No More Learning

The Pope received an oath of
fealty from Robert Guiscard and probably also from Richard of Capua; he
conferred on the latter the investiture of the principality of Capua, and
on the former that of the duchy of Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. We
have no record of Richard's oath, but Guiscard in his undertook to
pay an annual tribute to the Pope, and to be faithful for the future
to the Pope and the Church. He promised to be the ally “of the Holy
Roman Church, so that she might preserve and acquire the rights of
St Peter and his dominions,” to help the Pope to retain the see of Rome,
and to respect the territory of St Peter. Finally, in the event of an
election he bound himself to see that the new Pope was elected and or-
dained according to the honour due to St Peter, as he should be required
by the better part of the cardinals and by the Roman clergy and laity.
By what title did the Pope bestow the investiture of territory which
had never belonged to his predecessors ? The terms used undoubtedly
imply that Nicholas II based his action partly on Charlemagne's Donation,
granting the duchy of Benevento to the Roman Church, and partly, as
regarded Sicily, on the theory shortly afterwards expressed by Urban II,
that all islands appertained to the domain of St Peter in virtue of
the (spurious) Donation of Constantine! .
After his recognition at Melfi as rightful Duke of Apulia, Robert
Guiscard had to defend himself during the ensuing years against the
other Norman chiefs, who at first refused to admit the supremacy of one
of their number. The opposition encountered by the new duke caused
him most serious difficulties and favoured the return of the Byzantines.
In 1060 Guiscard had taken Taranto, Brindisi, and Reggio from the
Greeks, and as soon as the last-named place had fallen, he and his
brother Roger were irresistibly attracted to Sicily; but events in Italy
detained the duke in Apulia. First, there was a revolt of the Norman
1 Jaffé-Löwenfeld, Regesta, No. 5449.
CH. IV.


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176
Capture of Bari
nobles in the north of Apulia, which favoured a resumption of hostilities
by the Greeks. Guiscard thereafter lost Brindisi, Oria, Taranto, and
Otranto, and the Byzantines laid siege to Melfi. The duke returned
from Sicily, and restored his ascendency during the early months of 1061,
finally recapturing Brindisi in 1062. Two years later (1064) some
Norman nobles-Geoffrey of Conversano, Robert of Montescaglioso,
Abelard (Humphrey's son), Amyas of Giovenazzo, and Joscelin-entered
into negotiations with a representative of the Greek Emperor at Durazzo.
With the help of the Byzantines they rose in the spring of 1064. For
four years it was with difficulty that Guiscard held his own. Finally, the
duke's victory was assured by the successive defeats of Amyas, Joscelin,
and Abelard, and the capture of Montepeloso from Geoffrey of Conver-
Robert now realised that he could only hope to complete the
conquest of Sicily when he had no cause to fear a revolt of his vassals in
Apulia ; consequently, to be sure of their absolute obedience, he must
above all deprive them of Greek assistance. The ensuing years were
therefore devoted to the task of wresting from the Byzantines their
remaining territory. This was more easily done because the Basileus,
Romanus Diogenes, was engaged in a bitter struggle with the Turks in
Asia. In 1068 Guiscard was victorious at Lecce, Gravina, and Obbiano,
and in the summer of the same year he laid siege to Bari. As supplies
reached this city by sea, it held out for three years ; finally the Norman
fleet overcame the Byzantine ships which were bringing reinforcements,
and the inhabitants entered into negotiations with Guiscard and sur-
rendered the town (April 1071). The capture of Bari marks the real
fall of Byzantine power in Italy; moreover it brought Guiscard another
advantage, ensuring him a fortified place of the first rank in the very
heart of Apulia, which assisted him greatly in maintaining his authority
over his vassals.
Relieved of anxiety regarding Apulia, Guiscard was now again free
to deal with Sicily. The capture of the island from the Saracens had
been the object of the Normans ever since their arrival at Reggio. Their
cupidity was excited by its riches and fertility, and, moreover, the
proximity of the Saracens constituted a permanent danger to their
possessions. Guiscard, however, was detained during the early years of
the conquest by events in Italy, and played a somewhat secondary part
in the conquest of Sicily, leaving the principal part to his brother
Roger.
The Norman conquest was further facilitated by the quarrels of the
Muslim emirs who shared the island ; ‘Abdallāh ibn Hauqal held Mazzara
and Trapani, Ibn al-Hawwās was in possession of Girgenti and Castrogio-
vanni, and Ibn ath-Thimnah was at Syracuse. Ibn ath-Thimnah, having
been defeated by the Emir of Girgenti, called for the help of the Normans,
who since 1060 had been vainly endeavouring to take Messina. At Mileto
the emir came to terms with Roger, who at a renewed attempt succeeded


## p. 177 (#223) ############################################

Conquest of Sicily L
177
in laying waste the region of Milazzo. The capture of Messina in the
summer of 1061 provided the Normans with a base of operations, but the
invaders failed to take Castrogiovanni, nor were they more successful at
Girgenti, although they succeeded in establishing themselves at Troina.
The death of Ibn ath-Thimnah in 1062 deprived the Normans of a valuable
ally, and they had to retire on Messina. In the same year Roger was
dissatisfied because Guiscard paid him in money instead of in land, and
quarrelled with his brother, so that another war began between them.
Only the fear of an insurrection in Calabria brought them to terms.
Threatened with the prospect of a revolt, Guiscard consented to share his
Calabrian territory with Roger, and the treaty then concluded established
a kind of condominium of the two brothers over every town and every
stronghold. The struggle with the Saracens was resumed at the end of 1062,
and continued during the following year. During this first period the
Normans only succeeded in establishing themselves at Messina and Troina,
the rest of the island remaining in the hands of the Saracens. In 1063 the
latter attacked Troina, but were overwhelmingly defeated near Cerami.
In 1064 Roger and Guiscard vainly attempted to take Palermo. The
following years the conquest advanced slowly towards the capital. At
Misilmeri in 1068 the Normans defeated Ayyüb, son of Tamīm, the Zairid
Emir of Africa, who had been summoned to help the Sicilian Saracens.
Ayyub had succeeded Ibn al-Hawwās. After his defeat Ayyūb returned
to Africa, and the Saracen party became disorganised.
The struggle was interrupted by the siege of Bari, but was resumed
immediately after the fall of that city. Guiscard, realising the necessity
of having a naval force, had succeeded in equipping a feet, by the help
of which the Normans occupied Catania and then proceeded to blockade
Palermo; on 10 January 1072 the city fell into their hands, and, as
a result of this success, the Saracens of Mazzara capitulated.
The first stage in this conquest of Sicily closed with the capture of
Palermo ; for the next twelve years the Normans, having but weak
forces at their disposal, could only advance very slowly. As they were
masters of Mazzàra, Messina, Catania, and Palermo, they encircled the
territory of the Emirs of Syracuse and Castrogiovanni in the north,
who, however, succeeded in prolonging the struggle for a considerable
time.
Sicily was divided by Guiscard as follows: for himself he retained
the suzerainty of the island, with Palermo, half Messina, and Val
Demone, while he assigned the rest to Roger. It must be noted that the
position in Sicily differed greatly from that of South Italy. In Italy the
leaders of the original Norman forces were at first equal among themselves,
and consequently they for long refused to recognise Guiscard's authority,
which had to be forcibly imposed. In Sicily, on the contrary, the conquest
was achieved by troops in the pay of Guiscard and his brother Roger ;
consequently, they possessed all rights over the conquered territory, and
C. MED. H. VOL. V. CH. IV.
12


## p. 178 (#224) ############################################

178
Estrangement from the Papacy
their vassals received the investiture of their fiefs from them; and both
were careful not to bestow too much land on their followers, whereby
they made sure that none of their vassals would be powerful enough to
rival them.
After the capture of Palermo, Robert Guiscard remained some months
there, consolidating his gains. In the autumn of 1072 he had to
return hurriedly to Italy, where his Apulian vassals had again taken
advantage of his absence to revolt. At the head of the movement were
Amyas, lord of Giovenazzo, Peter of Trani, and Abelard and Herman,
Humphrey's two sons; the rebels were upheld by Richard, Prince of Capua,
whose power had increased to a remarkable extent since the Treaty of
Melfi. He was the protector of Pope Alexander II, who had only been
able to maintain himself from 1061 to 1063 by Richard's aid, and
the latter had attempted to force recognition of his suzerainty over all the
petty nobles whose possessions surrounded his own. He had been ener-
getically supported by Desiderius, Abbot of Monte Cassino, who realised
that only a powerful state could restore the peace so incessantly broken by
wars between nobles. On the other hand, Alexander II was disturbed by
the growth of the Capuan state, which adjoined the papal dominions. He
actually came to an open rupture with Richard, who in 1066 revenged
himself by laying waste the Papal State up to the very gates of Rome.
For a while the Romans hostile to the Pope even thought of electing the
Prince of Capua as Emperor. But the latter became reconciled with
Alexander II when Godfrey of Lorraine took up arms; we know, how-
ever, nothing of the grounds of conciliation. Nevertheless the Pope did
not forgive Richard for his aggressive policy, and he tried to excite
disorders in the principality of Capua by means of another Norman,
William of Montreuil. Thereby Alexander II inaugurated a new policy,
to be hereafter pursued by the Papacy, which, not having reaped all
the expected advantages from the Norman alliance and being unable to
overcome the Normans by arms, applied itself henceforward to reducing
them to impotence by inciting one leader against another.
Such, therefore, was the position in the autumn of 1072 when Guiscard
returned to Italy. The duke very soon brought his vassals back to
obedience, but hardly had he dealt with them when he found himself in
difficulties with Gregory VII, the successor of Alexander II. The new
Pope, who had inspired the Norman policy adopted by his predecessors,
saw with irritation that the Papacy had not derived those benefits from
the Norman alliance which had been hoped for, and that as a whole it
was Richard and Robert who had reaped advantage from the Treaty
of Melfi. Moreover, Gregory VII was particularly annoyed to see the
Normans beginning to extend towards the north in the region of the
Abruzzi, near Amiterno and Fermo, where several chiefs had established
themselves-notably, Robert, Count of Loritello.
After the first interviews which he had with Robert Guiscard at


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Discord among the Normans
179
Benevento (August 1073), Gregory VII, who displayed his usual
stubbornness in the negotiations, came to an open breach with the Duke
of Apulia. It was probably on the question of the conquest of the
Abruzzi that the conference was wrecked. Having broken with Guiscard,
Gregory VII turned to the Prince of Capua, who accepted the proposed
alliance. Henceforward for some years war was resumed with great
energy throughout southern Italy. Guiscard fought in Calabria against
his nephew Abelard, in the neighbourhood of Capua with Richard, and
meanwhile succeeded in establishing himself at Amalfi (1073).
As a result of these violent conflicts, the anarchy prevailing through-
out South Italy reached such a height that the destruction of the
Normans became the first condition necessary for the realisation of all
the plans which Gregory VII had formed for the succour of the Greek
Empire, now threatened by the Muslims. In March 1074 Guiscard
and his partisans were excommunicated, and the Duke of Apulia must
have feared at the time of the expedition in June of that year that the
Pope would succeed in his plans, but the quarrels which arose between
the Pope's allies caused the enterprise to fail dismally. Cencius, the
leader of the Roman aristocracy and of the party hostile to the Pope,
now offered to make Guiscard Emperor if he would help them to expel
Gregory VII. The Duke of Apulia was too well aware how little he could
count on the Roman nobles, who were incapable of upholding their
candidates, and he did not accept their proposition.
After the agreement between the principality of Capua and the Pope,
the hostilities between Robert and Richard continued until 1075, when
Guiscard was invited by Henry IV to abandon the papal for a royal
alliance. He refused. This circumstance decided the two Normans to
combine against the common enemy, and their reconciliation was the
prelude to a general coalition between the Normans. Desiderius, Abbot
of Monte Cassino, who brought all his influence to the cause of peace,
tried to arrange a treaty between Gregory VII and Guiscard, but failed,
because the Pope, in spite of the critical position in which he was placed
by the breach with the king, refused all the concessions which the
Duke of Apulia, taking advantage of the papal necessities, impudently
demanded.
Without any further consideration for the Pope, Robert and Richard
took up arms and together besieged Salerno and Naples. They also com-
bined their forces to make some successful expeditions into papal territory.
At the very moment when Gregory VII was triumphing over Henry IV
and obliging him to come to Canossa, Gisulf, Prince of Salerno, the only
ally remaining to the Pope in South Italy, was deprived of his states
by Guiscard (1077), and in December of the same year the bold Duke of
Apulia laid siege to Benevento. This attack directed against a papal
possession must have exasperated Gregory VII, who was already indignant
with Robert, to whom fortune had never been kinder than since the day
CH, I,
12-2


## p. 180 (#226) ############################################

180
Alliance with the Papacy
he was excommunicated. At the Council of Rome in March 1078 the
Pope pronounced the excommunication of “those Normans who attack
the territory of St Peter, i. e. the March of Fermo and the duchy of
Spoleto, those who besiege Benevento and dare to lay waste the Campagna,
the Marittima, and Sabina. The Pope forbade any bishop or priest
to allow the Normans to attend the divine offices.
The excommunication pronounced by Gregory VII brought discord
between the Normans. When Jordan, son of Richard of Capua, found
that his father was seriously ill (Richard died on 5 April 1078), he feared
lest the Pope should raise obstacles to his succession, and went to make
his submission at Rome; as soon as his father died, he forced Guiscard
to raise the siege of Benevento; shortly afterwards the new Prince of
Capua played an important part in the preparation of the rebellion
which, towards the end of 1078, again set the duke and his Apulian vassals
at odds.
On the occasion of the marriage of one of his daughters, Guiscard for
the first time demanded from his vassals the levy due to the lord when
his daughters married. No one dared resist openly, but the duke's demand
excited great discontent. Probably inspired by Gregory VII, who visited
Capua in 1078, Jordan called Geoffrey of Conversano, Robert of
Montescaglioso, Henry, Count of Monte Sant'Angelo, and Peter, Count
of Taranto, to join him. The insurrection at once spread not only to
Apulia but to Calabria and Lucania; Bari, Trani, Bisceglie, Corato, and
Andria all revolted, and sent their troops to swell the ranks of the
insurgents (1079).
After Calabria had been pacified, Guiscard repaired to Apulia with
considerable forces and soon dispersed the rebels; he then at once
marched against Jordan. The Abbot of Monte Cassino succeeded in
inducing the two princes to make peace. Then returning to Apulia,
Guiscard recaptured the rebel towns one by one. Several of the revolt-
ing nobles fled to Greece to escape the punishment due to them; amongst
these was Abelard, the duke's nephew. After the suppression of the
revolt (1080), Guiscard was more powerful than ever, at the very moment
that Gregory VII finally excommunicated and deposed Henry and
recognised his rival, Rudolf, as King of Germany. As Gregory VII
feared that Guiscard might form an alliance with Henry, he deter-
mined himself to treat with the Duke of Apulia. The negotiations were
conducted by Abbot Desiderius, and ended in the compromise of Ceprano,
where on 29 June Guiscard took an oath of fealty to the Pope. He
swore to be the Pope's man, with a reservation as to the March of
Fermo, Salerno, and Amalfi. Gregory VII recognised the conquests of
the Count of Loritello, on condition that for the future the territory of
St Peter should be respected. The duke moreover promised that he
would help the Pope to defend the Papacy. On the whole, at Ceprano
Gregory VII had to yield all along the line; he preserved appearances


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Eastern ambitions of Guiscard
181
by reserving the most vexed questions, but in reality on 29 June 1080
it was the Norman who triumphed over the Pope and obliged him to
recognise his achievements.
After the meeting at Ceprano, Guiscard's insatiable ambition was far
from being satisfied, and, master of South Italy, he now attempted to
realise his long-cherished project of mounting the throne of Constanti-
nople. On the one hand the Duke of Apulia wished to punish the Greek
Emperor for the support given to the rebel Normans, whose headquarters
were now in the Byzantine territory in Illyria, and on the other hand,
consciously or unconsciously, the Norman had succumbed to the attrac-
tion which Byzantium and the Byzantine world exercised over all the
West. Already in Italy Guiscard had come to be looked on as the
legitimate successor of the Emperors, whose costume he affected, going so
far as to copy their seal. Moreover, how was it possible for Guiscard to
imagine that the conquest of Byzantium could offer any difficulties to
him, the mighty Duke of Apulia, when quite recently two poor Norman
knights, Robert Crispin and Roussel de Bailleul (of whom the former
had served under the orders of Richard of Capua and the latter with
Robert himself), had almost succeeded in mounting the throne of Con-
stantinople ? Guiscard had long felt attracted to Constantinople; and
for their part the Emperors could not ignore their powerful neighbour,
and sought his alliance. About 1075 the negotiations which had been
entered on ended in the betrothal of one of Guiscard's daughters to the
son of Michael VII. This projected marriage served as a pretext for a
declaration of war by Guiscard, when in 1080 he determined to profit by
the disturbances which had broken out in the Greek Empire, and to
attempt to seize Constantinople. At the accession of Nicephorus
Botaniates, Guiscard's daughter had been relegated to a convent; under
the pretext of defending his daughter's rights, the Duke of Apulia became
the champion of the dethroned Emperor. As his plans aroused only
moderate enthusiasm among his vassals, the Duke of Apulia determined
to carry out a fraud, and in the middle of 1080 he presented a Greek
named Rector as the real Michael VII escaped from a monastery, where
he had been imprisoned by Botaniates. By this means the wily Norman
hoped to inflame his vassals and conciliate the Greek population.
Gregory VII fell in with the views of Guiscard, who persuaded him
that the proposed expedition would realise the projected crusade which
had been near the Pope's heart for some years, and would end the schism
and bring about reunion with the Greek Church. In July 1080 the Pope
wrote to the bishops of Apulia and Calabria, exhorting them to favour
the duke's plans. În 1081, at the end of May, Guiscard took the field
and landed at Avlona. His son Bohemond had already taken Avlona,
Canina, and Hiericho. Soon Corfù fell into the hands of the Normans,
who next laid siege to Durazzo. Although they were defeated at sea by
the Venetians, whom Alexius Comnenus had summoned to his aid, the
CH. IV.


## p. 182 (#228) ############################################

182
Capture of Rome: death of Guiscard
Normans nevertheless continued the siege of the Illyrian capital. On
18 October they defeated the army which the Emperor had brought to
relieve the besieged city, and on 21 February 1082 Durazzo was taken.
In the spring of 1082 Guiscard was obliged to return. Gregory VII
had sent him urgent appeals for help, threatened as he was by Henry IV's
expedition to Italy. On the other hand, Alexius Comnenus was sub-
sidising the German king, and at the same time, by means of Abelard
and Herman, Robert's nephews, had succeeded in exciting an insur-
rection in Apulia. Leaving Bohemond to continue the war against the
Emperor, Guiscard returned to Italy, and spent some time in re-estab-
lishing his authority in Apulia (1082 and 1083). In May 1084 he
marched on Rome which was occupied by the German Emperor; Henry
did not await the coming of the Normans, but his retreat did not pre-
vent Guiscard from entering the city in force; he sacked it and freed
Gregory VII, whom the partisans of the anti-Pope, Clement III, were be-
sieging. As soon as the Pope was free, Guiscard placed him in Salerno
for safety, and immediately returned to the conquest of Constantinople.
After his father's departure, Bohemond had again defeated the Greeks
at Joannina and Arta; he had then occupied Ochrida, Veria, Servia,
Vodena, Moglena, Pelagonia, Tzibikon, and Trikala, but in 1083 he
was defeated outside Larissa by Alexius Comnenus, and was shortly
afterwards obliged to return to Italy, as his troops were clamouring for
pay. After this the Byzantines regained the advantage, and the Normans
lost all the places they had occupied, including Durazzo.
When Guiscard took the field in the autumn of 1084, he had conse-
quently no foothold on the other side of the Adriatic. While his son
Roger occupied Avlona, the duke proceeded to Butrinto, whence in
November he arrived at Corfù. Although twice defeated near Cassiope
by the Venetian fleet, Guiscard soon took his revenge when he won an
overwhelming victory near Corfù, which fell into his hands as a result of
this success. The duke sent his army into winter quarters on the banks
of the Glycys, while he went to Bundicia; during the winter an epidemic
ravaged the Norman army, but hostilities were resumed at the be-
ginning of the summer, and Roger sallied forth to attack Cephalonia.
On the way to join his son, Guiscard fell ill; he was obliged to halt at
the promontory of Ather, where he died on 17 July 1085 in the presence
of his wife Sykelgaita and his son Roger.
With Guiscard closed what may be called the heroic era of the
history of the Normans in Italy. Robert's immediate successors, being
unable to maintain their authority, abandoned his plans, which were only
resumed on the day when the Counts of Sicily became kings and consoli-
dated the work of conquest.
The reign of Guiscard's son, Roger Borsa (1085-1111), was a period
of absolute decadence in the duchy of Apulia; the prince was too weak to
make his authority respected, and he was bitterly opposed by his brother


## p. 183 (#229) ############################################

Weakness of Guiscard's son
183
Bohemond, of whom he was relieved by the First Crusade, and also by
most of his vassals, who shook off the yoke imposed by Guiscard. In
1086, however, it was again the Duke of Apulia who, assisted by the
Prince of Capua, restored Rome to the successor of Gregory VII. A few
years later, during the pontificate of Urban II (1088-1099), it was no
longer Roger who protected the Pope but the Pope who extended his
protection to the duchy of Apulia, and exerted himself to re-establish
order in the sorely troubled land. The only political success achieved by
Duke Roger was the recognition of his suzerainty by Richard, son of
Jordan of Capua, who sought his aid to enter into possession of his
paternal inheritance (1098). Then for the first time, in theory at least,
the authority of the Duke of Apulia extended throughout the Norman
possessions.
In the midst of all the difficulties surrounding him, the Duke of Apulia
found a supporter in his uncle Roger I, Count of Sicily. During the
years which followed the fall of Palermo, Guiscard's brother played only
a secondary part in Italian affairs, for he was detained by the conquest of
Sicily, a long and troublesome undertaking. Twenty years elapsed after
his establishment in Palermo before the Normans succeeded in totally
expelling the Saracens. Syracuse was not taken until 1085, Noto and
Butera, the two last places retained by the Saracens, not until 1088 and
1091. Although the Saracens were still powerful in 1072, this mere fact
is not enough to explain the slow progress of the conquest, and we must
attribute the delays of the Normans to other causes. During all this time,
and especially at first, Roger was left with only his own troops; generally
he had but a few hundred knights under his command, so that it was
with greatly reduced forces that he had to carry on the struggle. It was
because of this that the Count of Sicily was obliged to avoid great under-
takings and confine himself to guerilla warfare, which was the only
method which his weak forces permitted.
Gradually, as the conquest proceeded, the count felt that the strength
of his infant state was increasing, and the time came during his nephew's
reign when he represented the only power in the midst of general anarchy.
Called to arbitrate between the parties, Roger of Sicily was quick to
realise how to profit by the situation. In return for his services, he
successively extorted from the Duke of Apulia the abandonment of the
strongholds in Calabria which they had hitherto held in common, as
well as the half of the city of Palermo. Roger also obtained a promise
of half of Amalfi and, when Richard of Capua sought his aid, he
demanded that all rights on Naples should be abandoned to him.
Supported by a powerful military force, a considerable part of which
consisted of Saracens, Roger of Sicily thus became one of the leading
personages of Europe, and his alliance was sought by Count Raymond
IV of Saint Gilles, Philip I of France, Conrad, son of Henry IV, and
Koloman, King of Hungary, all of whom aspired to marry his daughters.
CH, P.


## p. 184 (#230) ############################################

184
Roger II of Sicily
The position of protector of the Holy See, which the Duke of Apulia
was, powerless to retain, was offered to the Count of Sicily by Urban II,
who, in 1098, had to concede the privilege of the Apostolic Legateship,
whereby for the future papal intervention in Roger's states was to be
exercised only through the count himself. When Guiscard's brother
died on 22 June 1101, he left his successor a state possessed of cohesion,
wherein the authority of the overlord was everywhere recognised. The
last survivor of the heroic age of conquest disappeared with him; his
successor was rather a politician than a soldier, and, although Roger II
succeeded in establishing his supremacy over all the Norman provinces
in Italy, it was to a great extent because his father had established his
Sicilian state on so solid a foundation.
(B)
THE NORMAN KINGDOM OF SICILY.
In 1103, after the death of young Count Simon, who had succeeded
Roger I in 1101, the county of Sicily passed to his brother, Roger II.
The new count remained under the guardianship of his mother Adelaide
until 1112, and very little is known about his early years. According to
some authorities Robert of Burgundy was Adelaide's favourite, but he be-
came so powerful that the countess-regent grew uneasy and caused him
to be poisoned; unfortunately all our information on this point lacks preci-
sion. Towards the close of her regency, Adelaide was sought in marriage
by King Baldwin of Jerusalem, who wished to repair his fortunes by a
wealthy marriage. Before leaving for the Holy Land, Roger I's widow
stipulated that if her union with the King of Jerusalem were childless,
the crown of Jerusalem should revert to the Count of Sicily. This
agreement remained a dead letter, for the deserted and betrayed queen
died miserably in Sicily, but it is of interest as revealing the dreams of
future greatness cherished even at the beginning of his reign by the
youthful Roger II.
Boundless ambition was, in fact, the ruling characteristic of the
founder of the Norman monarchy; Roger II was bold and adventurous
and always intent on extending his dominions, while his thirst for con-
quest was insatiable. Even at the beginning of his reign he conceived
the daring plan of concentrating all the commerce of the Mediterranean
in his states by obtaining command of the two most important maritime
routes. By his possession of Messina he already controlled one, and he
sought to attain the other by the conquest of the Tunisian coast. The
first Norman attempts to establish themselves in Africa were unsuccessful
(1118-1127), and Roger II was obliged to seek for allies. At the very


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Roger II acquires Apulia
185
moment when he had signed agreements with Raymond-Berengar III,
Count of Barcelona, and with the city of Savona, the death of his cousin
William I, Duke of Apulia, induced him to postpone for a time his
plans for an African war, because, before he undertook distant conquests,
the Count of Sicily wished to unite in his own hands all the Norman
states of South Italy.
Duke William's reign (1111-1127) had been even more disastrous
than that of his father Roger Borsa. Incapable even of preserving the
inheritance, already sadly diminished, which he had received, he died
leaving South Italy almost in the same state as it was before Guiscard's
reign. The title of duke was an empty word, for the duchy of Apulia
now existed only in name; it had in fact been dismembered and consisted
of a number of independent seigniories.
As Duke William had died childless, the most direct heir was
Bohemond, son of Bohemond I, then at Antioch. The Count of Sicily
was a degree further off in relationship to the deceased duke. As soon
as he heard of his cousin's death, Roger II determined to seize the
inheritance so as to present an accomplished fact to this possible rival.
The rapidity with which he appeared outside Salerno and induced the
inhabitants to treat with him disconcerted his opponents. The inter-
vention of Pope Honorius II, who feared above all things that the Count
of Sicily might succeed William, came too late, and he had to resign
himself to the fact that the union of the duchy of Apulia with the county
of Sicily disturbed the balance of power which the Papacy, in its own
interests, had endeavoured to maintain between the various Norman
states. Although he had sided with the Normans who refused to recognise
Roger II, Honorius II was, in 1128, obliged to invest the Count of Sicily
with the duchy of Apulia.
In the following year the new duke finally
crushed the chief rebels and obliged the ducal towns to ask for terms,
while the Prince of Capua himself recognised Roger II as his suzerain.
In order to secure the submission of the rebels, the duke displayed great
leniency and granted important privileges to the towns. In particular,
several of these obtained the right of themselves defending their walls
and citadels. As soon as his authority was established, Roger revoked
a concession which rendered his authority absolutely precarious.
The new duke's conception of his authority differed entirely from
that of his two predecessors. In September 1129 he expounded it to his
vassals assembled at Melfi. After they had taken the oath of fealty to
his sons, Roger and Tancred, he instructed them in the rules of govern-
ment which he insisted all should observe; he forbade private feuds,
imposed on the nobles the obligation of handing over criminals to the
ducal courts of justice, and ordered that the property and persons not
only of ecclesiastics, but also of pilgrims, travellers, and merchants,
should be respected. It was not easy to impose such habits of discipline
on, nor to ensure respect for ducal authority from, the Norman feudatories,
C. Iv,


## p. 186 (#232) ############################################

186
Creation of the kingdom of Sicily
יר
who had hardly submitted to Guiscard's iron rule. It took Roger nearly
ten years to make his vassals obey his wishes.
In 1130 for the first time all the principalities founded by the Normans
in Italy were united in a single hand. Roger II considered that the title
of duke was therefore inadequate, and decided to make his state into a
kingdom. To attain this object, he made very skilful use of the schism
which followed the double election of Anacletus II and Innocent II in
February 1130. He promised to support the former, and received in re-
turn "the crown of the kingdom of Sicily, of Calabria, and Apulia, the
principality of Capua, the honour of Naples, and the protectorate of the
men of Benevento" (27 September 1130). As soon as the Pope's consent
was obtained, Roger II held an assembly near Salerno, where he caused
his vassals to entreat him to take the title of King. Then on Christmas
Day 1130, in the cathedral of Palermo, his coronation closed the first
chapter in the history of the descendants of Tancred of Hauteville,
whose grandson thus became King of Sicily.
“Whoever makes himself King of Sicily attacks the Emperor. ” These
words, addressed by St Bernard to the Emperor Lothar, were true not only
as applied to the Germanic Empire but also to the Greek Empire.
Neither of the two Empires had ever regarded as legitimate the Norman
occupation of territories over which both claimed rights. Therefore,
alike in Germany and in Byzantium, the establishment of the Norman
kingdom was regarded as a flagrant insult. United by an equal hatred
of the common enemy, the two Empires sought by means of an alliance
to crush their adversary. Both Roger II and his successor had to employ
almost all their energy, either in fighting the two Emperors singly or in
preventing the Germano-Byzantine alliance from producing its full
effect.
During the whole course of its existence the kingdom of Sicily had
to struggle with a third enemy. Never did the Papacy submit to the
establishment of a powerful state in South Italy, even when its re-
cognition was inevitable. As soon as the Papacy was on good terms
with the Germanic Emperor, it incited him to destroy the Norman state,
and if, on the contrary, its relations with the Empire became less cordial,
the Popes gladly fell back on the support of the Norman sovereign. This
explains the alternations of policy pursued by the Papacy throughout the
twelfth century as regards Roger II and his successors.
The organisation which Roger II insisted on establishing in his
states, and the manner in which he demanded respect for his authority
from his vassals, excited general discontent, which in 1131 caused a revolt
led by Tancred of Conversano and Grimoald of Bari. Although the
king met with some successes, the insurrection spread, Rainulf, Count of
Alife, and Robert, Prince of Capua, joining the movement at the in-
stigation of Pope Innocent II; and Roger was severely defeated on the
banks of the Sabbato (1133). The coming of the Emperor Lothar to


## p. 187 (#233) ############################################

Defeat of Pope Innocent II
187
Rome, where he established Innocent II, was certainly connected with
the revolt of Roger's vassals. They were seriously disappointed when
they realised that the Emperor did not intend to invade South Italy.
During the summer of 1133 Roger resumed the struggle, and succeeded
in restoring order in Apulia ; when he returned to Sicily the rebel party
was disorganised. The conflict was continued only by the Duke of Naples,
the Prince of Capua, and the Count of Alife, who wished to secure the
assistance of the Pisans. The year 1134 witnessed further progress by
the king, who succeeded in crushing the rebels, but all the effect of the
success attained was destroyed by a false rumour of Roger's death, which
caused a general revolt in the winter of 1135. The king had again to
fight the rebels, and had not quite subdued them when in 1136 the
Emperor Lothar at length invaded his dominions in response to the
appeal of Innocent II. At the approach of the Germans the whole
country rose in arms against the king. Lothar encountered hardly any
resistance; his two most notable successes were the taking of Bari and
Salerno. The Emperor, however, did not seek to push his advantage any
further, for most of his vassals begged him to return north. He was
obliged to consent, but before his departure he invested Count Rainulf
of Alife with the duchy of Apulia. It took the King of Sicily three years
to destroy the organisation established by the Germanic Emperor. His
task was facilitated by Rainulf's death on 30 April 1139, as well as by
the failure of Innocent II.
When the schism was ended by the abdication of Victor IV, suc-
cessor of Anacletus II, Pope Innocent II vindictively pursued all the
partisans of the anti-Pope. Amongst these Roger II was not overlooked,
as it was by his help that Anacletus had been enabled to maintain
himself in Rome. In the spring of 1139 the King of Sicily was ex-
communicated, and in the early summer the Pope, at the head of all the
forces he could muster, set out for the south to restore the condition of
affairs established by Lothar. It was an unlucky venture; on 22 July
on the banks of the Garigliano, near Galluccio, he was defeated and
taken prisoner by Duke Roger, the king's son, who also seized the
pontifical treasure. Like Leo IX in bygone days, Innocent II beheld
the Norman leader kneeling for his blessing, but to obtain his liberty he
had to grant to Roger II the investiture of his states as bestowed by
Anacletus II. This royal success led to the collapse of the rebellion; the
king shewed himself relentless in repression so as to discourage future
revolts; to escape punishment many of his vassals fled to Germany and
Byzantium, among them Robert of Capua. The rebel cities forfeited
most of their privileges.
Concord between the king and the Pope was not of long duration ;
and in 1140 a fresh rupture was caused by the conquests of the king's
sons in the Abruzzi. To bring Roger to terms, Innocent II utilised the
question of episcopal elections, which had not been settled in 1139.
CH. I.


## p. 188 (#234) ############################################

188
East and West allied against Roger
The King of Sicily, in virtue of the Apostolic Legateship, which he
claimed to exercise throughout his states, demanded the right of in-
terference in episcopal elections. Innocent II denied him this privilege,
and refused canonical investiture to the bishops of the kingdom of
Sicily.
There was no change in the position under Celestine II (1143–1144).
It was otherwise with Pope Lucius II, who, requiring the support of the
Normans to secure Rome, concluded a seven years' truce with Roger II in
October 1144. The same consideration influenced the conduct of Eugenius
III, who succeeded Lucius. On his return to Italy in 1148, he concluded
a four years' truce with Roger II ; the Pope confirmed the privilege of
the Apostolic Legateship, but seems to have reserved the question of
episcopal elections. In return Roger II supplied the Pope with men and
money; thanks to this, the Pope succeeded in entering Rome. The King
of Sicily had hoped that, in exchange for the services rendered, the Pope
would come to a final agreement; on the contrary, Eugenius III, counting
on the approaching descent into Italy of King Conrad III to settle the
question of the Norman kingdom, refused to renew the investiture of
Roger with his states. By 1151 the breach was complete, and it was
without the Pope's consent that Roger II had his son William crowned
at Palermo on 8 April. Henceforth Eugenius III definitely sought an
alliance with the King of the Romans.
As soon as he had destroyed the organisation established in South
Italy by Lothar, Roger II, realising clearly that the Germanic Empire
would not submit meekly to such a check, and anxious to prevent a
repetition of such an intervention, sought to create every possible diffi-
culty for Conrad III, Lothar's successor. It was for this reason that he
supplied Welf, brother of Henry the Proud, with subsidies, and thus
succeeded in prolonging the revolt of the German nobles against their
new king. By this means he contrived to keep the King of the Romans
busy in his own dominions, and prevented him from lending a favourable
ear to the appeals for intervention in Italy which were addressed to him
by all the Norman nobles who had taken refuge at his court.
Above all Roger II feared lest the King of the Romans and the
Greek Emperor, united by their common hatred of the kingdom of
Sicily, should enter into an alliance against him. John Comnenus had
already approached Lothar on this subject, and the negotiations were
resumed with Conrad in 1140. To prevent this alliance, Roger sent an
embassy to Constantinople to solicit the hand of a Byzantine princess
for one of his sons. This embassy coincided with the death of John
Comnenus (3 April 1143). The negotiations were continued by Manuel
Comnenus, but ended in a breach, and the Basileus about 1144 reverted
to the German alliance.
At the very moment when the alliance between the two Empires was
about to be concluded, the preaching of the Second Crusade averted the


## p. 189 (#235) ############################################

Norman conquests in Africa
189
danger. After vainly attempting to turn the Crusade to his own ad-
vantage, Roger resolved to profit by the embarrassment caused to Manuel
Comnenus by the presence of the crusaders, and to invade the Greek
Empire. While the crusaders were still outside Constantinople, the
Normans took possession of Corfù, occupied Neapolis, laid the island of
Euboea waste, and, on the homeward journey, penetrated into the Gulf
of Corinth, pillaging and destroying Thebes (end of 1147 and beginning
of 1148). The Byzantines did not recover Corfù until 1149.
On his way home from the Crusade, Conrad met Manuel Comnenus,
and the two monarchs agreed to attack the King of Sicily in the course
of 1149. In preventing the execution of this plan Roger shewed extra-
ordinary activity. He again supplied Welf with money, and induced
him to organise another league against King Conrad; at the same time
he started the idea of a league to include all the states of western Europe,
intended in the first instance to punish the Greek Emperor, to whom the
failure of the Crusade was ascribed, and subsequently to succour the
Christian communities of the Levant. Roger succeeded in converting to
his views not only King Louis VII of France and his minister Suger,
but also St Bernard, who at that time exercised great influence on
European opinion. The projected alliance failed to come into being
because of the opposition of King Conrad, but fortune again favoured
the King of Sicily, for at the very moment when, by agreement with
Manuel Comnenus, Conrad was about to invade Italy, he died (February
1152), whereby the Norman kingdom escaped the danger of a coalition
between the two Empires.
In spite of the failure of his early expeditions, Roger II never aban-
doned his intention of attacking the coast of North Africa, and his
attempts to get a foothold there constitute one of the most curious
features of his reign. Almost all his expeditions were led by the Grand
Emir (Admiral), George of Antioch, who with his father had been in the
service of Tamīm, the Zairid prince of Mahdiyah. He next entered the
service of the King of Sicily, where, by his knowledge of Arabic and his
familiarity with the Muslim world and the African coast, he was an in-
valuable auxiliary to Roger II. Taking advantage of the internal quarrels
which continually broke out between the chiefs of the petty Muslim
principalities of Africa, Roger first took under his protectorate Hasan,
prince of Mahdīyah (1134), and then occupied the island of Gerba, at the
foot of the gulf of Gabes. In 1143 he took Djidjelli, near Bugia; and
in 1145 Bresk, which lies between Cherchell and Tinnīs, was pillaged, as
also the island of Kerkinna. In 1146 Tripoli fell into the hands of the
Normans. Until then Roger II does not seem to have contemplated
establishing himself in Africa; he was content to dispatch his naval
forces each summer on a privateering expedition, to loot and burn the
towns which they surprised. After the capture of Tripoli, he established
his power in Africa on a regular basis. A garrison was placed in each
CA. IV.


## p. 190 (#236) ############################################

190
Death of Roger II
captured town, but the native population was governed by a Wāli and
judged by a Cadi, chosen from among the Muslims.
The fall of Tripoli had a great effect in Africa, and was quickly
followed by that of Gabes, Mahdiyah, and Sūs (1148). The progress of
conquest was not arrested by the death of George of Antioch, and in
1153 the Normans occupied Bona. At this moment the Norman dominion
in Africa reached its greatest extent; the authority of Roger II stretched
from Tripoli to Tunis, and in the interior from the desert of Bakka to
Qairawān. Roger appears to have proportioned his aims to the forces at
his disposal, and to have been content to occupy the most important
commercial centres without attempting to advance far inland. For some
years the King of Sicily was actually master of the communications
between the two basins of the Mediterranean. Unfortunately his work
did not endure. The results obtained by allowing the natives to enjoy
religious, judicial, and administrative liberty were lost when the con-
querors wished to interfere in religious questions, and tried to make the
people of Tripoli abandon the party of the Almohades. Under the
influence of religious prejudice, an insurrection broke out which destroyed
in one day the work of the Norman conquest. This mistake, however,
was not made by Roger II, who died at Palermo in the height of his
glory on 26 February 1154.
When the founder of the Norman monarchy died, the political horizon
of the kingdom of Sicily was heavy with ominous thunder-clouds. None
of the vital questions affecting the welfare of the new kingdom had
received any solution. Even the genius of Roger II had been unable to
find any means of settling the problems which had arisen; he had only
succeeded in postponing the moment of settlement. Internally the calm
which had reigned since the last revolt of the aristocracy and the cities
was more apparent than real. The exiled Norman nobles had not given
up hopes of regaining possession of their confiscated property and were
in communication with their partisans. The inhabitants of the cities,
kept in subjection by the royal garrisons which occupied the citadels,
still deplored their lost liberties ; fear had indeed compelled all heads to
bow before the king, but regret for the past was deeply enshrined in all
hearts. The aristocracy, systematically excluded from any share in public
affairs by Roger II, looked on jealously while the king governed with
the help of men derived from the inferior classes of the country, for
whom were reserved the highest offices at court. Here also submission
was only apparent, and the nobles impatiently awaited an opportunity
of claiming both their former independence and a share in the govern-
ment.
Abroad the Papacy remained hostile to the kingdom of Sicily; in 1153
Eugenius III and the new King of the Romans, Frederick of Swabia, had
concluded an agreement entirely to the detriment of the Norman king-
dom (Treaty of Constance). As the Greek Empire also remained


## p. 191 (#237) ############################################

King William I: his early difficulties
191
hostile, there was no change in the situation, and an alliance between
the two Empires against the Normans was always a possibility to be
feared.
Roger II was succeeded by William I, last survivor of the sons
born of his wife Elvira, daughter of Alfonso VI of Castile! . William I
has for long had a very bad reputation among historians, and by uni-
versal consent the epithet of the Bad was attached to his name. Only
in recent years has it been discovered that this reputation was scarcely
deserved, and a more critical study of documents has revealed the fact
that Roger's son has been the victim of the pamphleteer Hugo Falcandus,
a passionate opponent of the policy followed by the new king. William
was pre-eminently the inheritor of his father's political work; he made
no innovations, and only followed the course which Roger had traced
out. Brought up to distrust the nobles, he continued to deprive them of
power, and surrounded himself with his father's old servants, to whom
he gave his confidence. Less energetic than Roger II, he devolved the
exercise of power upon his ministers, and was content to live in his palace
surrounded by his harem like an oriental sovereign. Only some very
urgent necessity for his personal intervention could induce him to emerge, ,
but when once he overcame his natural indolence the king displayed an
incredible energy in executing the measures on which he had decided.
During all the early part of the reign power was exercised by the Emir
of Emirs (Admiral), Maio of Bari, son of a judge of Bari; he also had
passed his whole life in the law-courts, and his high place in the king's
favour excited the hatred of all the nobles.
In the very year of William I's accession, Frederick Barbarossa de-
termined to descend into Italy. In order to avert the danger of an
alliance between the two Emperors, the King of Sicily offered to make
peace with Manuel Comnenus; he would even have consented to restore
all the booty taken at the sack of Thebes. Manuel refused the offers
made to him, but on the other hand the Norman king succeeded in
making peace with Venice, whereby in case of war Byzantium was de-
prived of the support of the Venetian fleet.
The negotiations which had been entered upon between Manuel and
Frederick Barbarossa proved abortive, very likely because the latter re-
fused to admit the claims of the Basileus to South Italy. When Manuel
learned of the arrival of the King of the Romans in Italy, he feared lest
Barbarossa's enterprise undertaken without him was aimed against him.
He therefore sent Michael Palaeologus to Italy with orders to approach
Frederick anew, and if he failed to take some action on his own account.
As the negotiations with Barbarossa were inconclusive, Palaeologus es-
tablished himself at Ancona, and entered into relations with William I's
1 Roger was married a second time to Sibylla, daughter of Hugh of Burgundy,
and a third time to Beatrice, daughter of the Count of Rethel, who gave birth to a
posthumous daughter, Constance.
CH. IV.


## p. 192 (#238) ############################################

192
His victory
cousin, Robert, Count of Loritello, who had just revolted. Assisted
by the exiled Norman nobles who flocked back in large numbers, and
also by those who had adhered to the Count of Loritello, the Byzan-
tines invaded William's states and were extraordinarily successful. At
first under the command of Palaeologus, and after his death under
John Ducas, the Greeks occupied most of the large towns, Bari, Trani,
Giovenazzo, and Molfetta, and advanced to Taranto and Brindisi.
Meanwhile Palaeologus came to terms with Pope Hadrian IV. The
latter had experienced grave disappointment when Barbarossa retired
directly after his imperial coronation, for he had always expected that
the German Emperor would settle the question of the Norman kingdom.
Manuel Comnenus made very skilful use of the situation, and wished to
play the part of protector of the Papacy which Barbarossa had relin-
quished. His designs very shortly became apparent, when he demanded
that the Pope should restore the unity of the Empire in his person. The
first offers of the Basileus were accepted, and it was by means of Greek
subsidies that Hadrian IV paid the troops with which he invaded the
Norman kingdom. This intervention resulted in the restoration of
Robert, Prince of Capua, to his dominions (October 1155).
The progress of the Byzantine and papal troops was greatly facili-
tated by the serious illness of William I (September-December 1155)
and by the revolt of some Sicilian vassals. The royal army assembled
by the Chancellor, Asclettin, to resist the German invasion, was dis-
organised by the revolt of the Italian vassals; and it could not be
reinforced, because the rebellion of the Sicilian vassals prevented the
withdrawal of troops from the island.
It was only at the end of the winter of 1156 that William repaired
to Butera to besiege Geoffrey, Count of Montescaglioso, the leader of the
rebels who demanded the dismissal of Maio. As soon as this insurrection
was crushed, William I prepared to attack Italy. He tried to negotiate
with the Pope, to whom he offered highly advantageous conditions in
exchange for his investiture. But Hadrian IV preferred the Byzantine
alliance. The successes of the troops led by William I, however, soon
caused the Pope to regret his decision. The Byzantines indeed lost their
conquests even more quickly than they had achieved them. After their
total defeat outside Brindisi (28 May 1156), the Greek troops were
unable to retain the towns they had taken. William I was relentless in
repression; he ordered a large number of rebels to be hanged, blinded,
or thrown into the sea. These executions inspired terror everywhere,
and when the Norman army reached Apulia no city dared to offer re-
sistance; none the less the king made an example of Bari, and destroyed
it. In the north of the kingdom resistance ceased; the Prince of Capua
fled, and the dispersal of his allies left Hadrian IV alone in opposition to
the Norman king, who besieged him in Benevento.
Forced to treat, Hadrian IV had to agree to all the demands of the


## p. 193 (#239) ############################################

Treaty of Benevento (1156) with the Papacy
193
conqueror. The treaty therefore settled all the questions pending between
the kingdom of Sicily and the Papacy. Hadrian IV granted to William I
the kingdom of Sicily, the duchy of Apulia, the principality of Capua
with Naples, Amalfi, Salerno, and the district of the Marsi (since the
time of Gregory VII the Papacy had refused to recognise the last-named
conquests). The King of Sicily took the oath of homage, and agreed to
pay a tribute of 600 schifati for Apulia and Calabria, and 500 for the
district of the Marsi. The questions relating to ecclesiastical discipline
which had been raised in connexion with the privilege of the royal
legateship were arranged by a compromise. The treaty made a distinction
between Apulia and Calabria on the one hand, and Sicily on the other.
In Apulia and Calabria the Pope secured the right of appeal by clerics to
Rome, the right of consecration and of visitation except in those cities
where the king was residing, and finally the right of summoning councils.
In Sicily the Pope might summon ecclesiastics to attend him, but the king
reserved the right of preventing their obedience to the Pope's command.
The Pope could only receive appeals and send legates at the king's re-
quest. The clergy nominated the bishops, but the king had the right of
refusing to accept their election. The Papacy obtained the right of
consecration and visitation, but not that of nomination, over certain
monasteries and churches, the prelates of which had to apply to Rome
only for consecration and benediction. Thus the Treaty of Benevento
confirmed in favour of the King of Sicily all the privileges granted by
Urban II to Count Roger, and Hadrian IV further had to recognise all
the Norman conquests. Moreover, the King of Sicily obtained the
erection of Palermo into a metropolitan see.
These advantages were certainly considerable, but the Treaty of
Benevento was to have far wider consequences. Possibly when he signed
the Pope did not realise that he was severing the link which had united
the Papacy and the Germanic Empire ever since the Treaty of Constance.
Barbarossa was indignant at the attitude of Hadrian IV, and notwith-
standing the efforts made by the Pope to remain on good terms both
with the Emperor and the King of Sicily, a rupture was inevitable. The
Papacy was consequently obliged to seek support and strength from the
Norman kingdom.
Barbarossa had been very ill-content at the Greeks' successes in Italy,
but the tidings of their reverses removed his uneasiness, and during the
years 1156–1157 negotiations between the two Empires were resumed.
Again they failed to reach an agreement. Meanwhile William I, having
treated with the Genoese so as to deprive the Byzantines of the possible
support of the Genoese fleet (1157), arranged a great expedition to
ravage the coasts of the Greek Empire. This took place in 1157; the
rich ports of Negropont in Euboea and Almira (Halmyrus) in Thessaly
were pillaged, and according to some chroniclers the Norman fleet even
appeared outside Constantinople. In the same year Manuel resumed
13
C. MED. H. VOL. V. OH. IV.


## p. 194 (#240) ############################################

194
Alliance with the Papacy against the Empire
hostilities, sending Alexius, son of the Grand Domestic Axuch, to
Ancona, where he raised a force and entered into relations with some
Normans, among whom was Count Andrew of Rupis Canina (Raviscanina,
near Alife). The Byzantines and their allies attacked the Norman king-
dom on its northern frontier.
In the spring of 1158 peace was signed between Manuel and William I,
thanks to the intervention of Hadrian IV (1158). After the rupture with
Barbarossa (1157), the Pope had made friends with the Greek Emperor,
and, wishing to form an alliance against the Germanic Empire, succeeded
in bringing about peace between Byzantium and Sicily. Henceforth
Manuel Comnenus designed to obtain from the Pope the restoration of
the unity of the Roman Empire; consequently, with this larger scheme
in view, the question of the Norman kingdom lost much of its importance
in his
eyes.
On the other hand, the new claims of the Basileus were dis-
liked at Palermo, where the treaty of 1158 was regarded as a truce
which left in abeyance all the questions pending between the two
states.
During the ensuing years the papal alliance was to be the pivot of
the Norman policy, for it was well known at the Norman court that
Barbarossa had not abandoned his designs on South Italy. Hencefor-
ward the Pope and the King of Sicily sought to create every possible
difficulty for Frederick, so as to keep him far from Rome and South
Italy. When the Milanese revolted in 1159 they were encouraged by
both Pope and king. As protector of the Papacy William I had great
influence at the papal Court, and his party secured a conspicuous success
in 1159 while the Pope was at Anagni; here was formed the league
between the Pope, Brescia, Piacenza, and Milan to resist the imperial
pretensions. During this same visit the partisans of William I set about
choosing a successor for Hadrian IV, who died on 1 September 1159.
The strongest proof of the importance of the Sicilian party at the
papal Court is the number of votes obtained by William's candidate,
Cardinal Roland, its leader, who actually received twenty-three votes
out of a total of twenty-seven. His election as Pope Alexander III was
therefore a personal triumph for the King of Sicily.
The disorder which prevailed in Italy during 1155 and 1156 had its
counterpart in the Norman possessions in Africa. On 25 February
1156 there was a massacre of Christians at Sfax; then the insurrection
spread to the islands of Gerba and Kerkinna, and finally to Tripoli. In
this city the military commandant had attempted to make the imāms
preach against the Almohades, whose growing power was causing un-
easiness at the court of Palermo. This order gave rise to a wide-spread
conspiracy.