The monarch was
permitted to traverse the plaza in silence, and not a Spaniard
was to be seen.
permitted to traverse the plaza in silence, and not a Spaniard
was to be seen.
Warner - World's Best Literature - v20 - Phi to Qui
Cortés and his companions
were compelled to plunge again into the lake,- though all did
not escape.
Alvarado stood on the brink for a moment, hesitat-
ing what to do. Unhorsed as he was, to throw himself into the
water, in the face of the hostile canoes that now swarmed around
the opening, afforded but a desperate chance of safety. He had
but a second for thought. He was a man of powerful frame, and
despair gave him unnatural energy. Setting his long lance firmly
on the wreck which strewed the bottom of the lake, he sprung
forward with all his might, and cleared the wide gap at a leap.
Aztecs and Tlascalans gazed in stupid amazement, exclaiming, as
they beheld the incredible feat, "This is truly the Tonatiuh,—
the child of the Sun! " The breadth of the opening is not given.
But it was so great that the valorous captain Diaz, who well
remembered the place, says the leap was impossible to any man.
Other contemporaries, however, do not discredit the story. It
was beyond doubt matter of popular belief at the time; it is to
this day familiarly known to every inhabitant of the capital; and
the name of the Salto de Alvarado, "Alvarado's Leap," given to
the spot, still commemorates an exploit which rivaled those of the
demigods of Grecian fable.
Cortés and his companions now rode forward to the front,
where the troops, in a loose, disorderly manner, were marching
off the fatal causeway. A few only of the enemy hung on their
rear, or annoyed them by occasional flights of arrows from the
lake. The attention of the Aztecs was diverted by the rich spoil
that strewed the battle-ground; fortunately for the Spaniards,
who, had their enemy pursued with the same ferocity with which
he had fought, would in their crippled condition have been cut
off, probably, to a man. But little molested, therefore, they were
allowed to defile through the adjacent village-or suburbs, it
might be called-of Popotla.
## p. 11779 (#409) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11779
The Spanish commander there dismounted from his jaded
steed; and sitting down on the steps of an Indian temple, gazed
mournfully on the broken files as they passed before him. What
a spectacle did they present! The cavalry, most of them dis-
mounted, were mingled with the infantry, who dragged their
feeble limbs along with difficulty; their shattered mail and tat-
tered garments dripping with the salt ooze, showing through
their rents many a bruise and ghastly wound; their bright arms
soiled, their proud crests and banners gone, the baggage, artil-
lery,- all, in short, that constitutes the pride and panoply of glori-
ous war,- forever lost. Cortés, as he looked wistfully on their
thin and disordered ranks, sought in vain for many a familiar
face, and missed more than one dear companion who had stood
side by side with him through all the perils of the conquest.
Though accustomed to control his emotions, or at least to con-
ceal them, the sight was too much for him. He covered his face
with his hands, and the tears which trickled down revealed too
plainly the anguish of his soul.
THE SPANISH ARABS
From Ferdinand and Isabella'
NOT
TWITHSTANDING the high advances made by the Arabians in
almost every branch of learning, and the liberal import of
certain sayings ascribed to Mahomet, the spirit of his reli-
gion was eminently unfavorable to letters. The Koran, whatever
be the merit of its literary execution, does not, we believe, contain
a single precept in favor of general science. Indeed, during the
first century after its promulgation, almost as little attention.
was bestowed upon this by the Saracens as in their "days of
ignorance," as the period is stigmatized which preceded the
advent of their apostle. But after the nation had reposed from
its tumultuous military career, the taste for elegant pleasures,
which naturally results from opulence and leisure, began to flow
in upon it. It entered upon this new field with all its charac-
teristic enthusiasm, and seemed ambitious of attaining the same
pre-eminence in science that it had already reached in arms.
It was at the commencement of this period of intellectual
fermentation that the last of the Omeyades, escaping into Spain,
established there the kingdom of Cordova; and imported along
## p. 11780 (#410) ##########################################
11780
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
with him the fondness for luxury and letters that had begun to
display itself in the capitals of the East. His munificent spirit
descended upon his successors; and on the breaking up of the
empire, the various capitals, Seville, Murcia, Malaga, Granada, and
others, which rose upon its ruins, became the centres of so many
intellectual systems, that continued to emit a steady lustre through
the clouds and darkness of succeeding centuries. The period of
this literary civilization reached far into the fourteenth century,
and thus, embracing an interval of six hundred years, may be said
to have exceeded in duration that of any other literature ancient
or modern.
There were several auspicious circumstances in the condition
of the Spanish Arabs which distinguished them from their Mahom-
etan brethren. The temperate climate of Spain was far more
propitious to robustness and elasticity of intellect than the sultry
regions of Arabia and Africa. Its long line of coast and conven-
ient havens opened to an enlarged commerce. Its numbers of
rival States encouraged a generous emulation, like that which
glowed in ancient Greece and modern Italy; and was infinitely
more favorable to the development of the mental powers than
the far-extended and sluggish empires of Asia. Lastly, a familiar
intercourse with the Europeans served to mitigate in the Spanish
Arabs some of the more degrading superstitions incident to their
religion, and to impart to them nobler ideas of the independence
and moral dignity of man than are to be found in the slaves of
Eastern despotism.
Under these favorable circumstances, provisions for education
were liberally multiplied; colleges, academies, and gymnasiums
springing up spontaneously, as it were, not merely in the principal
cities, but in the most obscure villages of the country. No less
than fifty of these colleges or schools could be discerned scattered
over the suburbs and populous plains of Granada. Seventy pub-
lic libraries are enumerated in Spain by a contemporary, at the
beginning of the fourteenth century. Every place of note seems
to have furnished materials for a literary history. The copious
catalogues of writers still extant in the Escurial show how extens-
ively the cultivation of science was pursued, even through its
minutest subdivisions; while a biographical notice of blind men
eminent for their scholarship in Spain proves how far the gen-
eral avidity for knowledge triumphed over the most discouraging
obstacles of nature.
## p. 11781 (#411) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11781
The Spanish Arabs emulated their countrymen of the East in
their devotion to natural and mathematical science. They pene-
trated into the remotest regions of Africa and Asia, transmitting
an exact account of their proceedings to the national academies.
They contributed to astronomical knowledge by the number and
accuracy of their observations, and by the improvement of instru-
ments and the erection of observatories, of which the noble tower
of Seville is one of the earliest examples. They furnished their
full proportion in the department of history; which, according to
an Arabian author cited by D'Herbelot, could boast of thirteen
hundred writers. The treatises on logic and metaphysics amount
to one ninth of the surviving treasures of the Escurial; and to
conclude this summary of naked details, some of their scholars
appear to have entered upon as various a field of philosophical
inquiry as would be crowded into a modern encyclopædia.
The results, it must be confessed, do not appear to have cor-
responded with this magnificent apparatus and unrivaled activity
of research. The mind of the Arabians was distinguished by
the most opposite characteristics, which sometimes indeed served.
to neutralize each other. An acute and subtile perception was
often clouded by mysticism and abstraction. They combined a
habit of classification and generalization with a marvelous fond-
ness for detail; a vivacious fancy with a patience of application
that a German of our day might envy; and while in fiction they
launched boldly into originality, indeed extravagance, they were
content in philosophy to tread servilely in the track of their
ancient masters. They derived their science from versions of
the Greek philosophers; but as their previous discipline had not
prepared them for its reception, they were oppressed rather than
stimulated by the weight of the inheritance. They possessed an
indefinite power of accumulation, but they rarely ascended to gen-
eral principles, or struck out new and important truths; at least
this is certain in regard to their metaphysical labors.
Hence Aristotle, who taught them to arrange what they had
already acquired rather than to advance to new discoveries, be-
came the god of their idolatry. They piled commentary on
commentary; and in their blind admiration of his system, may
be almost said to have been more of Peripatetics than the Sta-
girite himself. The Cordovan Averroes was the most eminent
of his Arabian commentators, and undoubtedly contributed more
than any other individual to establish the authority of Aristotle
## p. 11782 (#412) ##########################################
11782
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
over the reason of mankind for so many ages. Yet his various
illustrations have served, in the opinion of European critics, to
darken rather than dissipate the ambiguities of his original, and
have even led to the confident assertion that he was wholly un-
acquainted with the Greek language.
The Saracens gave an entirely new face to pharmacy and
chemistry. They introduced a great variety of salutary medica-
ments into Europe. The Spanish Arabs, in particular, are com-
mended by Sprengel above their brethren for their observations
on the practice of medicine. But whatever real knowledge they
possessed was corrupted by their inveterate propensity for mys-
tical and occult science. They too often exhausted both health
and fortune in fruitless researches after the elixir of life and the
philosopher's stone. Their medical prescriptions were regulated
by the aspect of the stars. Their physics were debased by magic,
their chemistry degenerated into alchemy, their astronomy into
astrology.
In the fruitful field of history their success was even more
equivocal. They seem to have been wholly destitute of the
philosophical spirit, which gives life to this kind of composition.
They were the disciples of fatalism, and the subjects of a despotic
government. Man appeared to them only in the contrasted
aspects of slave and master. What could they know of the finer
moral relations, or of the higher energies of the soul, which
are developed only under free and beneficent institutions? Even
could they have formed conceptions of these, how would the
have dared to express them? Hence their histories are too often
mere barren chronological details, or fulsome panegyrics on their
princes, unenlivened by a single spark of philosophy or criticism.
Although the Spanish Arabs are not entitled to the credit of
having wrought any important revolution in intellectual or moral
science, they are commended by a severe critic as exhibiting
in their writings "the germs of many theories which have been
reproduced as discoveries in later ages," and they silently per-
fected several of those useful arts which have had a sensible
influence on the happiness and improvement of mankind. Al-
gebra and the higher mathematics were taught in their schools,
and thence diffused over Europe. The manufacture of paper,
which, since the invention of printing, has contributed so essen-
tially to the rapid circulation of knowledge, was derived through
them. Casiri has discovered several manuscripts on cotton paper
## p. 11783 (#413) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11783
in the Escurial as early as 1009, and of linen paper of the date
of 1106; the origin of which latter fabric Tiraboschi has ascribed.
to an Italian of Trevigi, in the middle of the fourteenth century.
Lastly, the application of gunpowder to military science, which
has wrought an equally important revolution, though of a more
doubtful complexion, in the condition of society, was derived
through the same channel.
The influence of the Spanish Arabs, however, is discernible
not so much in the amount of knowledge, as in the impulse
which they communicated to
communicated to the long-dormant energies of
Europe. Their invasion was coeval with the commencement
of that night of darkness which divides the modern from the
ancient world. The soil had been impoverished by long, assidu-
ous cultivation. The Arabians came like a torrent, sweeping
down and obliterating even the landmarks of former civilization,
but bringing with it a fertilizing principle, which as the waters
receded gave new life and loveliness to the landscape. The
writings of the Saracens were translated and diffused throughout
Europe. Their schools were visited by disciples, who, roused
from their lethargy, caught somewhat of the generous enthusi
asm of their masters; and a healthful action was given to the
European intellect, which, however ill directed at first, was thus
prepared for the more judicious and successful efforts of later
times.
It is comparatively easy to determine the value of the scien-
tific labors of a people, for truth is the same in all languages;
but the laws of taste differ so widely in different nations, that
it requires a nicer discrimination to pronounce fairly upon such
works as are regulated by them. Nothing is more common than
to see the poetry of the East condemned as tumid, over-refined,
infected with meretricious ornament and conceits, and in short,
as everyway contravening the principles of good taste. Few of
the critics who thus peremptorily condemn are capable of read-
ing a line of the original. The merit of poetry, however, con-
sists so much in its literary execution, that a person, to pronounce
upon it, should be intimately acquainted with the whole import
of the idiom in which it is written. The style of poetry, indeed
of all ornamental writing, whether prose or verse, in order to
produce a proper effect, must be raised or relieved, as it were,
upon the prevailing style of social intercourse. Even where this
is highly figurative and impassioned, as with the Arabians, whose
## p. 11784 (#414) ##########################################
11784
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
ordinary language is made up of metaphor, that of the poet must
be still more so. Hence the tone of elegant literature varies so
widely in different countries, even in those of Europe, which
approach the nearest to each other in their principles of taste,—
that it would be found extremely difficult to effect a close trans-
lation of the most admired specimens of eloquence from the
language of one nation into that of any other. A page of Boc-
caccio or Bembo, for instance, done into literal English, would
have an air of intolerable artifice and verbiage. The choicest
morsels of Massillon, Bossuet, or the rhetorical Thomas, would
savor marvelously of bombast; and how could we in degree
keep pace with the magnificent march of the Castilian! Yet
surely we are not to impugn the taste of all these nations, who
attach much more importance, and have paid (at least this is
true of the French and Italian) much greater attention to the
mere beauties of literary finish than English writers.
Whatever may be the sins of the Arabians on this head, they
are certainly not those of negligence. The Spanish Arabs, in
particular, were noted for the purity and elegance of their idiom;
insomuch that Casiri affects to determine the locality of an
author by the superior refinement of his style. Their copious
philological and rhetorical treatises, their arts of poetry, gram-
mars, and rhyming dictionaries, show to what
an excessive
refinement they elaborated the art of composition. Academies,
far more numerous than those of Italy, to which they subse-
quently served for a model, invited by their premiums frequent
competitions in poetry and eloquence. To poetry, indeed, espe-
cially of the tender kind, the Spanish Arabs seem to have been
as indiscriminately addicted as the Italians in the time of
Petrarch; and there was scarcely a doctor in Church or State but
at some time or other offered up his amorous incense on the
altar of the Muse.
-
With all this poetic feeling, however, the Arabs never availed
themselves of the treasures of Grecian eloquence which lay open
before them. Not a poet or orator of any eminence in that lan-
guage seems to have been translated by them. The temperate
tone of Attic composition appeared tame to the fervid conceptions
of the East. Neither did they venture upon what in Europe are
considered the higher walks of the art, the drama, and the epic.
None of their writers in prose or verse show much attention
to the development or dissection of character. Their inspiration
## p. 11785 (#415) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11785
exhaled in lyrical effusions, in elegies, epigrams, and idyls. They
sometimes, moreover, like the Italians, employed verse as the
vehicle of instruction in the grave and recondite sciences. The
general character of their poetry is bold, florid, impassioned,
richly colored with imagery, sparkling with conceits and meta-
phors, and occasionally breathing a deep tone of moral sensibility,
as in some of the plaintive effusions ascribed by Condé to the
royal poets of Cordova. The compositions of the golden age of
the Abassides, and of the preceding period, do not seem to have
been infected with the taint of exaggeration, so offensive to a
European, which distinguishes the later productions in the decay
of the empire.
In
Whatever be thought of the influence of the Arabic on Euro-
pean literature in general, there can be no reasonable doubt that
it has been considerable on the Provençal and the Castilian.
the latter especially, so far from being confined to the vocabu-
lary, or to external forms of composition, it seems to have pen-
etrated deep into its spirit, and is plainly discernible in that
affectation of stateliness and Oriental hyperbole which charac-
terizes Spanish writers even at the present day; in the subtilties
and conceits with which the ancient Castilian verse is so liberally
bespangled; and in the relish for proverbs and prudential maxims,
which is so general that it may be considered national.
A decided effect has been produced on the romantic literature
of Europe by those tales of fairy enchantment so characteristic
of Oriental genius, and in which it seems to have reveled with
uncontrolled delight. These tales, which furnished the principal
diversion of the East, were imported by the Saracens into Spain;
and we find the monarchs of Cordova solacing their leisure hours
with listening to their rawis, or novelists, who sang to them
"Of ladye-love and war, romance, and knightly worth. »
The same spirit, penetrating into France, stimulated the more
sluggish inventions of the trouvère; and at a later and more pol-
ished period called forth the imperishable creations of the Italian
Muse.
It is unfortunate for the Arabians, that their literature should
be locked up in a character and idiom so difficult of access to
European scholars. Their wild, imaginative poetry, scarcely capa-
ble of transfusion into a foreign tongue, is made known to us
only through the medium of bald prose translation; while their
scientific treatises have been done into Latin with an inaccuracy
## p. 11786 (#416) ##########################################
11786
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
which, to make use of a pun of Casiri's, merits the name of per-
versions rather than versions of the originals. How obviously
inadequate, then, are our means of forming any just estimate
of their merits! It is unfortunate for them, moreover, that the
Turks, the only nation which, from an identity of religion and
government with the Arabs, as well as from its political conse-
quence, would seem to represent them on the theatre of modern
Europe, should be a race so degraded; one which, during the
five centuries that it has been in possession of the finest climate
and monuments of antiquity, has so seldom been quickened into
a display of genius, or added so little of positive value to the
literary treasures descended from its ancient masters. Yet this
people, so sensual and sluggish, we are apt to confound in imagi-
nation with the sprightly, intellectual Arab. Both indeed have
been subjected to the influence of the same degrading political
and religious institutions, which on the Turks have produced the
results naturally to have been expected; while the Arabians, on
the other hand, exhibit the extraordinary phenomenon of a nation,
under all these embarrassments, rising to a high degree of ele-
gance and intellectual culture.
The empire which once embraced more than half of the
ancient world has now shrunk within its original limits; and the
Bedouin wanders over his native desert as free, and almost as
uncivilized, as before the coming of his apostle. The language
which was once spoken along the southern shores of the Mediter-
ranean, and the whole extent of the Indian Ocean, is broken up
into a variety of discordant dialects. Darkness has again settled
over those regions of Africa which were illumined by the light
of learning. The elegant dialect of the Koran is studied as a
dead language, even in the birthplace of the prophet. Not a
printing-press at this day is to be found throughout the whole
Arabian peninsula. Even in Spain, in Christian Spain, alas! the
contrast is scarcely less degrading. A death-like torpor has suc-
ceeded to her former intellectual activity. Her cities are emptied
of the population with which they teemed in the days of the
Saracens. Her climate is as fair, but her fields no longer bloom
with the same rich and variegated husbandry. Her most inter-
esting monuments are those constructed by the Arabs; and the
traveler, as he wanders amid their desolate but beautiful ruins,
ponders on the destinies of a people whose very existence seems
now to have been almost as fanciful as the magical creations in
one of their own fairy tales.
## p. 11787 (#417) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11787
THE CAPTURE OF THE INCA
From the Conquest of Peru'
―
HE clouds of the evening had passed away, and the sun rose
bright on the following morning, the most memorable
――――
epoch in the annals of Peru. It was Saturday, the six-
teenth of November, 1532. The loud cry of the trumpet called
the Spaniards to arms with the first streak of dawn; and Pizarro,
briefly acquainting them with the plan of the assault, made the
necessary dispositions.
The plaza, as mentioned in the preceding chapter, was de-
fended on its three sides by low ranges of buildings, consisting
of spacious halls with wide doors or vomitories opening into the
square. In these halls he stationed his cavalry in two divisions;
one under his brother Hernando, the other under De Soto. The
infantry he placed in another of the buildings, reserving twenty
chosen men to act with himself as occasion might require. Pedro
de Candia, with a few soldiers and the artillery,-comprehending
under this imposing name two small pieces of ordnance, called
falconets, he established in the fortress. All received orders to
wait at their posts till the arrival of the Inca. After his entrance
into the great square, they were still to remain under cover,
withdrawn from observation, till the signal was given by the dis-
charge of a gun, when they were to cry their war-cries, to rush
out in a body from their covert, and putting the Peruvians to the
sword, bear off the person of the Inca. The arrangement of the
immense halls, opening on a level with the plaza, seemed to be
contrived on purpose for a coup de théâtre. Pizarro particularly
inculcated order and implicit obedience, that in the hurry of the
moment there should be no confusion. Everything depended on
their acting with concert, coolness, and celerity.
The chief next saw that their arms were in good order, and
that the breastplates of their horses were garnished with bells, to
add by their noise to the consternation of the Indians. Refresh-
ments were also liberally provided, that the troops should be in
condition for the conflict. These arrangements being completed,
mass was performed with great solemnity by the ecclesiastics
who attended the expedition; the God of battles was invoked to
spread his shield over the soldiers who were fighting to extend the
empire of the Cross; and all joined with enthusiasm in the chant,
"Exsurge, Domine," "Rise, O Lord! and judge thine own cause. "
## p. 11788 (#418) ##########################################
11788
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
One might have supposed them a company of martyrs about to
lay down their lives in defense of their faith, instead of a licen-
tious band of adventurers meditating one of the most atrocious
acts of perfidy on the record of history! Yet, whatever were the
vices of the Castilian cavalier, hypocrisy was not among the num-
ber. He felt that he was battling for the Cross; and under this
conviction, exalted as it was at such a moment as this into the
predominant impulse, he was blind to the baser motives which
mingled with the enterprise. With feelings thus kindled to a
flame of religious ardor, the soldiers of Pizarro looked forward
with renovated spirits to the coming conflict; and the chieftain
saw with satisfaction that in the hour of trial his men would be
true to their leader and themselves.
It was late in the day before any movement was visible in
the Peruvian camp, where much preparation was making to ap-
proach the Christian quarters with due state and ceremony. A
message was received from Atahuallpa, informing the Spanish
commander that he should come with his warriors fully armed,
in the same manner as the Spaniards had come to his quarters
the night preceding. This was not an agreeable intimation to
Pizarro, though he had no reason, probably, to expect the con-
trary. But to object might imply distrust, or perhaps disclose in
some measure his own designs. He expressed his satisfaction,
therefore, at the intelligence, assuring the Inca that, come as he
would, he would be received by him as a friend and brother.
It was noon before the Indian procession was on its march,
when it was seen occupying the great causeway for a long extent.
In front came a large body of attendants, whose office seemed
to be to sweep away every particle of rubbish from the road.
High above the crowd appeared the Inca, borne on the shoulders
of his principal nobles, while others of the same rank marched
by the sides of his litter, displaying such a dazzling show of
ornaments on their persons, that, in the language of one of the
Conquerors, "they blazed like the sun. " But the greater part of
the Inca's forces mustered along the fields that lined the road,
and were spread over the broad meadows as far as the eye could
reach.
When the royal procession had arrived within half a mile of
the city, it came to a halt; and Pizarro saw with surprise that
Atahuallpa was preparing to pitch his tents, as if to encamp
there. A messenger soon after arrived, informing the Spaniards
## p. 11789 (#419) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11789
that the Inca would occupy his present station the ensuing night,
and enter the city on the following morning.
This intelligence greatly disturbed Pizarro, who had shared
in the general impatience of his men at the tardy movements of
the Peruvians. The troops had been under arms since daylight,
the cavalry mounted, and the infantry at their post, waiting in
silence the coming of the Inca. A profound stillness reigned
throughout the town, broken only at intervals by the cry of the
sentinel from the summit of the fortress, as he proclaimed the
movements of the Indian army. Nothing, Pizarro well knew, was
so trying to the soldier as prolonged suspense, in a critical situ-
ation like the present; and he feared lest his ardor might evapo-
rate, and be succeeded by that nervous feeling natural to the
bravest soul at such a crisis, and which, if not fear, is near akin
to it. He returned an answer, therefore, to Atahuallpa, depre-
cating his change of purpose, and adding that he had provided
everything for his entertainment, and expected him that night to
sup with him.
This message turned the Inca from his purpose; and striking
his tents again, he resumed his march, first advising the general
that he should leave the greater part of his warriors behind, and
enter the place with only a few of them, and without arms, as
he preferred to pass the night at Caxamalca. At the same time
he ordered accommodations to be provided for himself and his
retinue in one of the large stone buildings, called, from a serpent
sculptured on the walls, the "House of the Serpent. " No tid-
ings could have been more grateful to the Spaniards. It seemed
as if the Indian monarch was eager to rush into the snare that
had been spread for him! The fanatical cavalier could not fail
to discern in it the immediate finger of Providence.
It is difficult to account for this wavering conduct of Ata-
huallpa, so different from the bold and decided character which
history ascribes to him. There is no doubt that he made his
visit to the white men in perfect good faith; though Pizarro was
probably right in conjecturing that this amiable disposition stood
on a very precarious footing. There is as little reason to suppose
that he distrusted the sincerity of the strangers; or he would not
thus unnecessarily have proposed to visit them unarmed. His ori-
ginal purpose of coming with all his force was doubtless to dis-
play his royal state, and perhaps also to show greater respect for
the Spaniards; but when he consented to accept their hospitality
## p. 11790 (#420) ##########################################
11790
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
and pass the night in their quarters, he was willing to dispense
with a great part of his armed soldiery, and visit them in a man-
ner that implied entire confidence in their good faith. He was
too absolute in his own empire easily to suspect; and he probably
could not comprehend the audacity with which a few men, like
those now assembled in Caxamalca, meditated an assault on a
powerful monarch in the midst of his victorious army. He did
not know the character of the Spaniard.
It was not long before sunset when the van of the royal pro-
cession entered the gates of the city. First came some hundreds
of the menials employed to clear the path of every obstacle, and
singing songs of triumph as they came, "which in our ears,”
says one of the Conquerors, "sounded like the songs of hell! "
Then followed other bodies of different ranks, and dressed in
different liveries. Some wore a showy stuff, checkered white and
red, like the squares of a chess-board. Others were clad in pure
white, bearing hammers or maces of silver or copper; and the
guards, together with those in immediate attendance on
prince, were distinguished by a rich azure livery and a profusion
of gay ornaments, while the large pendants attached to the ears
indicated the Peruvian noble.
Elevated high above his vassals came the Inca Atahuallpa,
borne on a sedan or open litter, on which was a sort of throne
made of massive gold of inestimable value. The palanquin was
lined with the richly colored plumes of tropical birds, and studded
with shining plates of gold and silver. The monarch's attire was
much richer than on the preceding evening. Round his neck was
suspended a collar of emeralds of uncommon size and brilliancy.
His short hair was decorated with golden ornaments, and the
imperial borla encircled his temples. The bearing of the Inca
was sedate and dignified; and from his lofty station he looked
down on the multitudes below with an air of composure, like one
accustomed to command.
As the leading files of the procession entered the great square,
-larger, says an old chronicler, than any square in Spain - they
opened to the right and left for the royal retinue to pass. Every-
thing was conducted with admirable order.
The monarch was
permitted to traverse the plaza in silence, and not a Spaniard
was to be seen. When some five or six thousand of his people
had entered the place, Atahuallpa halted, and turning round with
an inquiring look, demanded, "Where are the strangers? "
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WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11791
At this moment Fray Vicente de Valverde, a Dominican friar,
- Pizarro's chaplain, and afterward Bishop of Cuzco,- came for-
ward with his breviary, or as other accounts say, a Bible, in one
hand, and a crucifix in the other; and approaching the Inca, told
him that he came by order of his commander to expound to him
the doctrines of the true faith, for which purpose the Spaniards
had come from a great distance to his country. The friar then
explained, as clearly as he could, the mysterious doctrine of the
Trinity; and ascending high in his account, began with the cre-
ation of man, thence passed to his fall, to his subsequent redemp-
tion by Jesus Christ, to the crucifixion, and the ascension, when
the Savior left the Apostle Peter as his vicegerent upon earth.
This power had been transmitted to the successors of the apos-
tles, good and wise men, who, under the title of Popes, held
authority over all powers and potentates on earth. One of the
last of these Popes had commissioned the Spanish Emperor, the
most mighty monarch in the world, to conquer and convert
the natives in this western hemisphere; and his general, Fran-
cisco Pizarro, had now come to execute this important mission.
The friar concluded with beseeching the Peruvian monarch to
receive him kindly, to abjure the errors of his own faith, and
embrace that of the Christians now proffered to him, the only
one by which he could hope for salvation,-and furthermore,
to acknowledge himself a tributary of the Emperor Charles the
Fifth, who, in that event, would aid and protect him as his loyal
vassal.
Whether Atahuallpa possessed himself of every link in the
curious chain of argument by which the monk connected Pizarro
with St. Peter, may be doubted. It is certain, however, that he
must have had very incorrect notions of the Trinity, if, as Gar-
cilasso states, the interpreter Felipillo explained it by saying that
"the Christians believed in three Gods and one God, and that
made four. " But there is no doubt he perfectly comprehended
that the drift of the discourse was to persuade him to resign his
sceptre, and acknowledge the supremacy of another.
The eyes of the Indian monarch flashed fire, and his dark
brow grew darker as he replied, "I will be no man's tributary.
I am greater than any prince upon earth. Your Emperor may
be a great prince; I do not doubt it, when I see that he has
sent his subjects so far across the waters: and I am willing to
hold him as a brother. As for the Pope of whom you speak, he
## p. 11792 (#422) ##########################################
11792
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
must be crazy to talk of giving away countries which do not
belong to him. For my faith," he continued, "I will not change
it. Your own God, as you say, was put to death by the very
men whom he created. But mine," he concluded, pointing to
his deity, then, alas! sinking in glory behind the mountains,-
"my God still lives in the heavens and looks down on his child-
ren. »
He then demanded of Valverde by what authority he had
said these things. The friar pointed to the book which he held,
as his authority. Atahuallpa, taking it, turned over the pages
a moment; then, as the insult he had received probably flashed
across his mind, he threw it down with vehemence, and ex-
claimed, "Tell your comrades that they shall give me an account
of their doings in my land. I will not go from here till they
have made me full satisfaction for all the wrongs they have com-
mitted. "
The friar, greatly scandalized by the indignity offered to the
sacred volume, stayed only to pick it up, and hastening to
Pizarro, informed him of what had been done; exclaiming at the
same time, "Do you not see that while we stand here wasting
our breath in talking with this dog, full of pride as he is, the
fields are filling with Indians? Set on, at once: I absolve you. "
Pizarro saw that the hour had come. He waved a white scarf in
the air, the appointed signal. The fatal gun was fired from the
fortress. Then, springing into the square, the Spanish captain
and his followers shouted the old war-cry of "St. Jago and at
them. " It was answered by the battle-cry of every Spaniard
in the city, as rushing from the avenues of the great halls in
which they were concealed, they poured into the plaza, horse
and foot, each in his own dark column, and threw themselves
into the midst of the Indian crowd. The latter, taken by sur-
prise, stunned by the report of artillery and muskets, the echoes
of which reverberated like thunder from the surrounding build-
ings, and blinded by the smoke which rolled in sulphurous vol-
umes along the square, were seized with a panic. They knew
not whither to fly for refuge from the coming ruin. Nobles and
commoners, all were trampled down under the fierce charge of
the cavalry, who dealt their blows right and left without spar-
ing; while their swords, flashing through the thick gloom, car-
ried dismay into the hearts of the wretched natives, who now for
the first time saw the horse and rider in all their terrors. They
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WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11793
made no resistance, -as indeed they had no weapons with which
to make it. Every avenue to escape was closed, for the entrance
to the square was choked up with the dead bodies of men who
had perished in vain efforts to fly; and such was the agony of
the survivors under the terrible pressure of their assailants that
a large body of Indians, by their convulsive struggles, burst
through the wall of stone and dried clay which formed part of
the boundary of the plaza! It fell, leaving an opening of more
than a hundred paces, through which multitudes now found their
way into the country, still hotly pursued by the cavalry, who,
leaping the fallen rubbish, hung on the rear of the fugitives,
striking them down in all directions.
Meanwhile the fight, or rather massacre, continued hot around
the Inca, whose person was the great object of the assault. His
faithful nobles, rallying about him, threw themselves in the way
of the assailants, and strove, by tearing them from their saddles,
or at least by offering their own bosoms as a mark for their
vengeance, to shield their beloved master. It is said some
authorities that they carried weapons concealed under their
clothes. If so, it availed them little, as it is not pretended that
they used them. But the most timid animal will defend itself
when at bay. That the Indians did not do so in the present in-
stance is proof that they had no weapons to use. Yet they still
continued to force back the cavaliers, clinging to their horses
with dying grasp, and as one was cut down, another taking the
place of his fallen comrade with a loyalty truly affecting.
The Indian monarch, stunned and bewildered, saw his faithful
subjects falling around him, without fully comprehending his
situation. The litter on which he rode heaved to and fro, as the
mighty press swayed backward and forward; and he gazed on
the overwhelming ruin like some forlorn mariner, who, tossed
about in his bark by the furious elements, sees the lightning's
flash and hears the thunder bursting around him, with the con-
sciousness that he can do nothing to avert his fate. At length,
weary with the work of destruction, the Spaniards, as the shades
of evening grew deeper, felt afraid that the royal prize might
after all elude them; and some of the cavaliers made a desper-
ate attempt to end the affray at once by taking Atahuallpa's life.
But Pizarro, who was nearest his person, called out with stento-
rian voice, "Let no one who values his life strike at the Inca;"
and stretching out his arm to shield him, received a wound on
XX-738
## p. 11794 (#424) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11794
the hand from one of his own men,- the only wound received
by a Spaniard in the action.
The struggle now became fiercer than ever round the royal
litter. It reeled more and more; and at length, several of the
nobles who supported it having been slain, it was overturned,
and the Indian prince would have come with violence to the
ground, had not his fall been broken by the efforts of Pizarro
and some other of the cavaliers, who caught him in their arms.
The imperial borla was instantly snatched from his temples by a
soldier named Estete; and the unhappy monarch, strongly secured,
was removed to a neighboring building, where he was carefully
guarded.
THE PERSONAL HABITS OF PHILIP II.
From the History of Philip II. ›
PHIL
Ρ
HILIP, unlike most of his predecessors, rarely took his seat in
the council of State. It was his maxim that his ministers
would more freely discuss measures in the absence of their
master than when he was there to overawe them. The course
he adopted was for a consulta, or a committee of two or three
members, to wait on him in his cabinet, and report to him the
proceedings of the council. He more commonly, especially in
the later years of his reign, preferred to receive a full report
of the discussion, written so as to leave an ample margin for his
own commentaries. These were eminently characteristic of the
man, and were so minute as usually to cover several sheets of
paper. Philip had a reserved and unsocial temper.
He pre-
ferred to work alone in the seclusion of his closet rather than
in the presence of others. This may explain the reason, in part,
why he seemed so much to prefer writing to talking. Even with
his private secretaries, who were always near at hand, he chose
to communicate by writing; and they had as large a mass of
his autograph notes in their possession as if the correspondence
had been carried on from different parts of the kingdom. His
thoughts too-at any rate his words-came slowly; and by
writing he gained time for the utterance of them.
Philip has been accused of indolence. As far as the body
was concerned, such an accusation was well founded. Even when
young he had no fondness, as we have seen, for the robust and
## p. 11795 (#425) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11795
chivalrous sports of the age. He never, like his father, con-
ducted military expeditions in person. He thought it wiser to
follow the example of his great-grandfather, Ferdinand the Cath-
olic, who stayed at home and sent his generals to command his
armies. As little did he like to travel,- forming too in this
respect a great contrast to the Emperor. He had been on the
throne before he made a visit to his great southern capital,
Seville. It was a matter of complaint in Cortes that he thus
withdrew himself from the eyes of his subjects. The only sport
he cared for-not by any means to excess— was shooting with
his gun or his crossbow such game as he could find in his own
grounds at the Wood of Segovia, or Aranjuez, or some other of
his pleasant country-seats, none of them at a great distance from
Madrid. On a visit to such places, he would take with him as
large a heap of papers as if he were a poor clerk earning his
bread; and after the fatigues of the chase, he would retire to his
cabinet and refresh himself with his dispatches.
It would indeed be a great mistake to charge him with slug-
gishness of mind. He was content to toil for hours, and long
into the night, at his solitary labors. No expression of weari-
ness or of impatience was known to escape him. A characteristic
anecdote is told of him in regard to this. Having written a
dispatch, late at night, to be sent on the following morning, he
handed it to his secretary to throw some sand over it. This
functionary, who happened to be dozing, suddenly roused himself,
and snatching up the inkstand, emptied it on the paper. The
King, coolly remarking that "it would have been better to use the
sand," set himself down, without any complaint, to rewrite the
whole of the letter. A prince so much addicted to the pen, we
may well believe, must have left a large amount of autograph
materials behind him. Few monarchs, in point of fact, have done
so much in this way to illustrate the history of their reigns.
Fortunate would it have been for the historian who was to profit
by it, if the royal composition had been somewhat less diffuse,
and the handwriting somewhat more legible.
Philip was an economist of time, and regulated the distribu-
tion of it with great precision. In the morning he gave audience
to foreign ambassadors. He afterwards heard mass. After mass
came dinner, in his father's fashion. But dinner was not an
affair with Philip of so much moment as it was with Charles.
He was exceedingly temperate both in eating and drinking; and
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11796
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
not unfrequently had his physician at his side to warn him
against any provocative of the gout,-the hereditary disease.
which at a very early period had begun to affect his health.
After a light repast he gave audience to such of his subjects as
desired to present their memorials. He received the petitioners
graciously, and listened to all they had to say with patience,—
for that was his virtue. But his countenance was exceedingly
grave, which in truth was its natural expression; and there was
a reserve in his deportment which made the boldest feel ill at
ease in his presence. On such occasions he would say, "Com-
pose yourself; "a recommendation that had not always the
tranquillizing effect intended. Once when a papal nuncio forgot,
in his confusion, the address he had prepared, the King coolly
remarked: "If you will bring it in writing, I will read it myself,
and expedite your business. " It was natural that men of even
the highest rank should be overawed in the presence of a mon-
arch who held the destinies of so many millions in his hands,
and who surrounded himself with a veil of mystery which the
most cunning politician could not penetrate.
The reserve, so noticeable in his youth, increased with age.
He became more difficult of access. His public audiences were
much less frequent. In the summer he would escape from them
altogether, by taking refuge in some one of his country places.
His favorite retreat was his palace monastery of the Escurial,-
then slowly rising under his patronage, and affording him an
occupation congenial with his taste. He seems, however, to have
sought the country not so much from the love of its beauties as
for the retreat it afforded him from the town. When in the
latter he rarely showed himself to the public eye, going abroad
chiefly in a close carriage, and driving late so as to return to
the city after dark.
Thus he lived in solitude even in the heart of his capital,
knowing much less of men from his own observation than from
the reports that were made to him. In availing himself of
these sources of information he was indefatigable. He caused a
statistical survey of Spain to be prepared for his own use. It
was a work of immense labor, embracing a vast amount of curi-
ous details, such as were rarely brought together in those days.
He kept his spies at the principal European courts, who furnished
him with intelligence; and he was as well acquainted with what
was passing in England and in France as if he had resided on
-
## p. 11797 (#427) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11797
the spot. We have seen how well he knew the smallest details
of the proceedings in the Netherlands, sometimes even better
than Margaret herself. He employed similar means to procure
information that might be of service in making appointments to
ecclesiastical and civil offices.
In his eagerness for information, his ear was ever open to
accusations against his ministers; which, as they were sure to
be locked up in his own bosom, were not slow in coming to him.
This filled his mind with suspicions. He waited till time had
proved their truth, treating the object of them with particular
favor till the hour of vengeance had arrived. The reader will
not have forgotten the terrible saying of Philip's own historian,
"His dagger followed close upon his smile. "
Even to the ministers in whom Philip appeared most to con-
fide, he often gave but half his confidence. Instead of frankly
furnishing them with a full statement of facts, he sometimes
made so imperfect a disclosure that when his measures came to
be taken, his counselors were surprised to find of how much
they had been kept in ignorance. When he communicated to
them any foreign dispatches, he would not scruple to alter the
original, striking out some passages and inserting others, so as
best to serve his purpose. The copy, in this garbled form, was
given to the council. Such was the case with a letter of Don
John of Austria, containing an account of the troubles of Genoa,
the original of which, with its numerous alterations in the royal
handwriting, still exists in the archives of Simancas.
But though Philip's suspicious nature prevented him from
entirely trusting his ministers,- though with chilling reserve he
kept at a distance even those who approached him nearest,― he
was kind, even liberal, to his servants, was not capricious in his
humors, and seldom if ever gave way to those sallies of passion
so common in princes clothed with absolute power. He was
patient to the last degree, and rarely changed his ministers
without good cause. Ruy Gomez was not the only courtier
who continued in the royal service to the end of his days.
Philip was of a careful, or to say truth, of a frugal disposi-
tion, which he may well have inherited from his father; though
this did not, as with his father in later life, degenerate into par-
simony. The beginning of his reign, indeed, was distinguished
by some acts of uncommon liberality. One of these occurred at
the close of Alva's campaigns in Italy, when the King presented
## p. 11798 (#428) ##########################################
11798
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
that commander with a hundred and fifty thousand ducats,
greatly to the discontent of the Emperor. This was contrary to
his usual policy. As he grew older, and the expenses of govern-
ment pressed more heavily on him, he became more economical.
Yet those who served him had no reason, like the Emperor's
servants, to complain of their master's meanness.
It was
observed, however, that he was slow to recompense those who
served him until they had proved themselves worthy of it. Still
it was
a man's own fault, says a contemporary, if he was not
well paid for his services in the end.
one particular he indulged in a most lavish expenditure.
This was his household. It was formed on the Burgundian
model, the most stately and magnificent in Europe. Its pecul-
iarity consisted in the number and quality of the members who
composed it. The principal officers were nobles of the highest
rank, who frequently held posts of great consideration in the
State. Thus the Duke of Alva was chief major-domo; the Prince
of Eboli was first gentleman of the bedchamber; the Duke of
Feria was Captain of the Spanish Guard. There was the grand
equerry, the grand huntsman, the chief muleteer, and a host of
officers, some of whom were designated by menial titles, though
nobles and cavaliers of family. There were forty pages, sons
of the most illustrious houses in Castile. The whole household
amounted to no less than fifteen hundred persons. The King's
guard consisted of three hundred men; one-third of whom were
Spaniards, one-third Flemings, and the remainder Germans.
The Queen had also her establishment on the same scale.
She had twenty-six ladies-in-waiting, and among other function-
aries, no less than four physicians to watch over her health.
The annual cost of the royal establishment amounted to full
two hundred thousand florins. The Cortes earnestly remonstrated
against this useless prodigality, beseeching the King to place
his household on the modest scale to which the monarchs of Cas-
tile had been accustomed. And it seems singular that one usually
so averse to extravagance and pomp should have so recklessly
indulged in them here. It was one of those inconsistencies which
we sometimes meet with in private life, when a man habitually
careful of his expenses indulges himself in some whim which
taste, or as in this case, early habits, have made him regard
as indispensable. The Emperor had been careful to form the
household of his son, when very young, on the Burgundian model;
## p. 11799 (#429) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11799
and Philip, thus early trained, probably regarded it as essential
to the royal dignity.
It was a capital defect in Philip's administration that his love
of power and his distrust of others made him desire to do every-
thing himself,-even those things which could be done much
better by his ministers. As he was slow in making up his own
opinions, and seldom acted without first ascertaining those of his
council, we may well understand the mischievous consequences
of such delay. Loud were the complaints of private suitors, who
saw month after month pass away without an answer to their
petitions. The State suffered no less, as the wheels of govern-
ment seemed actually to stand still under the accumulated press-
ure of the public business. Even when a decision did come, it
often came too late to be of service; for the circumstances which
led to it had wholly changed. Of this the reader has seen more
than one example in the Netherlands. The favorite saying of
Philip, that "time and he were a match for any other two," was
a sad mistake. The time he demanded was his ruin. It was in
vain that Granvelle, who at a later day came to Castile to assume
the direction of affairs, endeavored in his courtly language to
convince the King of his error; telling him that no man could
bear up under such a load of business, which sooner or later must
destroy his health, perhaps his life.
THE SPANISH MOORS PERSECUTED INTO REBELLION
From the History of Philip II. )
THE
HESE impolitic edicts [forbidding the importation of African
slaves by the Moors, and the possession of arms except
under license] were but preludes to an ordinance of so
astounding a character as to throw the whole country into a
state of revolution. The apostasy of the Moriscoes,- or to speak
more correctly, the constancy with which they adhered to the
faith of their fathers,-gave great scandal to the old Christians,
especially to the clergy; and above all to its head, Don Pedro
Guerrero, archbishop of Granada. This prelate seems to have
been a man of an uneasy, meddlesome spirit, and possessed of a
full share of the bigotry of his time. . While in Rome, shortly
before this period, he had made such a representation to Pope
Pius the Fourth as drew from that pontiff a remonstrance, ad-
dressed to the Spanish government, on the spiritual condition of
## p. 11800 (#430) ##########################################
11800
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
the Moriscoes. Soon after, in the year 1567, a memorial was
presented to the government, by Guerrero and the clergy of his
diocese, in which, after insisting on the manifold backslidings of
the "New Christians," as the Moriscoes were termed, they loudly
called for some efficacious measures to arrest the evil. These
people, they said, whatever show of conformity they might make
to the requisitions of the Church, were infidels at heart. When
their children were baptized, they were careful, on returning
home, to wash away the traces of baptism; and after circumcis-
ing them, to give them Moorish names. In like manner, when
their marriages had been solemnized with Christian rites, they
were sure to confirm them afterwards by their own ceremonies,
accompanied with the national songs and dances. They con-
tinued to observe Friday as a holy day; and what was of graver
moment, they were known to kidnap the children of the Christ-
ians and sell them to their brethren on the coast of Barbary,
where they were circumcised, and nurtured in the Mahometan
religion. This last accusation, however improbable, found credit
with the Spaniards, and sharpened the feelings of jealousy and
hatred with which they regarded the unhappy race of Ishmael.
The memorial of the clergy received prompt attention from
the government, at whose suggestion, very possibly, it had been
prepared. A commission was at once appointed to examine into
the matter; and their report was laid before a junta consisting
of both ecclesiastics and laymen, and embracing names of the
highest consideration for talent and learning in the kingdom.
Among its members we find the Duke of Alva, who had not yet
set out on his ominous mission to the Netherlands. At its head
was Diego de Espinosa, at that time the favorite minister of
Philip.
The man who was qualified for the place of grand inquisitor
was not likely to feel much sympathy for the race of unbelievers.
It was unfortunate for the Moriscoes that their destinies should
be placed in the hands of such a minister as Espinosa. After
due deliberation, the junta came to the decision that the only
remedy for the present evil was to lay the axe to the root of it;
to cut off all those associations which connected the Moriscoes
with their earlier history, and which were so many obstacles in
the way of their present conversion. It was recommended that
they should be interdicted from employing the Arabic either in
speaking or writing, for which they were to use only the Cas-
tilian. They were not even to be allowed to retain their family
## p. 11801 (#431) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11801
names, but were to exchange them for Spanish ones. All writ-
ten instruments and legal documents, of whatever kind, were
declared to be void and of no effect unless in the Castilian. As
time must be allowed for a whole people to change its language,
three years were assigned as the period at the end of which this.
provision should take effect.
They were to be required to exchange their national dress for
that of the Spaniards; and as the Oriental costume was highly
ornamented, and often very expensive, they were to be allowed
to wear their present clothes one year longer if of silk, and two
years if of cotton, the latter being the usual apparel of the
poorer classes.
The women, moreover, both old and young, were
to be required, from the passage of the law, to go abroad with
their faces uncovered, a scandalous thing among Mahometans.
Their weddings were to be conducted in public, after the
Christian forms; and the doors of their houses were to be left
open during the day of the ceremony, that any one might enter
and see that they did not have recourse to unhallowed rites.
They were further to be interdicted from the national songs and
dances with which they were wont to celebrate their domestic
festivities. Finally, as rumors - most absurd ones had got
abroad that the warm baths which the natives were in the habit
of using in their houses were perverted to licentious indulgences,
they were to be required to destroy the vessels in which they
bathed, and to use nothing of the kind thereafter.
These several provisions were to be enforced by penalties of
the sternest kind.
Such were the principal provisions of a law, which for cruelty
and absurdity has scarcely a parallel in history. For what could
be more absurd than the attempt by an act of legislation to
work such a change in the long-established habits of a nation,—
to efface those recollections of the past to which men ever cling
most closely under the pressure of misfortune,- to blot out by
a single stroke of the pen, as it were, not only the creed but
the nationality of a people,-to convert the Moslem at once both
into a Christian and into a Castilian? It would be difficult to im-
agine any greater outrage offered to a people than the provision.
compelling women to lay aside their veils,-associated as these.
were compelled to plunge again into the lake,- though all did
not escape.
Alvarado stood on the brink for a moment, hesitat-
ing what to do. Unhorsed as he was, to throw himself into the
water, in the face of the hostile canoes that now swarmed around
the opening, afforded but a desperate chance of safety. He had
but a second for thought. He was a man of powerful frame, and
despair gave him unnatural energy. Setting his long lance firmly
on the wreck which strewed the bottom of the lake, he sprung
forward with all his might, and cleared the wide gap at a leap.
Aztecs and Tlascalans gazed in stupid amazement, exclaiming, as
they beheld the incredible feat, "This is truly the Tonatiuh,—
the child of the Sun! " The breadth of the opening is not given.
But it was so great that the valorous captain Diaz, who well
remembered the place, says the leap was impossible to any man.
Other contemporaries, however, do not discredit the story. It
was beyond doubt matter of popular belief at the time; it is to
this day familiarly known to every inhabitant of the capital; and
the name of the Salto de Alvarado, "Alvarado's Leap," given to
the spot, still commemorates an exploit which rivaled those of the
demigods of Grecian fable.
Cortés and his companions now rode forward to the front,
where the troops, in a loose, disorderly manner, were marching
off the fatal causeway. A few only of the enemy hung on their
rear, or annoyed them by occasional flights of arrows from the
lake. The attention of the Aztecs was diverted by the rich spoil
that strewed the battle-ground; fortunately for the Spaniards,
who, had their enemy pursued with the same ferocity with which
he had fought, would in their crippled condition have been cut
off, probably, to a man. But little molested, therefore, they were
allowed to defile through the adjacent village-or suburbs, it
might be called-of Popotla.
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WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11779
The Spanish commander there dismounted from his jaded
steed; and sitting down on the steps of an Indian temple, gazed
mournfully on the broken files as they passed before him. What
a spectacle did they present! The cavalry, most of them dis-
mounted, were mingled with the infantry, who dragged their
feeble limbs along with difficulty; their shattered mail and tat-
tered garments dripping with the salt ooze, showing through
their rents many a bruise and ghastly wound; their bright arms
soiled, their proud crests and banners gone, the baggage, artil-
lery,- all, in short, that constitutes the pride and panoply of glori-
ous war,- forever lost. Cortés, as he looked wistfully on their
thin and disordered ranks, sought in vain for many a familiar
face, and missed more than one dear companion who had stood
side by side with him through all the perils of the conquest.
Though accustomed to control his emotions, or at least to con-
ceal them, the sight was too much for him. He covered his face
with his hands, and the tears which trickled down revealed too
plainly the anguish of his soul.
THE SPANISH ARABS
From Ferdinand and Isabella'
NOT
TWITHSTANDING the high advances made by the Arabians in
almost every branch of learning, and the liberal import of
certain sayings ascribed to Mahomet, the spirit of his reli-
gion was eminently unfavorable to letters. The Koran, whatever
be the merit of its literary execution, does not, we believe, contain
a single precept in favor of general science. Indeed, during the
first century after its promulgation, almost as little attention.
was bestowed upon this by the Saracens as in their "days of
ignorance," as the period is stigmatized which preceded the
advent of their apostle. But after the nation had reposed from
its tumultuous military career, the taste for elegant pleasures,
which naturally results from opulence and leisure, began to flow
in upon it. It entered upon this new field with all its charac-
teristic enthusiasm, and seemed ambitious of attaining the same
pre-eminence in science that it had already reached in arms.
It was at the commencement of this period of intellectual
fermentation that the last of the Omeyades, escaping into Spain,
established there the kingdom of Cordova; and imported along
## p. 11780 (#410) ##########################################
11780
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
with him the fondness for luxury and letters that had begun to
display itself in the capitals of the East. His munificent spirit
descended upon his successors; and on the breaking up of the
empire, the various capitals, Seville, Murcia, Malaga, Granada, and
others, which rose upon its ruins, became the centres of so many
intellectual systems, that continued to emit a steady lustre through
the clouds and darkness of succeeding centuries. The period of
this literary civilization reached far into the fourteenth century,
and thus, embracing an interval of six hundred years, may be said
to have exceeded in duration that of any other literature ancient
or modern.
There were several auspicious circumstances in the condition
of the Spanish Arabs which distinguished them from their Mahom-
etan brethren. The temperate climate of Spain was far more
propitious to robustness and elasticity of intellect than the sultry
regions of Arabia and Africa. Its long line of coast and conven-
ient havens opened to an enlarged commerce. Its numbers of
rival States encouraged a generous emulation, like that which
glowed in ancient Greece and modern Italy; and was infinitely
more favorable to the development of the mental powers than
the far-extended and sluggish empires of Asia. Lastly, a familiar
intercourse with the Europeans served to mitigate in the Spanish
Arabs some of the more degrading superstitions incident to their
religion, and to impart to them nobler ideas of the independence
and moral dignity of man than are to be found in the slaves of
Eastern despotism.
Under these favorable circumstances, provisions for education
were liberally multiplied; colleges, academies, and gymnasiums
springing up spontaneously, as it were, not merely in the principal
cities, but in the most obscure villages of the country. No less
than fifty of these colleges or schools could be discerned scattered
over the suburbs and populous plains of Granada. Seventy pub-
lic libraries are enumerated in Spain by a contemporary, at the
beginning of the fourteenth century. Every place of note seems
to have furnished materials for a literary history. The copious
catalogues of writers still extant in the Escurial show how extens-
ively the cultivation of science was pursued, even through its
minutest subdivisions; while a biographical notice of blind men
eminent for their scholarship in Spain proves how far the gen-
eral avidity for knowledge triumphed over the most discouraging
obstacles of nature.
## p. 11781 (#411) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11781
The Spanish Arabs emulated their countrymen of the East in
their devotion to natural and mathematical science. They pene-
trated into the remotest regions of Africa and Asia, transmitting
an exact account of their proceedings to the national academies.
They contributed to astronomical knowledge by the number and
accuracy of their observations, and by the improvement of instru-
ments and the erection of observatories, of which the noble tower
of Seville is one of the earliest examples. They furnished their
full proportion in the department of history; which, according to
an Arabian author cited by D'Herbelot, could boast of thirteen
hundred writers. The treatises on logic and metaphysics amount
to one ninth of the surviving treasures of the Escurial; and to
conclude this summary of naked details, some of their scholars
appear to have entered upon as various a field of philosophical
inquiry as would be crowded into a modern encyclopædia.
The results, it must be confessed, do not appear to have cor-
responded with this magnificent apparatus and unrivaled activity
of research. The mind of the Arabians was distinguished by
the most opposite characteristics, which sometimes indeed served.
to neutralize each other. An acute and subtile perception was
often clouded by mysticism and abstraction. They combined a
habit of classification and generalization with a marvelous fond-
ness for detail; a vivacious fancy with a patience of application
that a German of our day might envy; and while in fiction they
launched boldly into originality, indeed extravagance, they were
content in philosophy to tread servilely in the track of their
ancient masters. They derived their science from versions of
the Greek philosophers; but as their previous discipline had not
prepared them for its reception, they were oppressed rather than
stimulated by the weight of the inheritance. They possessed an
indefinite power of accumulation, but they rarely ascended to gen-
eral principles, or struck out new and important truths; at least
this is certain in regard to their metaphysical labors.
Hence Aristotle, who taught them to arrange what they had
already acquired rather than to advance to new discoveries, be-
came the god of their idolatry. They piled commentary on
commentary; and in their blind admiration of his system, may
be almost said to have been more of Peripatetics than the Sta-
girite himself. The Cordovan Averroes was the most eminent
of his Arabian commentators, and undoubtedly contributed more
than any other individual to establish the authority of Aristotle
## p. 11782 (#412) ##########################################
11782
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
over the reason of mankind for so many ages. Yet his various
illustrations have served, in the opinion of European critics, to
darken rather than dissipate the ambiguities of his original, and
have even led to the confident assertion that he was wholly un-
acquainted with the Greek language.
The Saracens gave an entirely new face to pharmacy and
chemistry. They introduced a great variety of salutary medica-
ments into Europe. The Spanish Arabs, in particular, are com-
mended by Sprengel above their brethren for their observations
on the practice of medicine. But whatever real knowledge they
possessed was corrupted by their inveterate propensity for mys-
tical and occult science. They too often exhausted both health
and fortune in fruitless researches after the elixir of life and the
philosopher's stone. Their medical prescriptions were regulated
by the aspect of the stars. Their physics were debased by magic,
their chemistry degenerated into alchemy, their astronomy into
astrology.
In the fruitful field of history their success was even more
equivocal. They seem to have been wholly destitute of the
philosophical spirit, which gives life to this kind of composition.
They were the disciples of fatalism, and the subjects of a despotic
government. Man appeared to them only in the contrasted
aspects of slave and master. What could they know of the finer
moral relations, or of the higher energies of the soul, which
are developed only under free and beneficent institutions? Even
could they have formed conceptions of these, how would the
have dared to express them? Hence their histories are too often
mere barren chronological details, or fulsome panegyrics on their
princes, unenlivened by a single spark of philosophy or criticism.
Although the Spanish Arabs are not entitled to the credit of
having wrought any important revolution in intellectual or moral
science, they are commended by a severe critic as exhibiting
in their writings "the germs of many theories which have been
reproduced as discoveries in later ages," and they silently per-
fected several of those useful arts which have had a sensible
influence on the happiness and improvement of mankind. Al-
gebra and the higher mathematics were taught in their schools,
and thence diffused over Europe. The manufacture of paper,
which, since the invention of printing, has contributed so essen-
tially to the rapid circulation of knowledge, was derived through
them. Casiri has discovered several manuscripts on cotton paper
## p. 11783 (#413) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11783
in the Escurial as early as 1009, and of linen paper of the date
of 1106; the origin of which latter fabric Tiraboschi has ascribed.
to an Italian of Trevigi, in the middle of the fourteenth century.
Lastly, the application of gunpowder to military science, which
has wrought an equally important revolution, though of a more
doubtful complexion, in the condition of society, was derived
through the same channel.
The influence of the Spanish Arabs, however, is discernible
not so much in the amount of knowledge, as in the impulse
which they communicated to
communicated to the long-dormant energies of
Europe. Their invasion was coeval with the commencement
of that night of darkness which divides the modern from the
ancient world. The soil had been impoverished by long, assidu-
ous cultivation. The Arabians came like a torrent, sweeping
down and obliterating even the landmarks of former civilization,
but bringing with it a fertilizing principle, which as the waters
receded gave new life and loveliness to the landscape. The
writings of the Saracens were translated and diffused throughout
Europe. Their schools were visited by disciples, who, roused
from their lethargy, caught somewhat of the generous enthusi
asm of their masters; and a healthful action was given to the
European intellect, which, however ill directed at first, was thus
prepared for the more judicious and successful efforts of later
times.
It is comparatively easy to determine the value of the scien-
tific labors of a people, for truth is the same in all languages;
but the laws of taste differ so widely in different nations, that
it requires a nicer discrimination to pronounce fairly upon such
works as are regulated by them. Nothing is more common than
to see the poetry of the East condemned as tumid, over-refined,
infected with meretricious ornament and conceits, and in short,
as everyway contravening the principles of good taste. Few of
the critics who thus peremptorily condemn are capable of read-
ing a line of the original. The merit of poetry, however, con-
sists so much in its literary execution, that a person, to pronounce
upon it, should be intimately acquainted with the whole import
of the idiom in which it is written. The style of poetry, indeed
of all ornamental writing, whether prose or verse, in order to
produce a proper effect, must be raised or relieved, as it were,
upon the prevailing style of social intercourse. Even where this
is highly figurative and impassioned, as with the Arabians, whose
## p. 11784 (#414) ##########################################
11784
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
ordinary language is made up of metaphor, that of the poet must
be still more so. Hence the tone of elegant literature varies so
widely in different countries, even in those of Europe, which
approach the nearest to each other in their principles of taste,—
that it would be found extremely difficult to effect a close trans-
lation of the most admired specimens of eloquence from the
language of one nation into that of any other. A page of Boc-
caccio or Bembo, for instance, done into literal English, would
have an air of intolerable artifice and verbiage. The choicest
morsels of Massillon, Bossuet, or the rhetorical Thomas, would
savor marvelously of bombast; and how could we in degree
keep pace with the magnificent march of the Castilian! Yet
surely we are not to impugn the taste of all these nations, who
attach much more importance, and have paid (at least this is
true of the French and Italian) much greater attention to the
mere beauties of literary finish than English writers.
Whatever may be the sins of the Arabians on this head, they
are certainly not those of negligence. The Spanish Arabs, in
particular, were noted for the purity and elegance of their idiom;
insomuch that Casiri affects to determine the locality of an
author by the superior refinement of his style. Their copious
philological and rhetorical treatises, their arts of poetry, gram-
mars, and rhyming dictionaries, show to what
an excessive
refinement they elaborated the art of composition. Academies,
far more numerous than those of Italy, to which they subse-
quently served for a model, invited by their premiums frequent
competitions in poetry and eloquence. To poetry, indeed, espe-
cially of the tender kind, the Spanish Arabs seem to have been
as indiscriminately addicted as the Italians in the time of
Petrarch; and there was scarcely a doctor in Church or State but
at some time or other offered up his amorous incense on the
altar of the Muse.
-
With all this poetic feeling, however, the Arabs never availed
themselves of the treasures of Grecian eloquence which lay open
before them. Not a poet or orator of any eminence in that lan-
guage seems to have been translated by them. The temperate
tone of Attic composition appeared tame to the fervid conceptions
of the East. Neither did they venture upon what in Europe are
considered the higher walks of the art, the drama, and the epic.
None of their writers in prose or verse show much attention
to the development or dissection of character. Their inspiration
## p. 11785 (#415) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11785
exhaled in lyrical effusions, in elegies, epigrams, and idyls. They
sometimes, moreover, like the Italians, employed verse as the
vehicle of instruction in the grave and recondite sciences. The
general character of their poetry is bold, florid, impassioned,
richly colored with imagery, sparkling with conceits and meta-
phors, and occasionally breathing a deep tone of moral sensibility,
as in some of the plaintive effusions ascribed by Condé to the
royal poets of Cordova. The compositions of the golden age of
the Abassides, and of the preceding period, do not seem to have
been infected with the taint of exaggeration, so offensive to a
European, which distinguishes the later productions in the decay
of the empire.
In
Whatever be thought of the influence of the Arabic on Euro-
pean literature in general, there can be no reasonable doubt that
it has been considerable on the Provençal and the Castilian.
the latter especially, so far from being confined to the vocabu-
lary, or to external forms of composition, it seems to have pen-
etrated deep into its spirit, and is plainly discernible in that
affectation of stateliness and Oriental hyperbole which charac-
terizes Spanish writers even at the present day; in the subtilties
and conceits with which the ancient Castilian verse is so liberally
bespangled; and in the relish for proverbs and prudential maxims,
which is so general that it may be considered national.
A decided effect has been produced on the romantic literature
of Europe by those tales of fairy enchantment so characteristic
of Oriental genius, and in which it seems to have reveled with
uncontrolled delight. These tales, which furnished the principal
diversion of the East, were imported by the Saracens into Spain;
and we find the monarchs of Cordova solacing their leisure hours
with listening to their rawis, or novelists, who sang to them
"Of ladye-love and war, romance, and knightly worth. »
The same spirit, penetrating into France, stimulated the more
sluggish inventions of the trouvère; and at a later and more pol-
ished period called forth the imperishable creations of the Italian
Muse.
It is unfortunate for the Arabians, that their literature should
be locked up in a character and idiom so difficult of access to
European scholars. Their wild, imaginative poetry, scarcely capa-
ble of transfusion into a foreign tongue, is made known to us
only through the medium of bald prose translation; while their
scientific treatises have been done into Latin with an inaccuracy
## p. 11786 (#416) ##########################################
11786
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
which, to make use of a pun of Casiri's, merits the name of per-
versions rather than versions of the originals. How obviously
inadequate, then, are our means of forming any just estimate
of their merits! It is unfortunate for them, moreover, that the
Turks, the only nation which, from an identity of religion and
government with the Arabs, as well as from its political conse-
quence, would seem to represent them on the theatre of modern
Europe, should be a race so degraded; one which, during the
five centuries that it has been in possession of the finest climate
and monuments of antiquity, has so seldom been quickened into
a display of genius, or added so little of positive value to the
literary treasures descended from its ancient masters. Yet this
people, so sensual and sluggish, we are apt to confound in imagi-
nation with the sprightly, intellectual Arab. Both indeed have
been subjected to the influence of the same degrading political
and religious institutions, which on the Turks have produced the
results naturally to have been expected; while the Arabians, on
the other hand, exhibit the extraordinary phenomenon of a nation,
under all these embarrassments, rising to a high degree of ele-
gance and intellectual culture.
The empire which once embraced more than half of the
ancient world has now shrunk within its original limits; and the
Bedouin wanders over his native desert as free, and almost as
uncivilized, as before the coming of his apostle. The language
which was once spoken along the southern shores of the Mediter-
ranean, and the whole extent of the Indian Ocean, is broken up
into a variety of discordant dialects. Darkness has again settled
over those regions of Africa which were illumined by the light
of learning. The elegant dialect of the Koran is studied as a
dead language, even in the birthplace of the prophet. Not a
printing-press at this day is to be found throughout the whole
Arabian peninsula. Even in Spain, in Christian Spain, alas! the
contrast is scarcely less degrading. A death-like torpor has suc-
ceeded to her former intellectual activity. Her cities are emptied
of the population with which they teemed in the days of the
Saracens. Her climate is as fair, but her fields no longer bloom
with the same rich and variegated husbandry. Her most inter-
esting monuments are those constructed by the Arabs; and the
traveler, as he wanders amid their desolate but beautiful ruins,
ponders on the destinies of a people whose very existence seems
now to have been almost as fanciful as the magical creations in
one of their own fairy tales.
## p. 11787 (#417) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11787
THE CAPTURE OF THE INCA
From the Conquest of Peru'
―
HE clouds of the evening had passed away, and the sun rose
bright on the following morning, the most memorable
――――
epoch in the annals of Peru. It was Saturday, the six-
teenth of November, 1532. The loud cry of the trumpet called
the Spaniards to arms with the first streak of dawn; and Pizarro,
briefly acquainting them with the plan of the assault, made the
necessary dispositions.
The plaza, as mentioned in the preceding chapter, was de-
fended on its three sides by low ranges of buildings, consisting
of spacious halls with wide doors or vomitories opening into the
square. In these halls he stationed his cavalry in two divisions;
one under his brother Hernando, the other under De Soto. The
infantry he placed in another of the buildings, reserving twenty
chosen men to act with himself as occasion might require. Pedro
de Candia, with a few soldiers and the artillery,-comprehending
under this imposing name two small pieces of ordnance, called
falconets, he established in the fortress. All received orders to
wait at their posts till the arrival of the Inca. After his entrance
into the great square, they were still to remain under cover,
withdrawn from observation, till the signal was given by the dis-
charge of a gun, when they were to cry their war-cries, to rush
out in a body from their covert, and putting the Peruvians to the
sword, bear off the person of the Inca. The arrangement of the
immense halls, opening on a level with the plaza, seemed to be
contrived on purpose for a coup de théâtre. Pizarro particularly
inculcated order and implicit obedience, that in the hurry of the
moment there should be no confusion. Everything depended on
their acting with concert, coolness, and celerity.
The chief next saw that their arms were in good order, and
that the breastplates of their horses were garnished with bells, to
add by their noise to the consternation of the Indians. Refresh-
ments were also liberally provided, that the troops should be in
condition for the conflict. These arrangements being completed,
mass was performed with great solemnity by the ecclesiastics
who attended the expedition; the God of battles was invoked to
spread his shield over the soldiers who were fighting to extend the
empire of the Cross; and all joined with enthusiasm in the chant,
"Exsurge, Domine," "Rise, O Lord! and judge thine own cause. "
## p. 11788 (#418) ##########################################
11788
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
One might have supposed them a company of martyrs about to
lay down their lives in defense of their faith, instead of a licen-
tious band of adventurers meditating one of the most atrocious
acts of perfidy on the record of history! Yet, whatever were the
vices of the Castilian cavalier, hypocrisy was not among the num-
ber. He felt that he was battling for the Cross; and under this
conviction, exalted as it was at such a moment as this into the
predominant impulse, he was blind to the baser motives which
mingled with the enterprise. With feelings thus kindled to a
flame of religious ardor, the soldiers of Pizarro looked forward
with renovated spirits to the coming conflict; and the chieftain
saw with satisfaction that in the hour of trial his men would be
true to their leader and themselves.
It was late in the day before any movement was visible in
the Peruvian camp, where much preparation was making to ap-
proach the Christian quarters with due state and ceremony. A
message was received from Atahuallpa, informing the Spanish
commander that he should come with his warriors fully armed,
in the same manner as the Spaniards had come to his quarters
the night preceding. This was not an agreeable intimation to
Pizarro, though he had no reason, probably, to expect the con-
trary. But to object might imply distrust, or perhaps disclose in
some measure his own designs. He expressed his satisfaction,
therefore, at the intelligence, assuring the Inca that, come as he
would, he would be received by him as a friend and brother.
It was noon before the Indian procession was on its march,
when it was seen occupying the great causeway for a long extent.
In front came a large body of attendants, whose office seemed
to be to sweep away every particle of rubbish from the road.
High above the crowd appeared the Inca, borne on the shoulders
of his principal nobles, while others of the same rank marched
by the sides of his litter, displaying such a dazzling show of
ornaments on their persons, that, in the language of one of the
Conquerors, "they blazed like the sun. " But the greater part of
the Inca's forces mustered along the fields that lined the road,
and were spread over the broad meadows as far as the eye could
reach.
When the royal procession had arrived within half a mile of
the city, it came to a halt; and Pizarro saw with surprise that
Atahuallpa was preparing to pitch his tents, as if to encamp
there. A messenger soon after arrived, informing the Spaniards
## p. 11789 (#419) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11789
that the Inca would occupy his present station the ensuing night,
and enter the city on the following morning.
This intelligence greatly disturbed Pizarro, who had shared
in the general impatience of his men at the tardy movements of
the Peruvians. The troops had been under arms since daylight,
the cavalry mounted, and the infantry at their post, waiting in
silence the coming of the Inca. A profound stillness reigned
throughout the town, broken only at intervals by the cry of the
sentinel from the summit of the fortress, as he proclaimed the
movements of the Indian army. Nothing, Pizarro well knew, was
so trying to the soldier as prolonged suspense, in a critical situ-
ation like the present; and he feared lest his ardor might evapo-
rate, and be succeeded by that nervous feeling natural to the
bravest soul at such a crisis, and which, if not fear, is near akin
to it. He returned an answer, therefore, to Atahuallpa, depre-
cating his change of purpose, and adding that he had provided
everything for his entertainment, and expected him that night to
sup with him.
This message turned the Inca from his purpose; and striking
his tents again, he resumed his march, first advising the general
that he should leave the greater part of his warriors behind, and
enter the place with only a few of them, and without arms, as
he preferred to pass the night at Caxamalca. At the same time
he ordered accommodations to be provided for himself and his
retinue in one of the large stone buildings, called, from a serpent
sculptured on the walls, the "House of the Serpent. " No tid-
ings could have been more grateful to the Spaniards. It seemed
as if the Indian monarch was eager to rush into the snare that
had been spread for him! The fanatical cavalier could not fail
to discern in it the immediate finger of Providence.
It is difficult to account for this wavering conduct of Ata-
huallpa, so different from the bold and decided character which
history ascribes to him. There is no doubt that he made his
visit to the white men in perfect good faith; though Pizarro was
probably right in conjecturing that this amiable disposition stood
on a very precarious footing. There is as little reason to suppose
that he distrusted the sincerity of the strangers; or he would not
thus unnecessarily have proposed to visit them unarmed. His ori-
ginal purpose of coming with all his force was doubtless to dis-
play his royal state, and perhaps also to show greater respect for
the Spaniards; but when he consented to accept their hospitality
## p. 11790 (#420) ##########################################
11790
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
and pass the night in their quarters, he was willing to dispense
with a great part of his armed soldiery, and visit them in a man-
ner that implied entire confidence in their good faith. He was
too absolute in his own empire easily to suspect; and he probably
could not comprehend the audacity with which a few men, like
those now assembled in Caxamalca, meditated an assault on a
powerful monarch in the midst of his victorious army. He did
not know the character of the Spaniard.
It was not long before sunset when the van of the royal pro-
cession entered the gates of the city. First came some hundreds
of the menials employed to clear the path of every obstacle, and
singing songs of triumph as they came, "which in our ears,”
says one of the Conquerors, "sounded like the songs of hell! "
Then followed other bodies of different ranks, and dressed in
different liveries. Some wore a showy stuff, checkered white and
red, like the squares of a chess-board. Others were clad in pure
white, bearing hammers or maces of silver or copper; and the
guards, together with those in immediate attendance on
prince, were distinguished by a rich azure livery and a profusion
of gay ornaments, while the large pendants attached to the ears
indicated the Peruvian noble.
Elevated high above his vassals came the Inca Atahuallpa,
borne on a sedan or open litter, on which was a sort of throne
made of massive gold of inestimable value. The palanquin was
lined with the richly colored plumes of tropical birds, and studded
with shining plates of gold and silver. The monarch's attire was
much richer than on the preceding evening. Round his neck was
suspended a collar of emeralds of uncommon size and brilliancy.
His short hair was decorated with golden ornaments, and the
imperial borla encircled his temples. The bearing of the Inca
was sedate and dignified; and from his lofty station he looked
down on the multitudes below with an air of composure, like one
accustomed to command.
As the leading files of the procession entered the great square,
-larger, says an old chronicler, than any square in Spain - they
opened to the right and left for the royal retinue to pass. Every-
thing was conducted with admirable order.
The monarch was
permitted to traverse the plaza in silence, and not a Spaniard
was to be seen. When some five or six thousand of his people
had entered the place, Atahuallpa halted, and turning round with
an inquiring look, demanded, "Where are the strangers? "
## p. 11791 (#421) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11791
At this moment Fray Vicente de Valverde, a Dominican friar,
- Pizarro's chaplain, and afterward Bishop of Cuzco,- came for-
ward with his breviary, or as other accounts say, a Bible, in one
hand, and a crucifix in the other; and approaching the Inca, told
him that he came by order of his commander to expound to him
the doctrines of the true faith, for which purpose the Spaniards
had come from a great distance to his country. The friar then
explained, as clearly as he could, the mysterious doctrine of the
Trinity; and ascending high in his account, began with the cre-
ation of man, thence passed to his fall, to his subsequent redemp-
tion by Jesus Christ, to the crucifixion, and the ascension, when
the Savior left the Apostle Peter as his vicegerent upon earth.
This power had been transmitted to the successors of the apos-
tles, good and wise men, who, under the title of Popes, held
authority over all powers and potentates on earth. One of the
last of these Popes had commissioned the Spanish Emperor, the
most mighty monarch in the world, to conquer and convert
the natives in this western hemisphere; and his general, Fran-
cisco Pizarro, had now come to execute this important mission.
The friar concluded with beseeching the Peruvian monarch to
receive him kindly, to abjure the errors of his own faith, and
embrace that of the Christians now proffered to him, the only
one by which he could hope for salvation,-and furthermore,
to acknowledge himself a tributary of the Emperor Charles the
Fifth, who, in that event, would aid and protect him as his loyal
vassal.
Whether Atahuallpa possessed himself of every link in the
curious chain of argument by which the monk connected Pizarro
with St. Peter, may be doubted. It is certain, however, that he
must have had very incorrect notions of the Trinity, if, as Gar-
cilasso states, the interpreter Felipillo explained it by saying that
"the Christians believed in three Gods and one God, and that
made four. " But there is no doubt he perfectly comprehended
that the drift of the discourse was to persuade him to resign his
sceptre, and acknowledge the supremacy of another.
The eyes of the Indian monarch flashed fire, and his dark
brow grew darker as he replied, "I will be no man's tributary.
I am greater than any prince upon earth. Your Emperor may
be a great prince; I do not doubt it, when I see that he has
sent his subjects so far across the waters: and I am willing to
hold him as a brother. As for the Pope of whom you speak, he
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WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
must be crazy to talk of giving away countries which do not
belong to him. For my faith," he continued, "I will not change
it. Your own God, as you say, was put to death by the very
men whom he created. But mine," he concluded, pointing to
his deity, then, alas! sinking in glory behind the mountains,-
"my God still lives in the heavens and looks down on his child-
ren. »
He then demanded of Valverde by what authority he had
said these things. The friar pointed to the book which he held,
as his authority. Atahuallpa, taking it, turned over the pages
a moment; then, as the insult he had received probably flashed
across his mind, he threw it down with vehemence, and ex-
claimed, "Tell your comrades that they shall give me an account
of their doings in my land. I will not go from here till they
have made me full satisfaction for all the wrongs they have com-
mitted. "
The friar, greatly scandalized by the indignity offered to the
sacred volume, stayed only to pick it up, and hastening to
Pizarro, informed him of what had been done; exclaiming at the
same time, "Do you not see that while we stand here wasting
our breath in talking with this dog, full of pride as he is, the
fields are filling with Indians? Set on, at once: I absolve you. "
Pizarro saw that the hour had come. He waved a white scarf in
the air, the appointed signal. The fatal gun was fired from the
fortress. Then, springing into the square, the Spanish captain
and his followers shouted the old war-cry of "St. Jago and at
them. " It was answered by the battle-cry of every Spaniard
in the city, as rushing from the avenues of the great halls in
which they were concealed, they poured into the plaza, horse
and foot, each in his own dark column, and threw themselves
into the midst of the Indian crowd. The latter, taken by sur-
prise, stunned by the report of artillery and muskets, the echoes
of which reverberated like thunder from the surrounding build-
ings, and blinded by the smoke which rolled in sulphurous vol-
umes along the square, were seized with a panic. They knew
not whither to fly for refuge from the coming ruin. Nobles and
commoners, all were trampled down under the fierce charge of
the cavalry, who dealt their blows right and left without spar-
ing; while their swords, flashing through the thick gloom, car-
ried dismay into the hearts of the wretched natives, who now for
the first time saw the horse and rider in all their terrors. They
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WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11793
made no resistance, -as indeed they had no weapons with which
to make it. Every avenue to escape was closed, for the entrance
to the square was choked up with the dead bodies of men who
had perished in vain efforts to fly; and such was the agony of
the survivors under the terrible pressure of their assailants that
a large body of Indians, by their convulsive struggles, burst
through the wall of stone and dried clay which formed part of
the boundary of the plaza! It fell, leaving an opening of more
than a hundred paces, through which multitudes now found their
way into the country, still hotly pursued by the cavalry, who,
leaping the fallen rubbish, hung on the rear of the fugitives,
striking them down in all directions.
Meanwhile the fight, or rather massacre, continued hot around
the Inca, whose person was the great object of the assault. His
faithful nobles, rallying about him, threw themselves in the way
of the assailants, and strove, by tearing them from their saddles,
or at least by offering their own bosoms as a mark for their
vengeance, to shield their beloved master. It is said some
authorities that they carried weapons concealed under their
clothes. If so, it availed them little, as it is not pretended that
they used them. But the most timid animal will defend itself
when at bay. That the Indians did not do so in the present in-
stance is proof that they had no weapons to use. Yet they still
continued to force back the cavaliers, clinging to their horses
with dying grasp, and as one was cut down, another taking the
place of his fallen comrade with a loyalty truly affecting.
The Indian monarch, stunned and bewildered, saw his faithful
subjects falling around him, without fully comprehending his
situation. The litter on which he rode heaved to and fro, as the
mighty press swayed backward and forward; and he gazed on
the overwhelming ruin like some forlorn mariner, who, tossed
about in his bark by the furious elements, sees the lightning's
flash and hears the thunder bursting around him, with the con-
sciousness that he can do nothing to avert his fate. At length,
weary with the work of destruction, the Spaniards, as the shades
of evening grew deeper, felt afraid that the royal prize might
after all elude them; and some of the cavaliers made a desper-
ate attempt to end the affray at once by taking Atahuallpa's life.
But Pizarro, who was nearest his person, called out with stento-
rian voice, "Let no one who values his life strike at the Inca;"
and stretching out his arm to shield him, received a wound on
XX-738
## p. 11794 (#424) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11794
the hand from one of his own men,- the only wound received
by a Spaniard in the action.
The struggle now became fiercer than ever round the royal
litter. It reeled more and more; and at length, several of the
nobles who supported it having been slain, it was overturned,
and the Indian prince would have come with violence to the
ground, had not his fall been broken by the efforts of Pizarro
and some other of the cavaliers, who caught him in their arms.
The imperial borla was instantly snatched from his temples by a
soldier named Estete; and the unhappy monarch, strongly secured,
was removed to a neighboring building, where he was carefully
guarded.
THE PERSONAL HABITS OF PHILIP II.
From the History of Philip II. ›
PHIL
Ρ
HILIP, unlike most of his predecessors, rarely took his seat in
the council of State. It was his maxim that his ministers
would more freely discuss measures in the absence of their
master than when he was there to overawe them. The course
he adopted was for a consulta, or a committee of two or three
members, to wait on him in his cabinet, and report to him the
proceedings of the council. He more commonly, especially in
the later years of his reign, preferred to receive a full report
of the discussion, written so as to leave an ample margin for his
own commentaries. These were eminently characteristic of the
man, and were so minute as usually to cover several sheets of
paper. Philip had a reserved and unsocial temper.
He pre-
ferred to work alone in the seclusion of his closet rather than
in the presence of others. This may explain the reason, in part,
why he seemed so much to prefer writing to talking. Even with
his private secretaries, who were always near at hand, he chose
to communicate by writing; and they had as large a mass of
his autograph notes in their possession as if the correspondence
had been carried on from different parts of the kingdom. His
thoughts too-at any rate his words-came slowly; and by
writing he gained time for the utterance of them.
Philip has been accused of indolence. As far as the body
was concerned, such an accusation was well founded. Even when
young he had no fondness, as we have seen, for the robust and
## p. 11795 (#425) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11795
chivalrous sports of the age. He never, like his father, con-
ducted military expeditions in person. He thought it wiser to
follow the example of his great-grandfather, Ferdinand the Cath-
olic, who stayed at home and sent his generals to command his
armies. As little did he like to travel,- forming too in this
respect a great contrast to the Emperor. He had been on the
throne before he made a visit to his great southern capital,
Seville. It was a matter of complaint in Cortes that he thus
withdrew himself from the eyes of his subjects. The only sport
he cared for-not by any means to excess— was shooting with
his gun or his crossbow such game as he could find in his own
grounds at the Wood of Segovia, or Aranjuez, or some other of
his pleasant country-seats, none of them at a great distance from
Madrid. On a visit to such places, he would take with him as
large a heap of papers as if he were a poor clerk earning his
bread; and after the fatigues of the chase, he would retire to his
cabinet and refresh himself with his dispatches.
It would indeed be a great mistake to charge him with slug-
gishness of mind. He was content to toil for hours, and long
into the night, at his solitary labors. No expression of weari-
ness or of impatience was known to escape him. A characteristic
anecdote is told of him in regard to this. Having written a
dispatch, late at night, to be sent on the following morning, he
handed it to his secretary to throw some sand over it. This
functionary, who happened to be dozing, suddenly roused himself,
and snatching up the inkstand, emptied it on the paper. The
King, coolly remarking that "it would have been better to use the
sand," set himself down, without any complaint, to rewrite the
whole of the letter. A prince so much addicted to the pen, we
may well believe, must have left a large amount of autograph
materials behind him. Few monarchs, in point of fact, have done
so much in this way to illustrate the history of their reigns.
Fortunate would it have been for the historian who was to profit
by it, if the royal composition had been somewhat less diffuse,
and the handwriting somewhat more legible.
Philip was an economist of time, and regulated the distribu-
tion of it with great precision. In the morning he gave audience
to foreign ambassadors. He afterwards heard mass. After mass
came dinner, in his father's fashion. But dinner was not an
affair with Philip of so much moment as it was with Charles.
He was exceedingly temperate both in eating and drinking; and
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WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
not unfrequently had his physician at his side to warn him
against any provocative of the gout,-the hereditary disease.
which at a very early period had begun to affect his health.
After a light repast he gave audience to such of his subjects as
desired to present their memorials. He received the petitioners
graciously, and listened to all they had to say with patience,—
for that was his virtue. But his countenance was exceedingly
grave, which in truth was its natural expression; and there was
a reserve in his deportment which made the boldest feel ill at
ease in his presence. On such occasions he would say, "Com-
pose yourself; "a recommendation that had not always the
tranquillizing effect intended. Once when a papal nuncio forgot,
in his confusion, the address he had prepared, the King coolly
remarked: "If you will bring it in writing, I will read it myself,
and expedite your business. " It was natural that men of even
the highest rank should be overawed in the presence of a mon-
arch who held the destinies of so many millions in his hands,
and who surrounded himself with a veil of mystery which the
most cunning politician could not penetrate.
The reserve, so noticeable in his youth, increased with age.
He became more difficult of access. His public audiences were
much less frequent. In the summer he would escape from them
altogether, by taking refuge in some one of his country places.
His favorite retreat was his palace monastery of the Escurial,-
then slowly rising under his patronage, and affording him an
occupation congenial with his taste. He seems, however, to have
sought the country not so much from the love of its beauties as
for the retreat it afforded him from the town. When in the
latter he rarely showed himself to the public eye, going abroad
chiefly in a close carriage, and driving late so as to return to
the city after dark.
Thus he lived in solitude even in the heart of his capital,
knowing much less of men from his own observation than from
the reports that were made to him. In availing himself of
these sources of information he was indefatigable. He caused a
statistical survey of Spain to be prepared for his own use. It
was a work of immense labor, embracing a vast amount of curi-
ous details, such as were rarely brought together in those days.
He kept his spies at the principal European courts, who furnished
him with intelligence; and he was as well acquainted with what
was passing in England and in France as if he had resided on
-
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WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11797
the spot. We have seen how well he knew the smallest details
of the proceedings in the Netherlands, sometimes even better
than Margaret herself. He employed similar means to procure
information that might be of service in making appointments to
ecclesiastical and civil offices.
In his eagerness for information, his ear was ever open to
accusations against his ministers; which, as they were sure to
be locked up in his own bosom, were not slow in coming to him.
This filled his mind with suspicions. He waited till time had
proved their truth, treating the object of them with particular
favor till the hour of vengeance had arrived. The reader will
not have forgotten the terrible saying of Philip's own historian,
"His dagger followed close upon his smile. "
Even to the ministers in whom Philip appeared most to con-
fide, he often gave but half his confidence. Instead of frankly
furnishing them with a full statement of facts, he sometimes
made so imperfect a disclosure that when his measures came to
be taken, his counselors were surprised to find of how much
they had been kept in ignorance. When he communicated to
them any foreign dispatches, he would not scruple to alter the
original, striking out some passages and inserting others, so as
best to serve his purpose. The copy, in this garbled form, was
given to the council. Such was the case with a letter of Don
John of Austria, containing an account of the troubles of Genoa,
the original of which, with its numerous alterations in the royal
handwriting, still exists in the archives of Simancas.
But though Philip's suspicious nature prevented him from
entirely trusting his ministers,- though with chilling reserve he
kept at a distance even those who approached him nearest,― he
was kind, even liberal, to his servants, was not capricious in his
humors, and seldom if ever gave way to those sallies of passion
so common in princes clothed with absolute power. He was
patient to the last degree, and rarely changed his ministers
without good cause. Ruy Gomez was not the only courtier
who continued in the royal service to the end of his days.
Philip was of a careful, or to say truth, of a frugal disposi-
tion, which he may well have inherited from his father; though
this did not, as with his father in later life, degenerate into par-
simony. The beginning of his reign, indeed, was distinguished
by some acts of uncommon liberality. One of these occurred at
the close of Alva's campaigns in Italy, when the King presented
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11798
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
that commander with a hundred and fifty thousand ducats,
greatly to the discontent of the Emperor. This was contrary to
his usual policy. As he grew older, and the expenses of govern-
ment pressed more heavily on him, he became more economical.
Yet those who served him had no reason, like the Emperor's
servants, to complain of their master's meanness.
It was
observed, however, that he was slow to recompense those who
served him until they had proved themselves worthy of it. Still
it was
a man's own fault, says a contemporary, if he was not
well paid for his services in the end.
one particular he indulged in a most lavish expenditure.
This was his household. It was formed on the Burgundian
model, the most stately and magnificent in Europe. Its pecul-
iarity consisted in the number and quality of the members who
composed it. The principal officers were nobles of the highest
rank, who frequently held posts of great consideration in the
State. Thus the Duke of Alva was chief major-domo; the Prince
of Eboli was first gentleman of the bedchamber; the Duke of
Feria was Captain of the Spanish Guard. There was the grand
equerry, the grand huntsman, the chief muleteer, and a host of
officers, some of whom were designated by menial titles, though
nobles and cavaliers of family. There were forty pages, sons
of the most illustrious houses in Castile. The whole household
amounted to no less than fifteen hundred persons. The King's
guard consisted of three hundred men; one-third of whom were
Spaniards, one-third Flemings, and the remainder Germans.
The Queen had also her establishment on the same scale.
She had twenty-six ladies-in-waiting, and among other function-
aries, no less than four physicians to watch over her health.
The annual cost of the royal establishment amounted to full
two hundred thousand florins. The Cortes earnestly remonstrated
against this useless prodigality, beseeching the King to place
his household on the modest scale to which the monarchs of Cas-
tile had been accustomed. And it seems singular that one usually
so averse to extravagance and pomp should have so recklessly
indulged in them here. It was one of those inconsistencies which
we sometimes meet with in private life, when a man habitually
careful of his expenses indulges himself in some whim which
taste, or as in this case, early habits, have made him regard
as indispensable. The Emperor had been careful to form the
household of his son, when very young, on the Burgundian model;
## p. 11799 (#429) ##########################################
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11799
and Philip, thus early trained, probably regarded it as essential
to the royal dignity.
It was a capital defect in Philip's administration that his love
of power and his distrust of others made him desire to do every-
thing himself,-even those things which could be done much
better by his ministers. As he was slow in making up his own
opinions, and seldom acted without first ascertaining those of his
council, we may well understand the mischievous consequences
of such delay. Loud were the complaints of private suitors, who
saw month after month pass away without an answer to their
petitions. The State suffered no less, as the wheels of govern-
ment seemed actually to stand still under the accumulated press-
ure of the public business. Even when a decision did come, it
often came too late to be of service; for the circumstances which
led to it had wholly changed. Of this the reader has seen more
than one example in the Netherlands. The favorite saying of
Philip, that "time and he were a match for any other two," was
a sad mistake. The time he demanded was his ruin. It was in
vain that Granvelle, who at a later day came to Castile to assume
the direction of affairs, endeavored in his courtly language to
convince the King of his error; telling him that no man could
bear up under such a load of business, which sooner or later must
destroy his health, perhaps his life.
THE SPANISH MOORS PERSECUTED INTO REBELLION
From the History of Philip II. )
THE
HESE impolitic edicts [forbidding the importation of African
slaves by the Moors, and the possession of arms except
under license] were but preludes to an ordinance of so
astounding a character as to throw the whole country into a
state of revolution. The apostasy of the Moriscoes,- or to speak
more correctly, the constancy with which they adhered to the
faith of their fathers,-gave great scandal to the old Christians,
especially to the clergy; and above all to its head, Don Pedro
Guerrero, archbishop of Granada. This prelate seems to have
been a man of an uneasy, meddlesome spirit, and possessed of a
full share of the bigotry of his time. . While in Rome, shortly
before this period, he had made such a representation to Pope
Pius the Fourth as drew from that pontiff a remonstrance, ad-
dressed to the Spanish government, on the spiritual condition of
## p. 11800 (#430) ##########################################
11800
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
the Moriscoes. Soon after, in the year 1567, a memorial was
presented to the government, by Guerrero and the clergy of his
diocese, in which, after insisting on the manifold backslidings of
the "New Christians," as the Moriscoes were termed, they loudly
called for some efficacious measures to arrest the evil. These
people, they said, whatever show of conformity they might make
to the requisitions of the Church, were infidels at heart. When
their children were baptized, they were careful, on returning
home, to wash away the traces of baptism; and after circumcis-
ing them, to give them Moorish names. In like manner, when
their marriages had been solemnized with Christian rites, they
were sure to confirm them afterwards by their own ceremonies,
accompanied with the national songs and dances. They con-
tinued to observe Friday as a holy day; and what was of graver
moment, they were known to kidnap the children of the Christ-
ians and sell them to their brethren on the coast of Barbary,
where they were circumcised, and nurtured in the Mahometan
religion. This last accusation, however improbable, found credit
with the Spaniards, and sharpened the feelings of jealousy and
hatred with which they regarded the unhappy race of Ishmael.
The memorial of the clergy received prompt attention from
the government, at whose suggestion, very possibly, it had been
prepared. A commission was at once appointed to examine into
the matter; and their report was laid before a junta consisting
of both ecclesiastics and laymen, and embracing names of the
highest consideration for talent and learning in the kingdom.
Among its members we find the Duke of Alva, who had not yet
set out on his ominous mission to the Netherlands. At its head
was Diego de Espinosa, at that time the favorite minister of
Philip.
The man who was qualified for the place of grand inquisitor
was not likely to feel much sympathy for the race of unbelievers.
It was unfortunate for the Moriscoes that their destinies should
be placed in the hands of such a minister as Espinosa. After
due deliberation, the junta came to the decision that the only
remedy for the present evil was to lay the axe to the root of it;
to cut off all those associations which connected the Moriscoes
with their earlier history, and which were so many obstacles in
the way of their present conversion. It was recommended that
they should be interdicted from employing the Arabic either in
speaking or writing, for which they were to use only the Cas-
tilian. They were not even to be allowed to retain their family
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WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT
11801
names, but were to exchange them for Spanish ones. All writ-
ten instruments and legal documents, of whatever kind, were
declared to be void and of no effect unless in the Castilian. As
time must be allowed for a whole people to change its language,
three years were assigned as the period at the end of which this.
provision should take effect.
They were to be required to exchange their national dress for
that of the Spaniards; and as the Oriental costume was highly
ornamented, and often very expensive, they were to be allowed
to wear their present clothes one year longer if of silk, and two
years if of cotton, the latter being the usual apparel of the
poorer classes.
The women, moreover, both old and young, were
to be required, from the passage of the law, to go abroad with
their faces uncovered, a scandalous thing among Mahometans.
Their weddings were to be conducted in public, after the
Christian forms; and the doors of their houses were to be left
open during the day of the ceremony, that any one might enter
and see that they did not have recourse to unhallowed rites.
They were further to be interdicted from the national songs and
dances with which they were wont to celebrate their domestic
festivities. Finally, as rumors - most absurd ones had got
abroad that the warm baths which the natives were in the habit
of using in their houses were perverted to licentious indulgences,
they were to be required to destroy the vessels in which they
bathed, and to use nothing of the kind thereafter.
These several provisions were to be enforced by penalties of
the sternest kind.
Such were the principal provisions of a law, which for cruelty
and absurdity has scarcely a parallel in history. For what could
be more absurd than the attempt by an act of legislation to
work such a change in the long-established habits of a nation,—
to efface those recollections of the past to which men ever cling
most closely under the pressure of misfortune,- to blot out by
a single stroke of the pen, as it were, not only the creed but
the nationality of a people,-to convert the Moslem at once both
into a Christian and into a Castilian? It would be difficult to im-
agine any greater outrage offered to a people than the provision.
compelling women to lay aside their veils,-associated as these.
