drayton. It
shows here and there his progress in the management of the
decasyllabic line, and now and then strangely anticipates later
workmanship. Of such a line as the second of these:
Muse, I invoke the utmost of thy might,
That with an armed and auspicious wing,
Drayton is not the poet who would be guessed as the author by one
unacquainted with its provenance.
Of the importance of a publication of two years later, however,
there can be no question. The Odes of 1606 were Drayton's second
striking effort to plough a field untilled by his contemporaries.
The Pindaric ode had already been imitated by Jonson: it went on
being imitated with an irregularity that Congreve was the earliest


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186
Michael Drayton
author to reprehend.