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NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
(1469-1527)
BY CHARLES P. NEILL
ICCOLO MACHIAVELLI, perhaps the greatest prose writer of the
Italian Renaissance, was born in Florence May 3d, 1469, and
died there June 22d, 1527. He was of ancient and distin-
guished lineage on both his father's and his mother's side, and many
of his more immediate ancestors had been honored by republican
Florence with high offices of State. His father Bernardo was a re-
spectable jurist, who to a moderate income from his profession added
a small revenue from some landed possessions. His mother was a
woman of culture, and a poet of some ability.
Of Niccolo's early life and education we know nothing. No trace
of him remains previous to his twenty-sixth year. But of his times.
and the scenes amid which he grew up, we know much. It was the
calm but demoralizing era of Lorenzo the Magnificent, when the
sturdy Florentine burghers rested satisfied with magnificence in lieu
of freedom, and, intoxicated with the spirit of a pagan renaissance,
abandoned themselves to the refinements of pleasure and luxury;
when their streets had ceased for a while to re-echo with the clash
of steel and the fierce shouts of contending factions, and resounded
with the productions of Lorenzo's melodious but indecent Muse.
Machiavelli was a true child of his time. He too was thoroughly
imbued with the spirit of the Renaissance; and looked back, fasci-
nated, on the ideals of that ancient world that was being revivified
for the men of his day. But philosophy, letters, and art were not the
only heritage that the bygone age had handed down; politics—the
building of States and of empire- this also had engaged the minds
of the men of that age, and it was this aspect of their activity that
fired the imagination of the young Florentine. From his writings we
know he was widely read in the Latin and Italian classics. But Vir-
gil and Horace appealed to him less than Livy, and Dante the poet
was less to him than Dante the politician; for he read his classics,
not as others, to drink in their music or be led captive by their
beauty, but to derive lessons in statecraft, and penetrate into the
secrets of the successful empire-builders of the past.
It is equally
-


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certain, from a study of his works, that he had not mastered Greek.
Like Ariosto, Machiavelli was indebted for his superb literary tech-
nique solely to the study of the literature of his own nation.
With the expulsion of the Medici from Florence, Machiavelli, at
the age of thirty, emerged from obscurity to play a most important
rôle in the Florentine politics of the succeeding decade and a half.
In 1498 he was elected secretary to the Ten of War and Peace,-a
commission performing the functions of a ministry of war and of
home affairs, and having in addition control of the Florentine diplo-
matic service. From 1498 to 1512 Machiavelli was a zealous, patriotic,
and indefatigable servant of the republic. His energy was untiring,
his activity ceaseless and many-sided. He conducted the voluminous
diplomatic correspondence devolving upon his bureau, drew up me-
morials and plans in affairs of State for the use and guidance of the
Ten, undertook the reorganization of the Florentine troops, and went
himself on a constant succession of embassies, ranging in importance
from those to petty Italian States up to those to the court of France
and of the Emperor. He was by nature well adapted to the peculiar
needs of the diplomacy of that day; and the training he received in
that school must in turn have reacted on him to confirm his native
bent, and accentuate it until it became the distinguishing character-
istic of the man. His first lessons in politics and statecraft were
derived from Livy's history of the not over-scrupulous Romans; and
when he comes to take his lessons at first hand, it is in the midst
of the intrigues of republican Florence, or at the court of a Caterina
Sforza, or in the camp of a Cesare Borgia. Small wonder that his
conception of politics should have omitted to take account of hon-
esty and the moral law; and that he conceived "the idea of giving
to politics an assured and scientific basis, treating them as having
a proper and distinct value of their own, entirely apart from their
moral value. "
During this period of his political activity, we have a large num-
ber of State papers and private letters from his pen; and two works
of literary cast have also come down to us. These are his 'Decen-
nale': historic narratives, cast into poetic form, of Italian events.
The first treats of the decade beginning 1494; and the second, an
unfinished fragment, of the decade beginning 1504. They are written
in easy terzine; and unfeigned sorrow for the miseries of Italy, torn
by internal discord, alternates with cynical mockery and stinging wit.
They are noteworthy as expressing the sentiment for a united Italy.
A third literary work of this period has been lost: 'Le Maschere,' a
satire modeled upon the comedies of Aristophanes.
When in 1512, after their long exile, the Medici returned to Flor-
ence in the train of her invader, Machiavelli, though not unwilling


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to serve the restored rulers, was dismissed from his office and ban-
ished for a year from the confines of the city. Later, on suspicion
of being concerned in a plot against the Medici, he was thrown into
prison and tortured. He was soon afterward included in a gen-
eral pardon granted by the Cardinal de' Medici, then become Leo
X. But notwithstanding Machiavelli's earnest and persistent efforts
to win the good graces of the ruling family, he did not return to
public life until 1525; and this interval of enforced leisure from
affairs of State was the period of his literary activity. A number of
comedies, minor poems, and short prose compositions did not rise
above mediocrity. They were for the most part translations from
the classics, or imitations; and the names are hardly worth recount-
ing. But in one dramatic effort he rose to the stature of genius.
His 'Mandragola' achieved a flattering success both at Rome and in
Florence. It has been pronounced the finest comedy of the Italian
stage, and Macaulay rated it as inferior only to the greatest of
Molière's. In its form, its spontaneity, vivacity, and wit, it is not
surpassed by Shakespeare; but it is a biting satire on religion and
morality, with not even a hint of a moral to redeem it. Vice is
made humorous, and virtue silly; its satire is "deep and murderous";
and its plot too obscene to be narrated. In it Machiavelli has har-
nessed Pegasus to a garbage cart.
His lesser prose works are the 'Life of Castruccio Castracani,'
a "politico-military romance" made up partly from incidents in the
life of that hero, and partly from incidents taken from Diodorus Sicu-
lus's life of Agathocles, and concluding with a series of memorable
sayings attributed to Castruccio, but taken from the apophthegms of
Plutarch and Diogenes Laertius; and the Art of War,' a treatise
anticipating much of our modern tactics, and inveighing against the
mediæval system of mercenary troops of mail-clad men and horses.
A more ambitious undertaking, and in fact his largest work, is the
'History of Florence. ' At the suggestion of the Cardinal de' Medici,
the directors of the studio of Florence commissioned Machiavelli to
employ himself in writing a history of Florence, "from whatever
period he might think fit to select, and either in the Latin or the
Tuscan tongue, according to his taste. " He was to receive one hun-
dred florins a year for two years to enable him to pursue the work.
He chose his native tongue; and revised and polished his work until
it became a model of style, and in its best passages justifies his claim
to the title of the best and most finished of Italian prose writers.
He thus describes the luring of Giuliano de' Medici to his place of
assassination:-
:-
"This arrangement having been determined upon, they went into the
church, where the Cardinal had already arrived with Lorenzo de' Medici. The


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NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
church was crowded with people, and divine service had already commenced;
but Giuliano had not yet come. Francesco dei Pazzi, therefore, together with
Bernardo, who had been designated to kill Giuliano, went to his house, and by
artful persuasion induced him to go to the church. It is really a noteworthy
fact that so much hatred and the thoughts of so great an outrage could be
concealed under so much resoluteness of heart, as was the case with Francesco
and Bernardo; for on the way to church, and even after having entered it, they
entertained him with merry jests and youthful chatter. And Francesco, even.
under pretense of caressing him, felt him with his hands and pressed him in
his arms, for the purpose of ascertaining whether he wore a cuirass or any
other means of protection under his garments. »
But though Machiavelli had the historical style, he lacked histori-
cal perspective; he arranged his matter not according to objective
value, but placed in the boldest relief those events that best lent
support to his own theories of politics and statecraft. He makes his
facts to be as he wishes them, rather than as he knows them to be.
He wishes to throw contempt on mercenary troops, and though he
knows an engagement to have been bloody, prefers for his descrip-
tion such a conclusion as this: "In the tremendous defeat that was
noised throughout Italy, no one perished excepting Ludovico degli
Obizzi and two of his men, who being thrown from their horses were
smothered in the mud. " To Machiavelli history was largely to be
written as a tendenz roman,-manufactured to point a preconceived
moral.
Though Machiavelli wrote history, poetry, and comedy, it is not
by these he is remembered. The works that have made his name a
synonym, and given it a place in every tongue, are the two works
written almost in the first year of his retirement from political
life. These are The Prince' and the 'Discourses on the First Ten
Books of Titus Livius. ' Each is a treatise on statecraft; together they
form a complete and unified treatise, and represent an attempt to for-
mulate inductively a science of politics. The Discourses' study
republican institutions, 'The Prince' monarchical ones. The first is
the more elementary, and would come first in logical arrangement.
But in the writing of them Machiavelli had in view more than the
foundation of a science of politics. He was anxious to win the
favor of the Medici; and as these were not so much interested in
how republics are best built up, he completed 'The Prince' first, and
sent it forth dedicated "to the magnificent Lorenzo, son of Piero de'
Medici. "
In the Discourses,' the author essays "a new science of states-
manship, based on the experience of human events and history. " In
that day of worship of the ancient world, Machiavelli endeavors to
draw men to a study of its politics as well as its art. In Livy he
finds the field for this study.


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"When we consider the general respect for antiquity, and how often-to
say nothing of other examples a great price is paid for some fragments of
an antique statue which we are anxious to possess to ornament our houses
with, or to give to artists who strive to imitate them in their own works;
and when we see, on the other hand, the wonderful examples which the his-
tory of ancient kingdoms and republics presents to us, the prodigies of virtue
and of wisdom displayed by the kings, captains, citizens, and legislators who
have sacrificed themselves for their country: when we see these, I say, more
admired than imitated, or so much neglected that not the least trace of this
ancient virtue remains, we cannot but be at the same time as much sur-
prised as afflicted; the more so as in the differences which arise between
citizens, or in the maladies to which they are subjected, we see these same
people have recourse to the judgments and the remedies prescribed by the
ancients. The civil laws are in fact nothing but the decisions given by their
jurisconsults, and which, reduced to a system, direct our modern jurists in
their decisions. And what is the science of medicine but the experience of
ancient physicians, which their successors have taken for a guide? And yet
to found a republic, maintain States, to govern a kingdom, organize an army,
conduct a war, dispense justice, and extend empires, you will find neither
prince nor republic, nor captain, nor citizen, who has recourse to the exam-
ples of antiquity! »
-
In his commentary on the course of Romulus in the founding
of Rome, we find the keynote of Machiavelli's system of political
science. His one aim is the building of a State; his one thought,
how best to accomplish his aim. Means are therefore to be selected,
and to be judged, solely as regards their effectiveness to the business
in hand. Ordinary means are of course to be preferred; but extraor-
dinary must be used when needed.
«Many will perhaps consider it an evil example that the founder of a civil
society, as Romulus was, should first have killed his brother, and then have
consented to the death of Titus Tatius, who had been elected to share the
royal authority with him; from which it might be concluded that the citizens,
according to the example of their prince, might, from ambition and the desire
to rule, destroy those who attempt to oppose their authority. This opinion
would be correct, if we do not take into consideration the object which Rom-
ulus had in view in committing that homicide. But we must assume, as a
general rule, that it never or rarely happens that a republic or monarchy is
well constituted, or its old institutions entirely reformed, unless it is done by
only one individual; it is even necessary that he whose mind has conceived
such a constitution should be alone in carrying it into effect. A sagacious
legislator of a republic, therefore, whose object is to promote the public good
and not his private interests, and who prefers his country to his own succes-
sors,
should concentrate all authority in himself; and a wise mind will never
censure any one for having employed any extraordinary means for the purpose
of establishing a kingdom or constituting a republic. It is well that when the
act accuses him, the result should excuse; and when the result is good, as in
the case of Romulus, it will always absolve him from blame. »


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In an equally scientific and concise manner he analyzes the meth-
ods of preventing factions in a republic.
"We observe, from the example of the Roman consuls in restoring harmony
between the patricians and plebeians of Ardea, the means for obtaining that
object, which is none other than to kill the chiefs of the opposing factions. In
fact, there are only three ways of accomplishing it: the one is to put the
leaders to death, as the Romans did; or to banish them from the city; or to
reconcile them to each other under a pledge not to offend again. Of these
three ways, the last is the worst, being the least certain and effective. »
In 'The Prince,' a short treatise of twenty-six chapters, and mak-
ing little more than a hundred octavo pages, Machiavelli gives more
succinct and emphatic expression to the principles of his new polit-
ical science. The Prince' is the best known of all his works. It is
the one always connected with his name, and which has made his
name famous. It was said of the poet Gray that no other man had
walked down the aisle of fame with so small a book under his arm.
It might be repeated as truly of Machiavelli. Men, he has said,
"preferred infamy to oblivion, for at least infamy served to transmit
their names to posterity. " Had he written 'The Prince' to escape
oblivion, the fullest measure of his desire would have been attained.
For the model of his prince, Machiavelli took Cesare Borgia, and cites
him as an example worthy of imitation; and he has shared in the
execration that posterity has heaped upon Borgia.
The fifteenth and eighteenth chapters of The Prince' contain a
formulation of the principles that have brought down condemnation
on their author.
«The manner in which men live is so different from the way in which
they ought to live, that he who leaves the common course for that which he
ought to follow will find that it leads him to ruin rather than to safety. For
a man who in all respects will carry out only his professions of good, will be
apt to be ruined amongst so many who are evil. A prince therefore who
desires to maintain himself, must learn to be not always good, but to be so
or not as necessity may require. . . . For, all things considered, it will be
found that some things that seem like virtue will lead you to ruin if you fol-
low them; whilst others that apparently are vices will, if followed, result in
your safety and well-being. "
And again:-
"It must be evident to every one that it is more praiseworthy for a prince
always to maintain good faith, and practice integrity rather than craft and de-
ceit. And yet the experience of our own times has shown that those princes
have achieved great things who made small account of good faith, and who
understood by cunning to circumvent the intelligence of others; and that in


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the end they got the better of those whose actions were dictated by loyalty
and good faith. You must know, therefore, that there are two ways of carry-
ing on a contest: the one by law, and the other by force. The first is prac-
ticed by men, and the other by animals; and as the first is often insufficient,
it becomes necessary to resort to the second.
"A prince then should know how to employ the nature of man, and that
of the beast as well.
A prince should be a fox, to know the traps
and snares; and a lion, to be able to frighten the wolves: for those who simply
hold to the nature of the lion do not understand their business.
. .
"A sagacious prince, then, cannot and should not fulfill his pledges when
their observance is contrary to his interest, and when the causes that induced
him to pledge his faith no longer exist. If men were all good, then indeed
this precept would be bad; but as men are naturally bad, and will not observe
their faith towards you, you must in the same way not observe yours towards
them: and no prince ever yet lacked legitimate reasons with which to color
his want of good faith.
"It is not necessary, however, for a prince to possess all the above-men-
tioned qualities; but it is essential that he should at least seem to have them.
I will even venture to say, that to have and to practice them constantly is
pernicious, but to seem to have them is useful. For instance, a prince should
seem to be merciful, faithful, humane, religious, and upright, and should even
be so in reality; but he should have his mind so trained that, when occasion
requires it, he may know how to change to the opposite. And it must be
understood that a prince, and especially one who has but recently acquired
his state, cannot perform all those things which cause men to be esteemed as
good; he being often obliged, for the sake of maintaining his state, to act con-
trary to humanity, charity, and religion. And therefore it is necessary that he
should have a versatile mind, capable of changing readily, according as the
winds and changes bid him; and as has been said above, not to swerve from
the good if possible, but to know how to resort to evil if necessity demands it. "
And yet in these same books we find expressions worthy of a
moralist.
« All enterprises to be undertaken should be for the honor of God and the
general good of the country. »
"In well-constituted governments, the citizens fear more to break their
oaths than the laws; because they esteem the power of God more than that
of men. "
"Even in war, but little glory is derived from any fraud that involves the
breaking of a given pledge and of agreements made. »
"It is impossible to believe that either valor or anything praiseworthy can
result from a dishonest education, or an impure and immodest mind. "
The strangest moral contradictions abound throughout 'The Prince,'
as they do in all Machiavelli's writings. He is saint or devil accord-
ing as you select your extracts from his writings. Macaulay has
given us a perfect characterization of the man and his works.


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"In all the writings which he gave to the public, and in all those which
the research of editors has in the course of three centuries discovered: in
his comedies, designed for the entertainment of the multitude; in his com-
ments on Livy, intended for the perusal of the most enthusiastic patriots of
Florence; in his History,' inscribed to one of the most amiable and esti-
mable of the popes; in his public dispatches; in his private memoranda,—
the same obliquity of moral principle for which The Prince' is so severely
censured, is more or less discernible. We doubt whether it would be possi-
ble to find, in all the many volumes of his compositions, a single expression
indicating that dissimulation and treachery had ever struck him as discredit-
able.
"After this, it may seem ridiculous to say that we are acquainted with
few writings which exhibit so much elevation of sentiment, so pure and
warm a zeal for the public good, or so just a view of the duties and rights
of citizens, as those of Machiavelli. Yet so it is. And even from 'The Prince'
itself, we could select many passages in support of this remark. To a reader
of our age and country, this inconsistency is at first perfectly bewildering.
The whole man seems to be an enigma; a grotesque assemblage of incongru-
ous qualities; selfishness and generosity, cruelty and benevolence, craft and
simplicity, abject villainy and romantic heroism. One sentence is such as a
veteran diplomatist would scarcely write in cipher for the direction of his
most confidential spy; the next seems to be extracted from a theme composed
by an ardent schoolboy on the death of Leonidas. An act of dexterous per-
fidy, and an act of patriotic self-devotion, call forth the same kind and the
same degree of respectful admiration. The moral sensibility of the writer
seems at once to be morbidly obtuse and morbidly acute. Two characters
altogether dissimilar are united in him. They are not merely joined, but in-
terwoven. They are the warp and the woof of his mind. "
In consequence of this, no writer has been more condemned or
more praised than Machiavelli. Shakespeare, reflecting English
thought, uses his name as the superlative for craft and murderous
treachery. But later years have raised up defenders for him, and his
rehabilitation is still going on. He has been lauded as "the noblest
and purest of patriots"; and more ardent admirers could "even praise
his generosity, nobility, and exquisite delicacy of mind, and go so far
as to declare him an incomparable model of public and private vir-
tue. " In 1787, after his dust had lain for nearly three centuries in an
obscure tomb beside that of Michelangelo, a monument was erected
above him, with the inscription given below.
TANTO NOMINI NULLUM PAR EULOGIUM
NICOLANO MACHIAVELLUS
[No eulogy could add aught to so great a name as that of Niccolo
Machiavelli. ]


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In 1859 the government of his native Tuscany itself gave his works
to the public in a complete edition. And in 1869 the Italian govern-
ment enrolled him in its calendar of great ones; and placed above
the door of the house in Florence in which he lived and died, a mar-
ble tablet, inscribed -
A NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
Dell' Unità Nazionale Precursore audace e indovino
E d'Armi proprie e non aventizie primo Institutore e Maestro
L'Italia Una e Armata pose il 3 Maggio 1869
IL QUARTO DI LUI CENTENNARIO
[To Niccolo Machiavelli - the intrepid and prophetic Precursor of National
Unity, and the first Institutor and Master of her own Armies in place
of adventitious ones - United and Armed Italy places this on May 3d,
1869, his Fourth Centenary. ]
His rehabilitation proceeds from two causes. Later research has
shown that perhaps he only reflected his time; and his works breathe
a passionate longing for that Italian unity which in our day has been
realized. He may be worthy canonization as a national saint; but
those who are more interested in the integrity of moral standards
than in Italian unity will doubtless continue to refuse beatification to
one who indeed knew the Roman virtus, but was insensible to the
nature of virtue as understood by the followers of Christ. And no
amount of research into the history of his age can make his princi-
ples less vicious in themselves. A better understanding of his day
can only lessen the boldness of the relief in which he has heretofore
stood out in history. He was probably no worse than many of his
fellows. He only gave a scientific formulation to their practices. He
dared openly to avow and justify the principles that their actions
implied. They paid to virtue the court of hypocrisy, and like the
Pharisee of the earlier time, preached righteousness and did evil; but
Machiavelli was more daring, and when he served the devil, disdained
to go about his business in the livery of heaven.
Charles P. Mall


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NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST CARLO GALEAZZO, DUKE
OF MILAN, 1476
From the History of Florence>
Wuns
the transactions between the King and the Pope
were in progress, and those in Tuscany, in the manner
we have related, an event of greater importance occurred
in Lombardy. Cola Montana, a learned and ambitious man, taught
the Latin language to the youth of the principal families in Mi-
lan. Either out of hatred to the character and manners of the
duke, or from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the
condition of those who live under a bad prince; calling those
glorious and happy who had the good fortune to be born and
live in a republic. He endeavored to show that the most cele-
brated men had been produced in republics, and not reared
under princes; that the former cherish virtue, whilst the latter
destroy it; the one deriving advantage from virtuous men, whilst
the latter naturally fear them. The youths with whom he was
most intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Vis-
conti, and Girolamo Olgiato. He frequently discussed with
them the faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of
those who were subject to him; and by constantly inculcating his
principles, acquired such an ascendency over their minds as to
induce them to bind themselves by oath to effect the duke's de-
struction, as soon as they became old enough to attempt it.
Their minds being fully occupied with this design, which grew
with their years, the duke's conduct and their own private inju-
ries served to hasten its execution. Galeazzo was licentious and
cruel; of both which vices he had given such repeated proofs
that he became odious to all. .
These private injuries
increased the young men's desire for vengeance, and the deliv-
erance of their country from so many evils; trusting that when-
ever they should succeed in destroying the duke, many of the
nobility and all the people would rise in their defense. Being
resolved upon their undertaking, they were often together; which,
on account of their long intimacy, did not excite any suspicion.
They frequently discussed the subject; and in order to familiar-
ize their minds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each
other in the breast and in the side with the sheathed daggers
intended to be used for the purpose. On considering the most
suitable time and place, the castle seemed insecure; during the


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chase, uncertain and dangerous; whilst going about the city for
his own amusement, difficult if not impracticable; and at a ban-
quet, of doubtful result. They therefore determined to kill him
upon the occasion of some procession or public festivity, when
there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they might
under various pretexts assemble their friends. It was also re-
solved that if one of their number were prevented from attend-
ing, on any account whatever, the rest should put him to death
in the midst of their armed enemies.
It was now the close of the year 1476,- near Christmas; and
as it was customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's day,
in great solemnity, to the church of that martyr, they considered
this the most suitable opportunity for the execution of their de-
sign. Upon the morning of that day they ordered some of their
most trusty friends and servants to arm, telling them they wished
to go to the assistance of Giovanandrea, who, contrary to the wish
of some of his neighbors, intended to turn a water-course into
his estate; but that before they went they wished to take leave
of the prince. They also assembled, under various pretenses,
other friends and relatives; trusting that when the deed was ac-
complished, every one would join them in the completion of their
enterprise. It was their intention, after the duke's death, to col-
lect their followers together and proceed to those parts of the
city where they imagined the plebeians would be most disposed
to take arms against the duchess and the principal ministers of
State: and they thought the people, on account of the famine
which then prevailed, would easily be induced to follow them;
for it was their design to give up the houses of Cecco Simonetta,
Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani,-all leading men in the
government, to be plundered, and by this means gain over the
populace and restore liberty to the community. With these ideas,
and with minds resolved upon their execution, Giovanandrea and
the rest were early at the church, and heard mass together; after
which Giovanandrea, turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said,
"O patron of our city! thou knowest our intention, and the end
we would attain by so many dangers: favor our enterprise, and
prove, by protecting the oppressed, that tyranny is offensive to
thee. "
-
XVI-594
To the duke, on the other hand, when intending to go to the
church, many omens occurred of his approaching death; for in the
morning, having put on a cuirass, as was his frequent custom, he


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immediately took it off again, either because it inconvenienced
him or that he did not like its appearance. He then wished to
hear mass in the castle; but found that the priest who officiated
in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and taken with him the
sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be performed
by the Bishop of Como, who acquainted him with preventing
circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to
the church; but before his departure he caused his sons, Giovan
Galeazzo and Ermes, to be brought to him, and embraced and
kissed them several times, seeming reluctant to part with them.
He then left the castle, and with the ambassadors of Ferrara and
Mantua on either hand, proceeded to St. Stephen's.
The conspirators, to avoid exciting suspicion, and to escape
the cold, which was very severe, had withdrawn to an apart-
ment of the arch-priest, who was a friend of theirs; but hearing
the duke's approach, they came into the church, Giovanandrea
and Girolamo placing themselves upon the right hand of the en-
trance and Carlo on the left. Those who led the procession
had already entered, and were followed by the duke, surrounded
by such a multitude as is usual on similar occasions. The first
attack was made by Lampognano and Girolamo; who, pretending
to clear the way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping
their daggers, which being short and sharp were concealed in the
sleeves of their vests, struck at him.
Lampognano gave him
two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat. Girolamo
struck him in the throat and breast. Carlo Visconti, being nearer
the door, and the duke having passed, could not wound him in
front; but with two strokes transpierced his shoulder and spine.
These six wounds were inflicted so instantaneously that the duke
had fallen before any one was aware of what had happened; and
he expired, having only once ejaculated the name of the Virgin,
as if imploring her assistance.
A great tumult immediately ensued; several swords were
drawn; and as often happens in sudden emergencies, some fled
from the church and others ran towards the scene of tumult,
both without any definite motive or knowledge of what had oc-
curred. Those, however, who were nearest the duke and had
seen him slain, recognizing the murderers, pursued them. Gio-
vanandrea, endeavoring to make his way out of the church, had
to pass among the women, who being numerous, and according
to their custom seated upon the ground, impeded his progress


## p. 9491 (#519) ###########################################

NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
9491
by their apparel; and being overtaken, he was killed by a Moor,
one of the duke's footmen. Carlo was slain by those who were
immediately around him. Girolamo Olgiato passed through the
crowd, and got out of the church; but seeing his companions
dead, and not knowing where else to go, he went home, where
his father and brothers refused to receive him; his mother only,
having compassion on her son, recommended him to a priest,
an old friend of the family, who, disguising him in his own ap-
parel, led him to his house. Here he remained two days, not
without hope that some disturbance might arise in Milan which
would contribute to his safety. This not occurring, and appre-
hensive that his hiding-place would be discovered, he endeavored
to escape in disguise; but being observed, he was given over to
justice, and disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Giro-
lamo was twenty-three years of age, and exhibited no less com-
posure at his death than resolution in his previous conduct; for
being stripped of his garments, and in the hands of the execu-
tioner, who stood by with the sword unsheathed ready to deprive
him of life, he repeated the following words in the Latin tongue,
in which he was well versed: "Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit
vetus memoria facti. »*
The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted
with secrecy and executed with resolution; and they failed for
want of the support of those whom they expected to rise in
their defense. Let princes therefore learn to live so as to ren-
der themselves beloved and respected by their subjects, that none
may have hope of safety after having destroyed them; and let
others see how vain is the expectation which induces them to
trust so much to the multitude as to believe that even when
discontented, they will either embrace their cause or ward off
their dangers. This event spread consternation all over Italy;
but those which shortly afterwards occurred in Florence caused
much more alarm, and terminated a peace of twelve years' con-
tinuance. Having commenced with blood and horror, they will
have a melancholy and tearful conclusion.
* "Death is bitter, but fame is eternal, and the memory of this deed shall
long endure. »


## p. 9492 (#520) ###########################################

NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
9492
HOW A PRINCE OUGHT TO AVOID FLATTERERS
From The Prince>
I
MUST not forget to mention one evil against which princes
should ever be upon their guard, and which they cannot
avoid except by the greatest prudence; and this evil is the
flattery which reigns in every court. Men have so much self-
love, and so good an opinion of themselves, that it is very diffi-
cult to steer clear of such contagion; and besides, in endeavoring
to avoid it, they run the risk of being despised.
For princes have no other way of expelling flatterers than by
showing that the truth will not offend. Yet if every one had the
privilege of uttering his sentiments with impunity, what would
become of the respect due to the majesty of the sovereign? A
prudent prince should take a middle course, and make choice of
some discreet men in his State, to whom alone he may give the
liberty of telling him the truth on such subjects as he shall
request information upon from them. He ought undoubtedly to
interrogate them and hear their opinions upon every subject of
importance, and determine afterwards according to his own
judgment; conducting himself at all times in such a manner as
to convince every one that the more freely they speak the more
acceptable they will be. After which he should listen to nobody
else, but proceed firmly and steadily in the execution of what he
has determined.
A prince who acts otherwise is either bewildered by the adu-
lation of flatterers, or loses all respect and consideration by the
uncertain and wavering conduct he is obliged to pursue. This
doctrine can be supported by an instance from the history of our
own times. Father Luke said of the Emperor Maximilian, his
master, now on the throne, that "he never took counsel of any
person, and notwithstanding he never acted from an opinion of
his own"; and in this he adopted a method diametrically opposite
to that which I have proposed. For as this prince never in-
trusted his designs to any of his ministers, their suggestions were
not made till the very moment when they should be executed; so
that, pressed by the exigencies of the moment, and overwhelmed
with obstacles and unforeseen difficulties, he was obliged to yield
to whatever opinions his ministers might offer. Hence it hap-
pens, that what he does one day he is obliged to cancel the next;


## p. 9493 (#521) ###########################################

NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
9493
and thus nobody can depend on his decisions, for it is impossible
to know what will be his ultimate determination.
A prince ought to take the opinions of others in everything,
but only at such times as it pleases himself, and not whenever
they are obtruded upon him; so that no one shall presume to
give him advice when he does not request it. He ought to be
inquisitive, and listen with attention; and when he sees any one
hesitate to tell him the full truth, he ought to evince the utmost
displeasure at such conduct.
―――――――――――
Those are much mistaken who imagine that a prince who
listens to the counsel of others will be but little esteemed, and
thought incapable of acting on his own judgment. It is an infal-
lible rule that a prince who does not possess an intelligent mind
of his own can never be well advised, unless he is entirely gov-
erned by the advice of an able minister, on whom he may repose
the whole cares of government; but in this case he runs a great
risk of being stripped of his authority by the very person to whom
he has so indiscreetly confided his power. And if instead of one
counselor he has several, how can he, ignorant and uninformed
as he is, conciliate the various and opposite opinions of those
ministers, who are probably more intent on their own interests
than those of the State, and that without his suspecting it?
Besides, men who are naturally wicked incline to good only
when they are compelled to it; whence we may conclude that
good counsel, come from what quarter it may, is owing entirely
to the wisdom of the prince, and the wisdom of the prince does
not arise from the goodness of the counsel.
EXHORTATION TO LORENZO DE' MEDICI TO DELIVER ITALY
FROM FOREIGN DOMINATION
From closing chapter of The Prince'
I'
F IT was needful that Israel should be in bondage to Egypt,
to display the quality of Moses; that the Persians should be
overwhelmed by the Medes, to bring out the greatness and
the valor of Cyrus; that the Athenians should be dispersed, to
make plain the superiority of Theseus,- so at present, to illumi-
nate the grandeur of one Italian spirit, it was doubtless needful
that Italy should be sunk to her present state,- a worse slavery
than that of the Jews, more thoroughly trampled down than the
―


## p. 9494 (#522) ###########################################

NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
9494
Persians, more scattered than the Athenians; without a head,
without public order, conquered and stripped, lacerated, overrun
by her foes, subjected to every form of spoliation.
And though from time to time there has emanated from
some one a ray of hope that he was the one ordained by God
to redeem Italy, yet we have seen how he was so brought to a
standstill at the very height of his success that poor Italy still
remained lifeless, so to speak, and waiting to see who might be
sent to bind up her wounds, to end her despoilment, the dev-
astation of Lombardy, the plunder and ruinous taxation of the
kingdom of Naples and of Tuscany,- and to heal the sores that
have festered so long. You see how she prays to God that he
may send her a champion to defend her from this cruelty, bar-
barity, and insolence. You see her eager to follow any standard,
if only there is some one to uprear it. But there is no one
at this time to whom she could look more hopefully than to
your illustrious house, O magnificent Lorenzo! which, with its
excellence and prudence, favored by God and the Church,— of
which it is now the head,- could effectively begin her deliver-
ance.
•
You must not allow this opportunity to pass. Let Italy,
after waiting so long, see her deliverer appear at last. And I
cannot put in words with what affection he would be received in
all the States which have suffered so long from this inundation
of foreign enemies! with what thirst for vengeance, with what
unwavering loyalty, with what devotion, and with what tears!
What door would be closed to him? Who would refuse to obey
him? What envy would dare to contest his place? What Italian
would refuse him homage? This supremacy of foreign barbari-
ans is a stench in the nostrils of all!


## p. 9495 (#523) ###########################################

9495
-
NORMAN MACLEOD
(1812-1872)
>>
N THE present century the Scottish Church has given to the
world two sons of pre-eminent importance and influence: Dr.
Chalmers and Dr. Norman Macleod. The name
mes of these
two men, simple clergymen of the simple Scottish Church, are familiar
not only in Scotland and among Scotsmen all the world over, but
among thousands also of English and Americans. With one only we
have to do here: the famous Scottish minister and Queen's Chaplain
who became so universally known and beloved in Scotland that he
was rarely if ever alluded to by his full name, but simply as "Dr. Nor-
man -and even, in many localities, merely as "Norman. " Norman
Macleod was a notable man on account of his writings; a still more
notable man on account of his preaching and influence; possibly more
notable still as an ideal type of the Highlander from the Highland
point of view; and above all, notable for his dominant and striking
personality. It has been said, and perhaps truly, that no one has
taken so strong a hold of the affections of his countrymen since
Burns. Fine as are Dr. Macleod's writings,- notably The Reminis-
cences of a Highland Parish,' 'The Old Lieutenant,' 'The Starling,'
and 'Wee Davie,' we may look there in vain for adequate sources
of this wide-spread and still sustained popularity. Fine as his literary
gifts are, his supreme gift was that of an over-welling human sym-
pathy, by which he made himself loved, from the poorest Highland
crofters or the roughest Glasgow artisans to the Queen herself. This
is fully brought out in the admirable Memoir written by his brother,
Dr. Donald Macleod, the present editor of that well-known magazine,
Good Words, which Dr. Norman began. The name of his childhood
and his family, says Dr. Donald,—
(
«< was to all Scotland his title, as distinct as a Duke's,- Norman Macleod;
sometimes the Norman' alone was enough. He was a Scottish minister, noth-
ing more; incapable of any elevation to rank, bound to mediocrity of means
by the mere fact of his profession, never to be bishop of anywhere, dean
of anywhere, lord of anything, so long as life held him, yet everybody's fel-
low wherever he went: dear brother of the Glasgow workingmen in their
grimy fustians; of the Ayrshire weavers in their cottages; dear friend of the
sovereign on the throne. He had great eloquence, great talent, and many of
the characteristics of genius; but above all, he was the most brotherly of men.
It is doubtful whether his works will live an independent life after him:


## p. 9496 (#524) ###########################################

9496
NORMAN MACLEOD
rather, perhaps, it may be found that their popularity depended upon him
and not upon them; and his personal claims must fade, as those who knew him
follow him into the Unknown. »
And indeed there could be no better summary of Norman Macleod
than this at once pious and just estimate by his brother.
He came not only of one of the most famous Highland clans, but
of a branch noted throughout the West of Scotland for the stalwart
and ever militant sons of the church which it has contributed from
generation to generation. It is to this perpetuity of vocation, as well
as to the transmission of family names, that a good deal of natural
confusion is due in the instance of writers bearing Highland names,
and of the Macleods in particular. "They're a' thieves, fishermen, or
ministers," as is said in the West; and however much or little truth
there may be in the first, there is a certain obvious truth in the
second, and a still more obvious truth in the third. Again and again
it is stated that Dr. Norman Macleod - meaning this Norman-is the
author of what is now the most famous song among the Highlanders,
the 'Farewell to Fiunary'; a song which has become a Highland
national lament. But this song was really written by Dr. Norman
Macleod the elder; that is, the father of the Dr. Norman Macleod of
whom we are now writing.
Norman Macleod was born on June 3d, 1812, in Campbelltown of
Argyll. After his education for the church at Glasgow and Edin-
burgh Universities, he traveled for some time in Germany as private
tutor. Some years after his ordainment to an Ayrshire parish, he
visited Canada on ecclesiastical business. It was not till 1851 that he
was translated to the church with which his name is so closely asso-
ciated; namely, the Barony Charge in Glasgow. Three years after
this, in 1854, he became one of her Majesty's Chaplains for Scotland,
and Dean of the Order of the Thistle. In 1860 he undertook the
editorship of Good Words; and made this magazine, partly by his
own writings and still more by his catholic and wise editorship, one
of the greatest successes in periodical literature. Long before his
death at the comparatively early age of sixty, he had become famous
as the most eloquent and influential of the Scottish ministry; indeed,
so great was his repute that hundreds of loyal Scots from America
and Australia came yearly to Scotland, primarily with the desire to
see and hear one whom many of them looked to as the most emi-
nent Scot of his day. It was in his shrewdness of judgment, his
swift and kindly tact, his endless fund of humor, and his sweet
human sympathy, that the secret of his immense influence lay. But
while it is by virtue of his personal qualities that even now he sur-
vives in the memory of his countrymen, there is in his writings much
that is distinctive and beautiful. Probably The Reminiscences of a


## p. 9497 (#525) ###########################################

NORMAN MACLEOD
9497
Highland Parish' will long be read for their broad and fine sense of
human life in all its ordinary aspects. This book, without any par-
ticular pretensions to style, is full of such kindly insight, such swift
humor, and such broad sympathy, that it is unquestionably the most
characteristic literary work of its author. Probably, among his few
efforts in fiction, the story known as The Old Lieutenant and his
Son' (unless it be 'The Starling') still remains the most popular.
Curiously enough, although his sermons stirred all Scotland, there
are few of them which in perusal at this late date have any specially
moving quality, apart from their earnestness and native spiritual
beauty. There is however one which stands out above the others,
and is to this day familiar to thousands: the splendid sermon on
'War and Judgment,' which, at a crucial moment in the history of
his country, Dr. Norman Macleod preached before the Queen at the
little Highland church of Crathie.
The three extracts which follow adequately represent Dr. Macleod.
The first exemplifies his narrative style. The second depicts those
West Highlands which he loved so well and helped to make others
love. The third is one of those little lyrics in lowland Scottish which
live to this day in the memories of the people.
THE HOME-COMING
From The Old Lieutenant and his Son>
TH
HERE lived in the old burgh one of that class termed "fools"
to whom I have already alluded, who was called
"daft
Jock. " Jock was lame, walked by the aid of a long staff,
and generally had his head and shoulders covered up with an old
coat. Babby had a peculiar aversion to Jock; why, it was diffi-
cult to discover, as her woman's heart was kindly disposed to all
living things. Her regard was supposed to have been partially
alienated from Jock from his always calling her "Wee Babbity,"
accompanying the designation with a loud and joyous laugh.
Now, I have never yet met a human being who was not weak
on a point of personal peculiarity which did not flatter them. It
has been said that a woman will bear any amount of abuse that
does not involve a slight upon her appearance. Men are equally
susceptible of similar pain. A very tall or very fat hero will be
calm while his deeds are criticized or his fame disparaged, but
will resent with bitterness any marked allusion to his great longi-
tude or latitude. Babby never could refuse charity to the needy,
and Jock was sure of receiving something from her as the result


## p. 9498 (#526) ###########################################

9498
NORMAN MACLEOD
of his weekly calls; but he never consigned a scrap of meat to
his wallet without a preliminary battle. On the evening of the
commemoration of the "Melampus" engagement, Babby was sit-
ting by the fire watching a fowl which twirled from the string
roasting for supper, and which dropped its unctuous lard on a
number of potatoes that lay basking in the tin receiver below.
A loud rap was heard at the back door; and to the question,
"Who's there? " the reply was heard of "Babbity, open! Open,
wee Babbity! Hee, hee, hee! "
"Gae wa wi' ye, ye daft cratur," said Babby.
"What right
hae ye to disturb folk at this time o' nicht? I'll let loose the
dog on you. "
Babby knew that Skye shared her dislike to Jock; as was
evident from his bark when he rose, and with curled tail began
snuffing at the foot of the door. Another knock, louder than
before, made Babby start.
"My word," she exclaimed, "but ye hae learned impudence! "
And afraid of disturbing "the company," she opened as much of
the door as enabled her to see and rebuke Jock.
"Hoo daur ye,
Jock, to rap sae loud as that? »
"Open, wee, wee, wee Babbity! " said Jock.
"Ye big, big, big blackguard, I'll dae naething o' the kind,"
said Babby as she shut the door. But the stick of the fool was
suddenly interposed. "That beats a'! " said Babby: "what the
sorrow d'ye want, Jock, to daur to presume — »
But to Babby's horror the door was forced open in the mid-
dle of her threat, and the fool entered, exclaiming, "I want a
kiss, my wee, wee, bonnie Babbity! "
"Preserve us a'! " exclaimed Babby, questioning whether she
should scream or fly, while the fool, turning his back to the
light, seized her by both her wrists, and imprinted a kiss on her
forehead.
"Skye! " half screamed Babby; but Skye was springing up,
as if anxious to kiss Jock. Babby fell back on a chair, and
catching a glimpse of the fool's face, she exclaimed, "O my
darling, my darling! O Neddy, Neddy, Neddy! " Flinging off
her cap, as she always did on occasions of great perplexity, she
seized him by the hands, and then sunk back, almost fainting, in
the chair.
"Silence, dear Babby! " said Ned, speaking in a whisper; "for
I want to astonish the old couple. How glad I am to see you!


## p. 9499 (#527) ###########################################

NORMAN MACLEOD
9499
Then
and they are all well, I know; and Freeman here, too! "
seizing the dog, he clasped him to his heart, while the brute
struggled with many an eager cry to kiss his old master's face.
Ned's impulse from the first was to rush into the parlor; but
he was restrained by that strange desire which all have experi-
enced in the immediate anticipation of some great joy,-to hold
it from us, as a parent does a child, before we seize it and clasp
it to our breast.
The small party, consisting of the captain, his wife, and Free-
man, were sitting round the parlor fire; Mrs. Fleming sewing,
and the others keeping up rather a dull conversation, as those
who felt, though they did not acknowledge, the presence of some-
thing at their hearts which hindered their usual freedom and
genial hilarity.
"Supper should be ready by this time," suggested the captain,
just as the scene between Ned and Babby was taking place in
the kitchen. "Babby and Skye seem busy: I shall ring, may I
not ? »
"If you please," said Mrs. Fleming; "but depend upon it,
Babby will cause no unnecessary delays. "
Babby speedily responded to the captain's ring. On entering
the room she burst into a fit of laughing. Mrs. Fleming put
down her work and looked at her servant as if she was mad.
"What do you mean, woman? " asked the captain with knit
brows: "I never saw you behave so before. "
"Maybe no. Ha! ha! ha! " said Babby; "but there's a queer
man wishing to speak wi' ye. " At this moment a violent ring
was heard from the door-bell.
-―― -
"A queer man-wishing to speak with me at this hour,"
muttered the captain, as if in utter perplexity.
Babby had retired to the lobby, and was ensconced, with her
apron in her mouth, in a corner near the kitchen. "You had
better open the door yersel'," cried Babby, smothering her laugh-
ter.
The captain, more puzzled than ever, went to the door, and
opening it was saluted with a gruff voice, saying, "I'm a poor
sailor, sir,—and knows you're an old salt, and have come to
see you, sir. "
"See me, sir! What do you want? " replied the captain
gruffly, as one whose kindness some impostor hoped to bene-
fit by.
-


## p. 9500 (#528) ###########################################

9500
NORMAN MACLEOD
"Wants nothing, sir," said the sailor, stepping near the captain.
A half-scream, half-laugh from Babby drew Mrs. Fleming and
Freeman to the lobby.
"You want nothing? What brings you to disturb me at this
hour of the night? Keep back, sir! ”
"Well, sir, seeing as how I sailed with Old Cairney, I thought
you would not refuse me a favor," replied the sailor in a hoarse
voice.
"Don't dare, sir," said the captain, "to come into my house
one step farther, till I know more about you. "
"Now, captain, don't be angry; you know as how that great
man Nelson expected every man to do his duty: all I want is
just to shake Mrs. Fleming by the hand, and then I go; that is,
if after that you want me for to go. "
"Mrs. Fleming! " exclaimed the captain, with the indignation
of a man who feels that the time has come for open war as
against a house-breaker. "If you dare — »
But Mrs. Fleming, seeing the rising storm, passed her husband
rapidly, and said to the supposed intruder, whom she assumed to
be a tipsy sailor, "There is my hand, if that's all you want: go
away now as you said, and don't breed any disturbance. "
But the sailor threw his arms around his mother, and Babby
rushed forward with a light; and then followed muffled cries
of "Mother! " "Father! " "Ned! " "My own boy! " "God be
praised! " until the lobby was emptied, and the parlor once more
alive with as joyous and thankful hearts as ever met in "hamlet
or in baron's ha'! "
HIGHLAND SCENERY
HER
ER great delight was in the scenery of that West Highland
country. Italy has its gorgeous beauty, and is a magnifi-
cent volume of poetry history, and art, superb within and
without, read by the light of golden sunsets. Switzerland is the
most perfect combination of beauty and grandeur; from its up-
lands with grass more green and closely shaven than an English
park; umbrageous with orchards; musical with rivulets; tinkling
with the bells of wandering cattle and flocks of goats; social with
picturesque villages gathered round the chapel spires-up to the
bare rocks and mighty cataracts of ice; until the eye rests on the


## p. 9501 (#529) ###########################################

NORMAN MACLEOD
9501
peaks of alabaster snow, clear and sharp in the intense blue of
the cloudless sky, which crown the whole marvelous picture with
awful grandeur! Norway too has its peculiar glory of fiords
worming their way like black water-snakes among gigantic mount-
ains, lofty precipices, or primeval forests. But the scenery of the
Western Highlands has a distinctive character of its own.