And by thy side she loyally will watch,
Mounted on these cherubim,
In sorrow pale or rosy joy,
A cheering, soothing genius.
Mounted on these cherubim,
In sorrow pale or rosy joy,
A cheering, soothing genius.
Warner - World's Best Literature - v16 - Lev to Mai
9520 (#548) ###########################################
9520
EMERICH MADÁCH
Lucifer-
Adam-
-
Adam-
―
Third Citizen.
Lucifer-
Adam-
-
Lucifer-
Adam
Lucifer-
-
――――
Adam-
Look thou upon this sword! It may by a hair's-breadth
Longer be or shorter, and yet remains the same
In substance. The door is opened thus to endless specula-
Adam-
Lucifer-
-
The holy teachings! They are your curse indeed,
When ye approach them unawares,
For ye turn, sharpen, split, and smooth
Them o'er so long, till they your phantoms
Or your chains become.
And though reason cannot grasp exact ideas,
Yet ye presumptuous men do always seek
To forge them to your harm.
-
tion;
For where is there limit pre-imposed?
'Tis true your feelings soon perceive the right
When change in greater things sets in. —
But why speak and myself exert? Speech
Is wearisome. Turn thou, survey the field thyself.
Friends, my troops are tired and shelter crave.
In the Capital of Christendom they will
Perchance not crave in vain.
The question is, whether as heretics.
Ye're not worse than infidels!
I stand aghast! But see what prince
Approaches from afar, so haughtily defiant?
The Patriarch successor to the Apostles.
And this barefoot, dirty mob
Which follows with malicious joy
In the captive's wake,
Feigning humility?
They are monks, Christian cynics.
I saw not such among my native hills.
You'll see them yet. Slowly, slowly
Spreads the curse of leprosy;
But beware how you dare insult
This people, so absolute in virtue and
Hence so hard to reconcile.
What virtue could adorn such folk as this?
Their worth is abnegation, poverty,
As practiced first by the Master on the Cross.
He saved a world by such humility;
While these cowards, like rebels,
Do but blaspheme the name of God,
In that they despise his gift.
## p. 9521 (#549) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
Lucifer-
Adam [facing the Patriarch]--
Who 'gainst gnats the weapons same would draw
That in the bear hunt he is wont to use
Is a fool.
Patriarch-
Monks
But if they in pious zeal, perchance,
Mistake the gnats for monstrous bears,
Have they then not the right to drive
To the very gates of hell
Those who life enjoy?
Father, we're battling for the Holy Grave,
And wearied from the way which we have come,
To rest within these walls we are denied.
Thou hast power here: help thou our cause.
Patriarch
Scale ye their walls, level them to the ground,
And spare ye neither woman, child, nor hoary head.
Adam The innocent! O father, this cannot be thy wish!
Patriarch-
My son, I have just now no time for petty things.
God's glory and my people's weal
Call higher aims now forth. I must away
To judge the heretics; who, like poisonous weeds,
Do grow and multiply, and whom hell
With force renewed upon us throws,
Even though we constant try with fire and sword
―
To root them out.
But if indeed ye be true Christian knights,
Why seek the Moor so far remote?
Here lurks a yet more dangerous foe.
Innocent is the serpent, too, while yet of tender growth
Or after its fangs are shed.
Yet sparest thou the snake?
Adam It must, in faith, have been a grievous sin
Which could such wrath from Christian love evoke.
O my son! not he shows love who feeds the flesh,
But he who leadeth back the erring soul,
At point of sword, or e'en through leaping flames.
If needs must be,- to Him who said:
Not peace but war do I proclaim!
That wicked sect interprets false
The mystic Trinity. .
XVI-596
―
Death upon them all!
There burns the funeral pile.
9521
## p. 9522 (#550) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9522
Adam-
An Old Heretic-
Patriarch-
My friend, give up the iota, pray:
Your inspired valor in fighting
For the Savior's grave will be
More fitting sacrifice than this.
One of the Monks-
Satan, tempt us not! We'll bleed
For our true faith where God ordains.
Ha, renegade! thou boastest of true faith?
Too long have we tarried here: away with them
To the funeral pyre, in honor of God!
The Old Heretic-
Lucifer-
In honor of God? Thou spakest well, O knave!
In honor of God are we indeed your prey.
Ye are strong, and can enforce your will
As ye may please. But whether ye have acted rightly
Heaven alone will judge. Even now is weighed,
At every hour, your vile career of crime.
New champions shall from our blood arise;
The idea lives triumphant on; and coming centuries
Shall the light reflect of flames that blaze to-day.
Friends, go we to our glorious martyrdom!
The Heretics [chanting in chorus] –
——
My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?
Why art thou so far from helping me
And from the words of my roaring?
O my God, I cry in the daytime, but thou
Hearest not; and in the night season,
And am not silent. But thou art holy!
(Psalm xxii. )
Plead my cause, O Lord, with them that strive with me;
Fight against them that fight against me;
Take hold of shield and buckler and stand up for mine help;
Draw out also the spear, and stop the way
Against them that persecute me.
Monks [breaking in]-
-
(Psalm xxxv. )
[In the interim the Patriarch and the procession go by. The monks with
tracts mingle among the Crusaders. ]
Why silent thus and horrified?
Dost hold this to be a tragedy?
Consider it a comedy, and 'twill make thee laugh.
## p. 9523 (#551) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9523
Adam-
Lucifer-
Adam-
Lucifer-
Adam-
Lucifer-
Nay, spare thy banter now! Can one
For a mere iota go firmly thus to death?
What then is the lofty and sublime?
That which to others may seem droll.
Only a hair divides these two ideas;
A voice in the heart alone may judge betwixt them,
And the mysterious judge is sympathy,
Which, blindly, at one time deifies,
Then with brutal scorn condemns to death.
Why must my eyes be witness of these varied sins?
The subtleties of proud science, and of sophistry!
That deadly poison wondrously so sipped
From the sweetest, gayest, freshest flowers?
I knew this flower once in the budding time
Of our oppressed faith. Where is the wanton hand
That ruthlessly destroyed it?
The wanton hand is victory,
Which wide-spread once, a thousand wishes wakes,
Danger allies, and martyrs makes,
And strength endues;
'Tis there among the heretics.
Verily, I'd cast away my sword and turn me
To my northern home, where, in the glades
Of the shadowy woods primeval,
Stern manliness, true artlessness yet dwell,
And the rancor of this smooth-tongued age defy.
I would return but for a voice that lisps
The constant message in my ears,
That I alone am called to re-create this world.
Love's labor lost; for unaided thou canst
Ne'er prevail against the ruling spirit of the age.
The course of time is a mighty stream,—
It buries thee or bears thee;
Nor canst thou hope to guide it,
But only swim adrift the tide.
Who in history immortal shine,
And wield uncommon power,
-
Knew well the time in which they lived,
Yet did not themselves the thought create.
Not because the cock crows does day dawn,
But the cock crows with the dawn of day;
Yonder those who, fettered, fly to face
The terrors of a death of martyrdom,
See scarce a step ahead.
## p. 9524 (#552) ###########################################
9524
EMERICH MADÁCH
A Monk in the centre of a crowd of Crusaders —
The Crusaders
Adam-
The thought but just conceived dawns in their midst
In the throes of death they hail so joyfully,—
The thought which by a care-free posterity
Will be inhaled with the air they breathe.
But leave thou this theme! Glance toward thy tent:
What unclean monks stroll about there?
What trade they drive, what speeches make
And gestures wild, insane?
Let's nearer draw, and hearken!
Adam
Here, father, here, give us
copy too!
Infamous trader, and still more wicked patrons,
Draw ye the sword and end this foul traffic!
Lucifer [confused]-
-
Lucifer-
Buy ye, brave warriors; neglect ye not
This manual of penance:
'Twill clear all doubt of conscience;
You'll learn therein much weighty mystery:
How many years in hell will burn
Each murderer, thief, and ravisher,
And he who doth our doctrines spurn;
It tells ye what the rich may buy
For a score or more of solidi;
And the poor for three alone
May swift obtain salvation's boon;
Whilst even he, to be quite fair,
Who such a sum cannot well spare,
May for a thousand lashes, mind,
Salvation bring upon his kind.
Buy ye, buy ye, this precious book!
I beg your pardon. This monk has long my partner been.
Not so deeply do I this world despise;
When praise of God soared high,
My homage also rose aloft,
Whilst thine remained becalmed.
Help me, O Lucifer! Away, away from here!
Lead back my future into past,
That I my fate no longer see,
Nor view a fruitless strife. Pray let me think
If wisdom is to thwart my destiny!
Awake then, Adam,-thy dream is o'er.
·
## p. 9525 (#553) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9525
FIFTEENTH SCENE
Scene: A garden of palms. Adam, young again, enters from his bower;
still half asleep, he looks about in astonishment. Lucifer stands in
the middle of the scene. It is a radiant day.
Ye weird scenes and haggard forms,
How have ye left me lone!
Joys and smiles greet now my path,
As once of yore before my heart was broken.
Lucifer-O boastful man, is it thy wish, perchance,
That Nature for thy sake her law should change,—
A star appoint to mark thy loss,
Or shake the earth because a worm has died?
Have I dreamed, or am I dreaming still?
And is our life aught but a dream at last
Which makes an inanimate mass to live
But for a moment, then lets it fade forever?
Oh why, why this brief glimpse of consciousness,
Only to view the terrors of annihilation?
Thou mournest? Only cowards bend
Their necks to yoke, and unresisting stand
When yet the blow may be averted.
But unmurmuring doth the strong man
Decipher the mystic runes eternal
Of his destiny, caring but to know
If he himself can thrive beneath their doom.
AD
DAM-
Adam
Lucifer-
The might of Fate controls the world's great course;
Thou art but a tool and blindly onward driven.
Adam Nay, nay, thou liest! for the will of man is free;
That at least I've well deserved,
-
And for it have resigned my Paradise!
My phantom dreams have taught me much;
Full many a madness have I left behind,
And now 'tis mine to choose another path.
Lucifer Ay, if forgetting and eternal hope
Were not to destiny so closely wed.
The one doth heal thy bleeding wounds,
The other closely screens abysmal depths,
And gives new courage, saying,—
Rash hundreds found a grave therein,
Thou shalt be the first safely to leap it o'er.
Hast thou not, scholar, full oft beheld
The many freaks and whims among
## p. 9526 (#554) ###########################################
9526
EMERICH MADÁCH
Adam
Eve-
The parasites that brood and breed
In cats and owls only,
But must pass in mice their earliest stage
Of slow development?
Not just the one or other mouse
Predestined is the claw to feel
Of cat or owl; who cautious is
May even both avoid, and keep
In ripe old age his nest and house.
A relentless hand doth yet provide
Just such a number for his foes
As its presence here on earth
Ages hence insures.
Nor is the human being bound,
And yet the race wears chains.
Zeal carries thee like a flood along:
To-day for this, for that to-morrow,
The funeral pyres will their victims claim,
And of scoffers there will be no lack;
While he who registers the count
Will be in wonder lost, that wanton fate
Should have maintained such rare consistency
In making, matching, marring,
In virtue, faith, and sin and death,
In suicide and lunacy.
Hold! An inspiration fires my brain;
I may then thee, Almighty God, defy.
Should fate but cry to life a thousand halts,
I'd laugh serene and die, should I so please.
Am I not lone and single in this world?
Before me frowns that cliff, beneath whose base
Yawns the dark abysmal gulf.
One leap, the final scene, and I shall cry—
Farewell, the farce at last is ended!
[Adam approaches the cliff, as Eve appears. ]
Lucifer Ended! What simple-minded phrases!
Is not each moment end and
Beginning too? Alas! and but for this
Hast thou surveyed millennial years to come?
I pray thee, Adam, why didst steal off from me?
Thy last cold kiss still chills my heart;
And even now, sorrow or anger sits
Upon thy brow; I shrink from thee!
## p. 9527 (#555) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
Adam [going on]-
Eve-
Adam
Eve-
--
God-
Why follow me? Why dog my footsteps?
The ruler of creation, man,
Adam
Has weightier things to do
Than waste in sportive love his days.
Woman understands not; is a burden only.
[Softening]-
Oh, why didst thou not longer slumber?
Far harder now the sacrifice will be
That I for future ages offer must.
Shouldst hear me, lord, 'twill easier be:
What doubtful was, is now assured,—
The future.
Adam [sinking upon his knee] —
How now?
The hope my lips thus fain would lisp
Will lift the cloud and clear thy brow.
Come then a little nearer, pray!
O Adam, hear: I am a mother.
Thou hast conquered me, O Lord!
Behold, in the dust I lie.
God [appearing, surrounded by angels]—
Lucifer [aside]-
Without thee as against thee I strive in vain;
Thou mayest raise me up or strike me down,—
I bare my heart and soul before thee.
Adam, rise, and be thou not cast down.
Behold, I take thee back to me,
Reconciled by my saving grace.
9527
Family scenes are not my specialty.
They may affect the heart,
But the mind shrinks from such monotony;
[About to go.
Methinks I'll slink away.
Lucifer! I'll have a word with thee,- remain!
And thou, my son, confess what troubles thee.
Fearful images haunted me, O Lord,
And what was true therein I cannot tell;
Intrust to me, I beg, I supplicate,
The mystery of all my future state.
Is there naught else besides this narrow life
Which, becoming clarified like wine,
Thou mayest spill with every whim of thine,
And dust may drink it?
Or didst thou mean the soul for higher things?
## p. 9528 (#556) ###########################################
9528
EMERICH MADÁCH
Will further toil and forward stride my kind,
Still growing nobler, till we perfection find
Near thine almighty Throne ?
Or drudge to death like some blind treadmill-horse
Without the hope of ever changing course?
Doth noble striving meet with just reward,
When he who for ideals gives his blood
Is mocked at by a soulless throng?
Enlighten me; grateful will I bear my lot:
I can but win by such exchange,
For this suspense is hell.
Seek not to solve the mystery
Which Godly grace and sense benign
Hath screened from human sight.
If thou couldst see that transient is
The soul's sojourn upon this world,
And that it upward soars
To life unending, in the great beyond,-
Sorrow would no virtue be.
If dust absorbed thy soul alike,
What would spur thee on to thought?
Who would prompt thee to resign
Thy grosser joys for virtue fine?
Whilst now, though burdened with life,
Thy future beckons from afar,
Shimmering through the clouds
And lifting thee to higher spheres.
And should, at times, this pride thy heart inflame,
Thy span of life will soon control thy pace,
And nobleness and virtue reign supreme.
Lucifer [laughing derisively] —
Verily, glory floods the paths you tread,
Since greatness, virtue, are to lead thee on.
Two words which only pass in blessed deed
When superstition, ignorance, and prejudice
Keep constant guard and company. -
Why did I ever seek to work out great ideas
Through man, of dust and sunbeams formed,
So dwarfed in knowledge, in blind error so gigantic?
Cease thy scorn, O Lucifer! cease thy scorn!
I saw full well thy wisdom's edifice,
Wherein my heart felt only chilled;
But, gracious God, who shall sustain me now
And lead me onward in the paths of right,
God-
Adam
## p. 9529 (#557) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9529
God-
Since thou didst withdraw the hand that guided me,
Before I tasted fruit of idle knowledge?
Strong is thine arm, full thy heart of lofty thoughts;
The field is boundless where thou seed shouldst sow.
Give thou but heed! A voice shall ceaseless call thee back,
Or constant speed thee on:
Follow its lead. And if at times
This heavenly sound be hushed in midst the whirl
Of thine eventful years, the purer soul
Of woman, unselfish, pure, and gentle,
Will surely hear it, and thrilled by woman's love,
Thy soul shall soar in Poetry and Song!
And by thy side she loyally will watch,
Mounted on these cherubim,
In sorrow pale or rosy joy,
A cheering, soothing genius.
Thou too, O Lucifer, a link but art
In my wide universe; so labor on!
Thy frosty knowledge and thy mad denial
Will cause, like yeast, the mind to effervesce.
E'en though it turns him from the beaten track,
It matters not. He'll soon return;
But endless shall thy penance be,
Since thou art ever doomed to see
How beauty buds and virtue sprouts
From the seed thou wouldst have spoiled.
Chorus of Angels
Choice between the good and evil,
Wondrous thought, sublime decision!
Still to know that thou art shielded
By a gracious God's provision.
For the right, then, be thou steadfast,
Though thou labor without meed;
Thy reward shall be the knowledge
Thou hast done a noble deed.
Greatness grows in goodness only;
Shame will keep the good man just,
And the fear of shame uplifts him,
While the mean man crawls in dust.
But when treading paths exalted,
This blind error cherish not,-
## p. 9530 (#558) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9530
That the glory thou achievest
Adds to God's a single jot:
God-
For he needs not thy assistance
To accomplish his designs;
Be thou thankful if he calls thee
And a task to thee assigns.
Eve-
Praise be to God, I understand this song.
Adam-I divine the message and submit to its decree.
Ah, could I only the distant end foresee!
I have ordained, O man,—
Struggle thou and trust!
Translated for 'A Library of the World's Best Literature by G. A. Kohut.
## p. 9530 (#559) ###########################################
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## p. 9531 (#563) ###########################################
9531
JAMES MADISON
(1751-1836)
HE writings of James Madison were designed to serve the
ends of practical politics. Yet, despite the absence of a lit-
erary motive, they possess qualities which entitle them to
a permanent place in American literature. Madison's papers in the
Federalist, for example, are models of political essay-writing.
James Madison was the son of a wealthy planter of Orange
County, Virginia, and was born at Port Conway, March 16th, 1751.
He was graduated at Princeton in 1772. Two years later, at the
age of twenty-three, he was appointed a member of the Committee
of Public Safety for Orange County; and thenceforward, with a few
unimportant interruptions, took an active part in politics until 1817,
when, at the close of his second term as President of the United
States, he retired permanently from public life.
His first notable publication was a paper entitled 'A Memorial
and Remonstrance,' addressed to the General Assembly of Virginia.
It appeared in 1785, and was directed against a bill providing for a
tax "for the support of teachers of the Christian religion," the vote
on which in the Legislature he had with difficulty been able to post-
pone. Copies of the paper were distributed throughout the State, with
the result that in the next election religious freedom was made a test
question. In the session of the Legislature which followed the elec-
tion the obnoxious bill was defeated, and in place thereof was enacted
the bill establishing religious freedom offered by Jefferson seven years
before. The Religious Freedom Act disestablished the Episcopal
Church in Virginia, and abolished religious tests for public office.
Madison's chief work both as a constructive statesman and as a
publicist was done in connection with the Constitutional Convention
of 1787. The epithet "Father of the Constitution," sometimes applied
to him, is not undeserved, inasmuch as he was the author of the
leading features of that instrument. In common with others, he
had for some time seen the impossibility of maintaining an effective
government under the Articles of Confederation. With the thorough-
ness characteristic of his nature, he had made a study of ancient and
modern confederacies,— including; as his notes show, the Lycian, the
Amphictyonic, the Achæan, the Helvetic, the Belgic, and the Ger-
man,— with a view to discovering the proper remedy for the defects
## p. 9532 (#564) ###########################################
9532
JAMES MADISON
in the Articles of Confederation. Before the convention met, he laid
before his colleagues of the Virginia delegation the outlines of the
scheme of government that was presented to the convention as the
"Virginia plan. " This plan was introduced at the beginning of
the convention by Edmund Randolph, who, by virtue of his office as
governor of Virginia, was regarded as the member most fit to speak
for the delegation; but its chief supporter in the debate which fol-
lowed was Madison. The fundamental defect of the government
created by the Articles of Confederation was that it operated on
States only, not upon individuals. The delegates to the Continental
Congress were envoys from sovereign States rather than members
of a legislative body. They might deliberate and advise, but had
no means of enforcing their decisions. Thus they were empowered
to determine the share of the expenses of the general government
which each State should pay, but were unable to coerce a delinquent
State. The Virginia plan contemplated a government essentially the
same as that created by the Constitution; with this difference, that it
provided for representation according to population, both in the upper
and in the lower house of the legislature. The hand of Madison is
also seen in some of the provisions of the Constitution which were
not contained in the Virginia plan. Thus, for instance, he was the
author of the famous compromise in accordance with which, for
purposes of direct taxation and of representation, five slaves were
counted as three persons.
During the convention Madison kept a journal of its debates, which
forms the chief authority for the deliberations of that historic body.
This journal, together with his notes on the proceedings of the Con-
tinental Congress from November 1782 to February 1783, was pur-
chased by the government after his death; both have been published
by order of Congress under the title of 'The Madison Papers. ' It
may here be noted also that the remainder of his writings, including
his correspondence, speeches, etc. , from 1769 to 1836, have been pub-
lished by the government in a separate work, entitled 'Writings of
James Madison. '
After the adjournment of the convention Madison devoted his
energies toward securing the ratification of the Constitution. He not
only successfully opposed the eloquence and prestige of Patrick Henry
and Richard Henry Lee in the Virginia ratifying convention, but also
wrote with Hamilton and Jay that series of essays, appearing origi-
nally in certain New York newspapers, which has been preserved in
book form under the title of The Federalist'; and which, though
intended primarily to influence the action of the extremely doubtful
State of New York, served to reinforce the arguments of the advo-
cates of ratification in other States also.
## p. 9533 (#565) ###########################################
JAMES MADISON
9533
'The Federalist' is composed of eighty-five essays; of which, ac-
cording to the memorandum made by Madison, he wrote twenty-nine,
Hamilton fifty-one, and Jay five,-one or two being written jointly.
It discussed the utility of the proposed union, the inefficiency of the
existing Confederation, the necessity of a government at least equally
energetic with the one proposed, the conformity of the Constitution to
the true principles of republican government, its analogy to the State
constitutions, and the additional security which its adoption would give
to liberty and property. Madison's papers defined republican govern-
ment, and surveyed the powers vested in the Union, the relations
between the Federal and State governments, the distribution of power
among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of the govern-
ment, and the structure of the legislative department; taking up in
conjunction with the last-mentioned subject most of the vital ques-
tions, both theoretical and practical, connected with representative
institutions.
Madison wrote in the style that prevailed at the close of the
eighteenth century. His language, while occasionally involved and
heavy with orotund Latin derivatives, is rhythmical, dignified, and
impressive. His writings have no imagination, wit, or humor; but
the absence of these qualities is atoned for by clearness, sincerity,
and aptness of illustration. Possessed of depth and genuineness of
feeling coupled with an extraordinary power of logical exposition, he
was considered by Jefferson, some years after the adoption of the
Constitution, to be the only writer in the Republican party capable of
opposing Alexander Hamilton, the Federalist "colossus of debate. "
At the opening of the First Congress, Madison took his seat in
the House of Representatives, the influence of Henry and the Anti-
Federalists in the Virginia State Legislature having prevented his
election to the Senate. In the differentiation of parties occasioned by
Hamilton's nationalizing financial policy, Madison allied himself with
the Republicans and became the leader of the opposition in the
House. His change of attitude from that of an extreme nationalist
to that of an extreme States-rights man was no doubt due in large
part to the influence of his friend and intimate Thomas Jefferson.
No two documents can be more dissimilar than the Virginia plan,
which would have invested Congress with a veto on State legislation,
and the famous Virginia Resolutions of 1789 and 1799, of which Mad-
ison was the author. However, his inconsistency was perhaps more
apparent than real; for having once given in his adhesion to the
Constitution, it was perfectly logical to desire a strict construction of
that instrument to preserve the balance struck in it between the
State and Federal governments.
-
On the inauguration of Jefferson as President in 1801, Madison
accepted the Secretaryship of State. It was while holding this office
## p. 9534 (#566) ###########################################
9534
JAMES MADISON
that he wrote the pamphlet 'An Examination of the British Doctrine
which Subjects to Capture a Neutral Trade not Open in Time of
Peace. ' At the close of Jefferson's second term, March 4th, 1809,
Madison became President. He had been to his predecessor an able
and efficient lieutenant. He was, however, a scholar rather than a
man of action; and it was his misfortune that his administration fell
in a period which required more than ordinary talents of leadership,
and those of a different stamp from his own. His conduct of the
War of 1812 was weak and hesitating, and added nothing to the glory
of his previous career. He retired at the expiration of his second
term in 1817 to Montpelier, his country seat in Virginia, where he
died June 28th, 1836.
FROM THE FEDERALIST'
AN OBJECTION DRAWN FROM THE EXTENT OF COUNTRY ANSWERED
WⓇ
E HAVE seen the necessity of the Union, as our bulwark
against foreign danger; as the conservator of peace among
ourselves; as the guardian of our commerce, and other
common interests; as the only substitute for those military estab-
lishments which have subverted the liberties of the Old World;
and as the proper antidote for the diseases of faction, which have
proved fatal to other popular governments, and of which alarm-
ing symptoms have been betrayed by our own. All that remains,
within this branch of our inquiries, is to take notice of an objec-
tion that may be drawn from the great extent of country which
the Union embraces. A few observations on this subject will be
the more proper, as it is perceived that the adversaries of the
new Constitution are availing themselves of a prevailing prejudice
with regard to the practicable sphere of republican administra-
tion, in order to supply, by imaginary difficulties, the want of
those solid objections which they endeavor in vain to find.
I
The error which limits republican government to a narrow
district has been unfolded and refuted in preceding papers.
remark here only, that it seems to owe its rise and prevalence
chiefly to the confounding of a republic with a democracy, and
applying to the former, reasonings drawn from the nature of
the latter. The true distinction between these forms was also
adverted to on a former occasion. It is, that in a democracy the
people meet and exercise the government in person; in a repub-
lic they assemble and administer it by their representatives and
## p. 9535 (#567) ###########################################
JAMES MADISON
9535
agents.
A democracy, consequently, must be confined to a small
spot. A republic may be extended over a large region.
To this accidental source of the error may be added the
artifice of some celebrated authors whose writings have had a
great share in forming the modern standard of political opinions.
Being subjects either of an absolute or limited monarchy, they
have endeavored to heighten the advantages or palliate the evils
of those forms, by placing in comparison with them the vices
and defects of the republican; and by citing, as specimens of the
latter, the turbulent democracies of ancient Greece and modern
Italy. Under the confusion of names, it has been an easy task
to transfer to a republic, observations applicable to a democracy
only; and among others, the observation that it can never be
established but among a small number of people, living within a
small compass of territory.
Such a fallacy may have been the less perceived, as most
of the popular governments of antiquity were of the democratic
species; and even in modern Europe, to which we owe the great
principle of representation, no example is seen of a government
wholly popular and founded at the same time wholly on that
principle. If Europe has the merit of discovering this great
mechanical power in government, by the simple agency of which
the will of the largest political body may be concentred, and its
force directed to any object which the public good requires,
America can claim the merit of making the discovery the basis
of unmixed and extensive republics. It is only to be lamented,
that any of her citizens should wish to deprive her of the addi-
tional merit of displaying its full efficacy in the establishment of
the comprehensive system now under her consideration.
As the natural limit of a democracy is that distance from the
central point which will just permit the most remote citizens to
assemble as often as their public functions demand, and will
include no greater number than can join in those functions, so
the natural limit of a republic is that distance from the centre
which will barely allow the representatives of the people to meet
as often as may be necessary for the administration of public
affairs. Can it be said that the limits of the United States ex-
ceed this distance? It will not be said by those who recollect
that the Atlantic coast is the longest side of the Union; that dur-
ing the term of thirteen years, the representatives of the States
have been almost continually assembled; and that the members
## p. 9536 (#568) ###########################################
9536
JAMES MADISON
from the most distant States are not chargeable with greater
intermissions of attendance than those from the States in the
neighborhood of Congress.
That we may form a juster estimate with regard to this inter-
esting subject, let us resort to the actual dimensions of the
Union. The limits, as fixed by the treaty of peace, are—on the
east the Atlantic, on the south the latitude of thirty-one degrees,
on the west the Mississippi, and on the north an irregular line
running in some instances beyond the forty-fifth degree, in oth-
ers falling as low as the forty-second. The southern shore of
Lake Erie lies below that latitude. Computing the distance be-
tween the thirty-first and forty-fifth degrees, it amounts to nine
hundred and seventy-three common miles; computing it from
thirty-one to forty-two degrees, to seven hundred and sixty-four
miles and a half. Taking the mean for the distance, the amount
will be eight hundred and sixty-eight miles and three fourths.
The mean distance from the Atlantic to the Mississippi does not
probably exceed seven hundred and fifty miles. On a comparison
of this extent with that of several countries in Europe, the prac-
ticability of rendering our system commensurate to it appears
to be demonstrable. It is not a great deal larger than Ger
many, where a diet representing the whole empire is continually
assembled; or than Poland before the late dismemberment, where
another national diet was the depository of the supreme power.
Passing by France and Spain, we find that in Great Britain,
inferior as it may be in size, the representatives of the northern
extremity of the island have as far to travel to the national
council as will be required of those of the most remote parts of
the Union.
Favorable as this view of the subject may be, some observa-
tions remain which will place it in a light still more satisfactory.
In the first place, it is to be remembered that the general
government is not to be charged with the whole power of mak-
ing and administering laws: its jurisdiction is limited to cer-
tain enumerated objects, which concern all the members of the
republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate pro-
visions of any.
The subordinate governments, which can extend
their care to all those other objects which can be separately pro-
vided for, will retain their due authority and activity. Were it
proposed by the plan of the convention to abolish the govern-
ments of the particular States, its adversaries would have some
## p. 9537 (#569) ###########################################
JAMES MADISON
9537
ground for their objection; though it would not be difficult to
show that if they were abolished, the general government would
be compelled, by the principle of self-preservation, to reinstate
them in their proper jurisdiction.
A second observation to be made is, that the immediate ob-
ject of the Federal Constitution is to secure the union of the
thirteen primitive States, which we know to be practicable; and
to add to them such other States as may arise in their own
bosoms, or in their neighborhoods, which we cannot doubt to
be equally practicable. The arrangements that may be neces-
sary for those angles and fractions of our territory which lie on
our northwestern frontier must be left to those whom further
discoveries and experience will render more equal to the task.
Let it be remarked, in the third place, that the intercourse
throughout the Union will be daily facilitated by new improve-
ments. Roads will everywhere be shortened, and kept in bet-
ter order; accommodations for travelers will be multiplied and
meliorated; an interior navigation on our eastern side will be
opened throughout, or nearly throughout, the whole extent of the
thirteen States. The communication between the western and
Atlantic districts, and between different parts of each, will be
rendered more and more easy by those numerous canals with
which the beneficence of nature has intersected our country, and
which art finds it so little difficult to connect and complete.
A fourth and still more important consideration is, that as
almost every State will on one side or other be a frontier,
and will thus find, in a regard to its safety, an inducement to
make some sacrifices for the sake of general protection, so the
States which lie at the greatest distance from the heart of the
union, and which of course may partake least of the ordinary
circulation of its benefits, will be at the same time immediately
contiguous to foreign nations, and will consequently stand, on par-
ticular occasions, in greatest need of its strength and resources.
It may be inconvenient for Georgia, or the States forming our
western or northeastern borders, to send their representatives to
the seat of government; but they would find it more so to strug-
gle alone against an invading enemy, or even to support alone
the whole expense of those precautions which may be dictated
by the neighborhood of continual danger. If they should derive
less benefit therefore from the union, in some respects, than the
less distant States, they will derive greater benefit from it in
XVI-597
## p. 9538 (#570) ###########################################
9538
JAMES MADISON
other respects; and thus the proper equilibrium will be main-
tained throughout.
I submit to you, my fellow-citizens, these considerations, in full
confidence that the good sense which has so often marked your
decisions will allow them their due weight and effect; and that
you will never suffer difficulties, however formidable in appear-
ance, or however fashionable the error on which they may be
founded, to drive you into the gloomy and perilous scenes into
which the advocates for disunion would conduct you. Hearken
not to the unnatural voice which tells you that the people of
America, knit together as they are by so many chords of affec-
tion, can no longer live together as members of the same fam-
ily; can no longer continue the mutual guardians of their mutual
happiness; can no longer be fellow-citizens of one great, respect-
able, and flourishing empire. Hearken not to the voice which
petulantly tells you that the form of government recommended
for your adoption is a novelty in the political world; that it has
never yet had a place in the theories of the wildest projectors;
that it rashly attempts what it is impossible to accomplish. No,
my countrymen: shut your ears against this unhallowed language.
Shut your hearts against the poison which it conveys. The kin-
dred blood which flows in the veins of American citizens, the
mingled blood which they have shed in defense of their sacred
rights, consecrate their union, and excite horror at the idea of
their becoming aliens, rivals, enemies. And if novelties are to
be shunned, believe me, the most alarming of all novelties, the
most wild of all projects, the most rash of all attempts, is that
of rending us in pieces in order to preserve our liberties and
promote our happiness.
But why is the experiment of an extended republic to be
rejected, merely because it may comprise what is new? Is it not
the glory of the people of America, that whilst they have paid a
decent regard to the opinions of former times and other nations,
they have not suffered a blind veneration for antiquity, for cus-
tom, or for names, to overrule the suggestions of their own
good sense, the knowledge of their own situation, and the les-
sons of their own experience? To this manly spirit, posterity will
be indebted for the possession, and the world for the example,
of the numerous innovations displayed on the American thea-
tre in favor of private rights and public happiness. Had no
important step been taken by the leaders of the Revolution for
## p. 9539 (#571) ###########################################
JAMES MADISON
9539
which a precedent could not be discovered,- no government
established of which an exact model did not present itself,- the
people of the United States might at this moment have been
numbered among the melancholy victims of misguided councils;
must at best have been laboring under the weight of some of
those forms which have crushed the liberties of the rest of man-
kind. Happily for America,-happily, we trust, for the whole.
human race, they pursued a new and more noble course. They
accomplished a revolution which has no parallel in the annals of
human society. They reared the fabrics of governments which
have no model on the face of the globe. They formed the
design of a great confederacy, which it is incumbent on their suc-
cessors to improve and perpetuate. If their works betray imper-
fections, we wonder at the fewness of them. If they erred most.
in the structure of the union, this was the work most difficult to
be executed; this is the work which has been new modeled by
the act of your convention, and it is that act on which you are
now to deliberate and to decide.
—
INTERFERENCE TO QUELL DOMESTIC INSURRECTION
From The Federalist'
Α'
T FIRST view, it might seem not to square with the repub-
lican theory to suppose either that a majority have not the
right, or that a minority will have the force, to subvert a
government; and consequently, that the federal interposition can.
never be required but when it would be improper. But theoretic
reasoning, in this as in most other cases, must be qualified by
the lessons of practice. Why may not illicit combinations, for
purposes of violence, be formed as well by a majority of a State,
especially a small State, as by a majority of a county or a dis-
trict of the same State; and if the authority of the State ought
in the latter case to protect the local magistracy, ought not the
Federal authority, in the former, to support the State authority?
Besides, there are certain parts of the State constitutions which
are so interwoven with the federal Constitution, that a violent
blow cannot be given to the one without communicating the
wound to the other. Insurrections in a State will rarely induce
a federal interposition, unless the number concerned in them.
bear some proportion to the friends of government. It will be
## p. 9540 (#572) ###########################################
9540
JAMES MADISON
much better that the violence in such cases should be repressed
by the superintending power, than that the majority should be
left to maintain their cause by a bloody and obstinate contest.
The existence of a right to interpose will generally prevent the
necessity of exerting it.
Is it true that force and right are necessarily on the same side
in republican governments? May not the minor party possess
such a superiority of pecuniary resources, of military talents and
experience, or of secret succors from foreign powers, as will ren-
der it superior also in an appeal to the sword? May not a more
compact and advantageous position turn the scale on the same
side, against a superior number so situated as to be less capable
of a prompt and collected exertion of its strength? Nothing can
be more chimerical than to imagine that in a trial of actual force,
victory may be calculated by the rules which prevail in a census
of the inhabitants, or which determine the event of an election!
May it not happen, in fine, that the minority of citizens may
become a majority of persons, by the accession of alien residents,
of a casual concourse of adventurers, or of those whom the con-
stitution of the State has not admitted to the rights of suffrage?
I take no notice of an unhappy species of population abounding in
some of the States, who, during the calm of regular government,
are sunk below the level of men; but who, in the tempestuous
scenes of civil violence, may emerge into the human character,
and give a superiority of strength to any party with which they
may associate themselves.
In cases where it may be doubtful on which side justice lies,
what better umpires could be desired by two violent factions, fly-
ing to arms and tearing a State to pieces, than the representatives
of confederate States not heated by the local flame? To the
impartiality of judges they would unite the affection of friends.
Happy would it be if such a remedy for its infirmities could be
enjoyed by all free governments; if a project equally effectual
could be established for the universal peace of mankind!
Should it be asked, what is to be the redress for an insurrec-
tion pervading all the States, and comprising a superiority of the
entire force, though not a constitutional right,- the answer must
be that such a case, as it would be without the compass of human
remedies, so it is fortunately not within the compass of human
probability; and that it is a sufficient recommendation of the
federal Constitution, that it diminishes the risk of a calamity for
which no possible constitution can provide a cure.
## p. 9541 (#573) ###########################################
9541
MAURICE MAETERLINCK
(1864-)
BY WILLIAM SHARP
NE of the most remarkable, one of the most widely known of
the younger writers of the day, Maurice Maeterlinck, is still
little more than a name to the majority of people, even
among those who nominally follow closely every new expression of
the contemporary spirit. Some, following the example of his ultra-
enthusiastic French pioneer, M. Octave Mirbeau, have made for him
the high claim of genius; others have gone
to the opposite extreme, and denied his pos-
session of any qualities save a morbid fan-
tasy in drama, or of a mystical intensity in
spiritual philosophy.
That Maurice Maeterlinck is in every
sense of the word a most notable person-
ality in contemporary literature is not to
be denied; whether we like or dislike his
peculiar methods in the dramatic presenta-
tion of his vision of life, or understand or
sympathize with his uncompromising posi-
tion as a mystic of the kindred of Sweden-
borg, Jakob Boehme, or that Ruysbroeck of
whom he has been the modern interpreter.
It is undeniable, now, that the great vogue prophesied for the Maeter-
linckian drama has not been fulfilled. Possibly the day may come
when the Drame Intime may have a public following to justify the
hopes of those who believe in it; but that time has not come yet.
Meanwhile, we have to be content with dramas of the mind enacted
against mental tapestries, so to say, or with shifting backgrounds.
among the dream vistas and perspectives of the mind. For although
several of M. Maeterlinck's poetic plays have been set upon the
stage, rather as puppet plays than in the sense commonly meant,-
their success has been one of curiosity rather than of conviction.
Even the most impressive has seemed much less so when subjected
to the conditions of stage representation; and it is almost impossible
to understand how certain of them could avoid exciting that sense
MAURICE MAETERLINCK
## p. 9542 (#574) ###########################################
9542
MAURICE MAETERLINCK
of incongruity which is fatal to a keen impression of verisimilitude.
Even compositions so decorative as 'The Seven Princesses,' or that
strange drama 'The Blind,' are infinitely more impressive when read
than when seen; and this because they are, like all else of Mae-
terlinck's, merely the embodiment in words, and in a pseudo-dramatic
formula, of spiritual allegories or dreams. There were many who
thought that his short drama 'The Intruder' more than stood the
test of stage representation. I have seen 'L'Intruse' twice, and
given with all the skill and interpretative sympathy possible, both
in Paris and London; and yet I have not for a moment found in its
stage representation anything to approach the convincing and inti-
mate appeal, so simple and yet so subtle and weird, afforded in the
perusal of the original.
We have, however, no longer to consider Maurice Maeterlinck
merely as a dramatist, or perhaps I should say as a writer in dra-
matic form. He began as a poet, and as a writer of a very strange
piece of fiction; and now, and for some time past, his work has been
that of a spiritual interpreter, of an essayist, and of a mystic.
Mooris Mäterlinck-for it was not till he was of age that he
adopted the Gallicized "Maurice Maeterlinck "—was born in Flanders,
and is himself racially as well as mentally and spiritually a Fleming
of the Flemings. He has all the physical endurance, the rough bod-
ily type, of his countrymen; but he has also their quiet intensity of
feeling, their sense of dream and mystery. His earliest influences in
literature were French and English: the French of writers such as
Villiers de L'Isle-Adam, the English of writers such as Shakespeare
and the Elizabethan dramatists. When, as little more than a youth,
he went to Paris, it was mainly in the hope of discipleship to the
great Villiers. It was while in Paris that he wrote one of his earliest
and to this day one of his most remarkable productions, the short
story entitled 'The Massacre of the Innocents,'- a study so remark-
able that it at once attracted the attention of the few who closely
follow every new manifestation of literary talent. In this strange
tale, Maeterlinck has attempted to depict the Biblical story after the
manner of those Dutch and Flemish painters who represented with
unflinching contemporary realism all their scenes based upon Script-
ural episodes that is to say, who represented every scene, however
Oriental or remote, in accordance with Dutch or Flemish customs,
habits, dress, etc.
9520
EMERICH MADÁCH
Lucifer-
Adam-
-
Adam-
―
Third Citizen.
Lucifer-
Adam-
-
Lucifer-
Adam
Lucifer-
-
――――
Adam-
Look thou upon this sword! It may by a hair's-breadth
Longer be or shorter, and yet remains the same
In substance. The door is opened thus to endless specula-
Adam-
Lucifer-
-
The holy teachings! They are your curse indeed,
When ye approach them unawares,
For ye turn, sharpen, split, and smooth
Them o'er so long, till they your phantoms
Or your chains become.
And though reason cannot grasp exact ideas,
Yet ye presumptuous men do always seek
To forge them to your harm.
-
tion;
For where is there limit pre-imposed?
'Tis true your feelings soon perceive the right
When change in greater things sets in. —
But why speak and myself exert? Speech
Is wearisome. Turn thou, survey the field thyself.
Friends, my troops are tired and shelter crave.
In the Capital of Christendom they will
Perchance not crave in vain.
The question is, whether as heretics.
Ye're not worse than infidels!
I stand aghast! But see what prince
Approaches from afar, so haughtily defiant?
The Patriarch successor to the Apostles.
And this barefoot, dirty mob
Which follows with malicious joy
In the captive's wake,
Feigning humility?
They are monks, Christian cynics.
I saw not such among my native hills.
You'll see them yet. Slowly, slowly
Spreads the curse of leprosy;
But beware how you dare insult
This people, so absolute in virtue and
Hence so hard to reconcile.
What virtue could adorn such folk as this?
Their worth is abnegation, poverty,
As practiced first by the Master on the Cross.
He saved a world by such humility;
While these cowards, like rebels,
Do but blaspheme the name of God,
In that they despise his gift.
## p. 9521 (#549) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
Lucifer-
Adam [facing the Patriarch]--
Who 'gainst gnats the weapons same would draw
That in the bear hunt he is wont to use
Is a fool.
Patriarch-
Monks
But if they in pious zeal, perchance,
Mistake the gnats for monstrous bears,
Have they then not the right to drive
To the very gates of hell
Those who life enjoy?
Father, we're battling for the Holy Grave,
And wearied from the way which we have come,
To rest within these walls we are denied.
Thou hast power here: help thou our cause.
Patriarch
Scale ye their walls, level them to the ground,
And spare ye neither woman, child, nor hoary head.
Adam The innocent! O father, this cannot be thy wish!
Patriarch-
My son, I have just now no time for petty things.
God's glory and my people's weal
Call higher aims now forth. I must away
To judge the heretics; who, like poisonous weeds,
Do grow and multiply, and whom hell
With force renewed upon us throws,
Even though we constant try with fire and sword
―
To root them out.
But if indeed ye be true Christian knights,
Why seek the Moor so far remote?
Here lurks a yet more dangerous foe.
Innocent is the serpent, too, while yet of tender growth
Or after its fangs are shed.
Yet sparest thou the snake?
Adam It must, in faith, have been a grievous sin
Which could such wrath from Christian love evoke.
O my son! not he shows love who feeds the flesh,
But he who leadeth back the erring soul,
At point of sword, or e'en through leaping flames.
If needs must be,- to Him who said:
Not peace but war do I proclaim!
That wicked sect interprets false
The mystic Trinity. .
XVI-596
―
Death upon them all!
There burns the funeral pile.
9521
## p. 9522 (#550) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9522
Adam-
An Old Heretic-
Patriarch-
My friend, give up the iota, pray:
Your inspired valor in fighting
For the Savior's grave will be
More fitting sacrifice than this.
One of the Monks-
Satan, tempt us not! We'll bleed
For our true faith where God ordains.
Ha, renegade! thou boastest of true faith?
Too long have we tarried here: away with them
To the funeral pyre, in honor of God!
The Old Heretic-
Lucifer-
In honor of God? Thou spakest well, O knave!
In honor of God are we indeed your prey.
Ye are strong, and can enforce your will
As ye may please. But whether ye have acted rightly
Heaven alone will judge. Even now is weighed,
At every hour, your vile career of crime.
New champions shall from our blood arise;
The idea lives triumphant on; and coming centuries
Shall the light reflect of flames that blaze to-day.
Friends, go we to our glorious martyrdom!
The Heretics [chanting in chorus] –
——
My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?
Why art thou so far from helping me
And from the words of my roaring?
O my God, I cry in the daytime, but thou
Hearest not; and in the night season,
And am not silent. But thou art holy!
(Psalm xxii. )
Plead my cause, O Lord, with them that strive with me;
Fight against them that fight against me;
Take hold of shield and buckler and stand up for mine help;
Draw out also the spear, and stop the way
Against them that persecute me.
Monks [breaking in]-
-
(Psalm xxxv. )
[In the interim the Patriarch and the procession go by. The monks with
tracts mingle among the Crusaders. ]
Why silent thus and horrified?
Dost hold this to be a tragedy?
Consider it a comedy, and 'twill make thee laugh.
## p. 9523 (#551) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9523
Adam-
Lucifer-
Adam-
Lucifer-
Adam-
Lucifer-
Nay, spare thy banter now! Can one
For a mere iota go firmly thus to death?
What then is the lofty and sublime?
That which to others may seem droll.
Only a hair divides these two ideas;
A voice in the heart alone may judge betwixt them,
And the mysterious judge is sympathy,
Which, blindly, at one time deifies,
Then with brutal scorn condemns to death.
Why must my eyes be witness of these varied sins?
The subtleties of proud science, and of sophistry!
That deadly poison wondrously so sipped
From the sweetest, gayest, freshest flowers?
I knew this flower once in the budding time
Of our oppressed faith. Where is the wanton hand
That ruthlessly destroyed it?
The wanton hand is victory,
Which wide-spread once, a thousand wishes wakes,
Danger allies, and martyrs makes,
And strength endues;
'Tis there among the heretics.
Verily, I'd cast away my sword and turn me
To my northern home, where, in the glades
Of the shadowy woods primeval,
Stern manliness, true artlessness yet dwell,
And the rancor of this smooth-tongued age defy.
I would return but for a voice that lisps
The constant message in my ears,
That I alone am called to re-create this world.
Love's labor lost; for unaided thou canst
Ne'er prevail against the ruling spirit of the age.
The course of time is a mighty stream,—
It buries thee or bears thee;
Nor canst thou hope to guide it,
But only swim adrift the tide.
Who in history immortal shine,
And wield uncommon power,
-
Knew well the time in which they lived,
Yet did not themselves the thought create.
Not because the cock crows does day dawn,
But the cock crows with the dawn of day;
Yonder those who, fettered, fly to face
The terrors of a death of martyrdom,
See scarce a step ahead.
## p. 9524 (#552) ###########################################
9524
EMERICH MADÁCH
A Monk in the centre of a crowd of Crusaders —
The Crusaders
Adam-
The thought but just conceived dawns in their midst
In the throes of death they hail so joyfully,—
The thought which by a care-free posterity
Will be inhaled with the air they breathe.
But leave thou this theme! Glance toward thy tent:
What unclean monks stroll about there?
What trade they drive, what speeches make
And gestures wild, insane?
Let's nearer draw, and hearken!
Adam
Here, father, here, give us
copy too!
Infamous trader, and still more wicked patrons,
Draw ye the sword and end this foul traffic!
Lucifer [confused]-
-
Lucifer-
Buy ye, brave warriors; neglect ye not
This manual of penance:
'Twill clear all doubt of conscience;
You'll learn therein much weighty mystery:
How many years in hell will burn
Each murderer, thief, and ravisher,
And he who doth our doctrines spurn;
It tells ye what the rich may buy
For a score or more of solidi;
And the poor for three alone
May swift obtain salvation's boon;
Whilst even he, to be quite fair,
Who such a sum cannot well spare,
May for a thousand lashes, mind,
Salvation bring upon his kind.
Buy ye, buy ye, this precious book!
I beg your pardon. This monk has long my partner been.
Not so deeply do I this world despise;
When praise of God soared high,
My homage also rose aloft,
Whilst thine remained becalmed.
Help me, O Lucifer! Away, away from here!
Lead back my future into past,
That I my fate no longer see,
Nor view a fruitless strife. Pray let me think
If wisdom is to thwart my destiny!
Awake then, Adam,-thy dream is o'er.
·
## p. 9525 (#553) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9525
FIFTEENTH SCENE
Scene: A garden of palms. Adam, young again, enters from his bower;
still half asleep, he looks about in astonishment. Lucifer stands in
the middle of the scene. It is a radiant day.
Ye weird scenes and haggard forms,
How have ye left me lone!
Joys and smiles greet now my path,
As once of yore before my heart was broken.
Lucifer-O boastful man, is it thy wish, perchance,
That Nature for thy sake her law should change,—
A star appoint to mark thy loss,
Or shake the earth because a worm has died?
Have I dreamed, or am I dreaming still?
And is our life aught but a dream at last
Which makes an inanimate mass to live
But for a moment, then lets it fade forever?
Oh why, why this brief glimpse of consciousness,
Only to view the terrors of annihilation?
Thou mournest? Only cowards bend
Their necks to yoke, and unresisting stand
When yet the blow may be averted.
But unmurmuring doth the strong man
Decipher the mystic runes eternal
Of his destiny, caring but to know
If he himself can thrive beneath their doom.
AD
DAM-
Adam
Lucifer-
The might of Fate controls the world's great course;
Thou art but a tool and blindly onward driven.
Adam Nay, nay, thou liest! for the will of man is free;
That at least I've well deserved,
-
And for it have resigned my Paradise!
My phantom dreams have taught me much;
Full many a madness have I left behind,
And now 'tis mine to choose another path.
Lucifer Ay, if forgetting and eternal hope
Were not to destiny so closely wed.
The one doth heal thy bleeding wounds,
The other closely screens abysmal depths,
And gives new courage, saying,—
Rash hundreds found a grave therein,
Thou shalt be the first safely to leap it o'er.
Hast thou not, scholar, full oft beheld
The many freaks and whims among
## p. 9526 (#554) ###########################################
9526
EMERICH MADÁCH
Adam
Eve-
The parasites that brood and breed
In cats and owls only,
But must pass in mice their earliest stage
Of slow development?
Not just the one or other mouse
Predestined is the claw to feel
Of cat or owl; who cautious is
May even both avoid, and keep
In ripe old age his nest and house.
A relentless hand doth yet provide
Just such a number for his foes
As its presence here on earth
Ages hence insures.
Nor is the human being bound,
And yet the race wears chains.
Zeal carries thee like a flood along:
To-day for this, for that to-morrow,
The funeral pyres will their victims claim,
And of scoffers there will be no lack;
While he who registers the count
Will be in wonder lost, that wanton fate
Should have maintained such rare consistency
In making, matching, marring,
In virtue, faith, and sin and death,
In suicide and lunacy.
Hold! An inspiration fires my brain;
I may then thee, Almighty God, defy.
Should fate but cry to life a thousand halts,
I'd laugh serene and die, should I so please.
Am I not lone and single in this world?
Before me frowns that cliff, beneath whose base
Yawns the dark abysmal gulf.
One leap, the final scene, and I shall cry—
Farewell, the farce at last is ended!
[Adam approaches the cliff, as Eve appears. ]
Lucifer Ended! What simple-minded phrases!
Is not each moment end and
Beginning too? Alas! and but for this
Hast thou surveyed millennial years to come?
I pray thee, Adam, why didst steal off from me?
Thy last cold kiss still chills my heart;
And even now, sorrow or anger sits
Upon thy brow; I shrink from thee!
## p. 9527 (#555) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
Adam [going on]-
Eve-
Adam
Eve-
--
God-
Why follow me? Why dog my footsteps?
The ruler of creation, man,
Adam
Has weightier things to do
Than waste in sportive love his days.
Woman understands not; is a burden only.
[Softening]-
Oh, why didst thou not longer slumber?
Far harder now the sacrifice will be
That I for future ages offer must.
Shouldst hear me, lord, 'twill easier be:
What doubtful was, is now assured,—
The future.
Adam [sinking upon his knee] —
How now?
The hope my lips thus fain would lisp
Will lift the cloud and clear thy brow.
Come then a little nearer, pray!
O Adam, hear: I am a mother.
Thou hast conquered me, O Lord!
Behold, in the dust I lie.
God [appearing, surrounded by angels]—
Lucifer [aside]-
Without thee as against thee I strive in vain;
Thou mayest raise me up or strike me down,—
I bare my heart and soul before thee.
Adam, rise, and be thou not cast down.
Behold, I take thee back to me,
Reconciled by my saving grace.
9527
Family scenes are not my specialty.
They may affect the heart,
But the mind shrinks from such monotony;
[About to go.
Methinks I'll slink away.
Lucifer! I'll have a word with thee,- remain!
And thou, my son, confess what troubles thee.
Fearful images haunted me, O Lord,
And what was true therein I cannot tell;
Intrust to me, I beg, I supplicate,
The mystery of all my future state.
Is there naught else besides this narrow life
Which, becoming clarified like wine,
Thou mayest spill with every whim of thine,
And dust may drink it?
Or didst thou mean the soul for higher things?
## p. 9528 (#556) ###########################################
9528
EMERICH MADÁCH
Will further toil and forward stride my kind,
Still growing nobler, till we perfection find
Near thine almighty Throne ?
Or drudge to death like some blind treadmill-horse
Without the hope of ever changing course?
Doth noble striving meet with just reward,
When he who for ideals gives his blood
Is mocked at by a soulless throng?
Enlighten me; grateful will I bear my lot:
I can but win by such exchange,
For this suspense is hell.
Seek not to solve the mystery
Which Godly grace and sense benign
Hath screened from human sight.
If thou couldst see that transient is
The soul's sojourn upon this world,
And that it upward soars
To life unending, in the great beyond,-
Sorrow would no virtue be.
If dust absorbed thy soul alike,
What would spur thee on to thought?
Who would prompt thee to resign
Thy grosser joys for virtue fine?
Whilst now, though burdened with life,
Thy future beckons from afar,
Shimmering through the clouds
And lifting thee to higher spheres.
And should, at times, this pride thy heart inflame,
Thy span of life will soon control thy pace,
And nobleness and virtue reign supreme.
Lucifer [laughing derisively] —
Verily, glory floods the paths you tread,
Since greatness, virtue, are to lead thee on.
Two words which only pass in blessed deed
When superstition, ignorance, and prejudice
Keep constant guard and company. -
Why did I ever seek to work out great ideas
Through man, of dust and sunbeams formed,
So dwarfed in knowledge, in blind error so gigantic?
Cease thy scorn, O Lucifer! cease thy scorn!
I saw full well thy wisdom's edifice,
Wherein my heart felt only chilled;
But, gracious God, who shall sustain me now
And lead me onward in the paths of right,
God-
Adam
## p. 9529 (#557) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9529
God-
Since thou didst withdraw the hand that guided me,
Before I tasted fruit of idle knowledge?
Strong is thine arm, full thy heart of lofty thoughts;
The field is boundless where thou seed shouldst sow.
Give thou but heed! A voice shall ceaseless call thee back,
Or constant speed thee on:
Follow its lead. And if at times
This heavenly sound be hushed in midst the whirl
Of thine eventful years, the purer soul
Of woman, unselfish, pure, and gentle,
Will surely hear it, and thrilled by woman's love,
Thy soul shall soar in Poetry and Song!
And by thy side she loyally will watch,
Mounted on these cherubim,
In sorrow pale or rosy joy,
A cheering, soothing genius.
Thou too, O Lucifer, a link but art
In my wide universe; so labor on!
Thy frosty knowledge and thy mad denial
Will cause, like yeast, the mind to effervesce.
E'en though it turns him from the beaten track,
It matters not. He'll soon return;
But endless shall thy penance be,
Since thou art ever doomed to see
How beauty buds and virtue sprouts
From the seed thou wouldst have spoiled.
Chorus of Angels
Choice between the good and evil,
Wondrous thought, sublime decision!
Still to know that thou art shielded
By a gracious God's provision.
For the right, then, be thou steadfast,
Though thou labor without meed;
Thy reward shall be the knowledge
Thou hast done a noble deed.
Greatness grows in goodness only;
Shame will keep the good man just,
And the fear of shame uplifts him,
While the mean man crawls in dust.
But when treading paths exalted,
This blind error cherish not,-
## p. 9530 (#558) ###########################################
EMERICH MADÁCH
9530
That the glory thou achievest
Adds to God's a single jot:
God-
For he needs not thy assistance
To accomplish his designs;
Be thou thankful if he calls thee
And a task to thee assigns.
Eve-
Praise be to God, I understand this song.
Adam-I divine the message and submit to its decree.
Ah, could I only the distant end foresee!
I have ordained, O man,—
Struggle thou and trust!
Translated for 'A Library of the World's Best Literature by G. A. Kohut.
## p. 9530 (#559) ###########################################
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## p. 9531 (#563) ###########################################
9531
JAMES MADISON
(1751-1836)
HE writings of James Madison were designed to serve the
ends of practical politics. Yet, despite the absence of a lit-
erary motive, they possess qualities which entitle them to
a permanent place in American literature. Madison's papers in the
Federalist, for example, are models of political essay-writing.
James Madison was the son of a wealthy planter of Orange
County, Virginia, and was born at Port Conway, March 16th, 1751.
He was graduated at Princeton in 1772. Two years later, at the
age of twenty-three, he was appointed a member of the Committee
of Public Safety for Orange County; and thenceforward, with a few
unimportant interruptions, took an active part in politics until 1817,
when, at the close of his second term as President of the United
States, he retired permanently from public life.
His first notable publication was a paper entitled 'A Memorial
and Remonstrance,' addressed to the General Assembly of Virginia.
It appeared in 1785, and was directed against a bill providing for a
tax "for the support of teachers of the Christian religion," the vote
on which in the Legislature he had with difficulty been able to post-
pone. Copies of the paper were distributed throughout the State, with
the result that in the next election religious freedom was made a test
question. In the session of the Legislature which followed the elec-
tion the obnoxious bill was defeated, and in place thereof was enacted
the bill establishing religious freedom offered by Jefferson seven years
before. The Religious Freedom Act disestablished the Episcopal
Church in Virginia, and abolished religious tests for public office.
Madison's chief work both as a constructive statesman and as a
publicist was done in connection with the Constitutional Convention
of 1787. The epithet "Father of the Constitution," sometimes applied
to him, is not undeserved, inasmuch as he was the author of the
leading features of that instrument. In common with others, he
had for some time seen the impossibility of maintaining an effective
government under the Articles of Confederation. With the thorough-
ness characteristic of his nature, he had made a study of ancient and
modern confederacies,— including; as his notes show, the Lycian, the
Amphictyonic, the Achæan, the Helvetic, the Belgic, and the Ger-
man,— with a view to discovering the proper remedy for the defects
## p. 9532 (#564) ###########################################
9532
JAMES MADISON
in the Articles of Confederation. Before the convention met, he laid
before his colleagues of the Virginia delegation the outlines of the
scheme of government that was presented to the convention as the
"Virginia plan. " This plan was introduced at the beginning of
the convention by Edmund Randolph, who, by virtue of his office as
governor of Virginia, was regarded as the member most fit to speak
for the delegation; but its chief supporter in the debate which fol-
lowed was Madison. The fundamental defect of the government
created by the Articles of Confederation was that it operated on
States only, not upon individuals. The delegates to the Continental
Congress were envoys from sovereign States rather than members
of a legislative body. They might deliberate and advise, but had
no means of enforcing their decisions. Thus they were empowered
to determine the share of the expenses of the general government
which each State should pay, but were unable to coerce a delinquent
State. The Virginia plan contemplated a government essentially the
same as that created by the Constitution; with this difference, that it
provided for representation according to population, both in the upper
and in the lower house of the legislature. The hand of Madison is
also seen in some of the provisions of the Constitution which were
not contained in the Virginia plan. Thus, for instance, he was the
author of the famous compromise in accordance with which, for
purposes of direct taxation and of representation, five slaves were
counted as three persons.
During the convention Madison kept a journal of its debates, which
forms the chief authority for the deliberations of that historic body.
This journal, together with his notes on the proceedings of the Con-
tinental Congress from November 1782 to February 1783, was pur-
chased by the government after his death; both have been published
by order of Congress under the title of 'The Madison Papers. ' It
may here be noted also that the remainder of his writings, including
his correspondence, speeches, etc. , from 1769 to 1836, have been pub-
lished by the government in a separate work, entitled 'Writings of
James Madison. '
After the adjournment of the convention Madison devoted his
energies toward securing the ratification of the Constitution. He not
only successfully opposed the eloquence and prestige of Patrick Henry
and Richard Henry Lee in the Virginia ratifying convention, but also
wrote with Hamilton and Jay that series of essays, appearing origi-
nally in certain New York newspapers, which has been preserved in
book form under the title of The Federalist'; and which, though
intended primarily to influence the action of the extremely doubtful
State of New York, served to reinforce the arguments of the advo-
cates of ratification in other States also.
## p. 9533 (#565) ###########################################
JAMES MADISON
9533
'The Federalist' is composed of eighty-five essays; of which, ac-
cording to the memorandum made by Madison, he wrote twenty-nine,
Hamilton fifty-one, and Jay five,-one or two being written jointly.
It discussed the utility of the proposed union, the inefficiency of the
existing Confederation, the necessity of a government at least equally
energetic with the one proposed, the conformity of the Constitution to
the true principles of republican government, its analogy to the State
constitutions, and the additional security which its adoption would give
to liberty and property. Madison's papers defined republican govern-
ment, and surveyed the powers vested in the Union, the relations
between the Federal and State governments, the distribution of power
among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of the govern-
ment, and the structure of the legislative department; taking up in
conjunction with the last-mentioned subject most of the vital ques-
tions, both theoretical and practical, connected with representative
institutions.
Madison wrote in the style that prevailed at the close of the
eighteenth century. His language, while occasionally involved and
heavy with orotund Latin derivatives, is rhythmical, dignified, and
impressive. His writings have no imagination, wit, or humor; but
the absence of these qualities is atoned for by clearness, sincerity,
and aptness of illustration. Possessed of depth and genuineness of
feeling coupled with an extraordinary power of logical exposition, he
was considered by Jefferson, some years after the adoption of the
Constitution, to be the only writer in the Republican party capable of
opposing Alexander Hamilton, the Federalist "colossus of debate. "
At the opening of the First Congress, Madison took his seat in
the House of Representatives, the influence of Henry and the Anti-
Federalists in the Virginia State Legislature having prevented his
election to the Senate. In the differentiation of parties occasioned by
Hamilton's nationalizing financial policy, Madison allied himself with
the Republicans and became the leader of the opposition in the
House. His change of attitude from that of an extreme nationalist
to that of an extreme States-rights man was no doubt due in large
part to the influence of his friend and intimate Thomas Jefferson.
No two documents can be more dissimilar than the Virginia plan,
which would have invested Congress with a veto on State legislation,
and the famous Virginia Resolutions of 1789 and 1799, of which Mad-
ison was the author. However, his inconsistency was perhaps more
apparent than real; for having once given in his adhesion to the
Constitution, it was perfectly logical to desire a strict construction of
that instrument to preserve the balance struck in it between the
State and Federal governments.
-
On the inauguration of Jefferson as President in 1801, Madison
accepted the Secretaryship of State. It was while holding this office
## p. 9534 (#566) ###########################################
9534
JAMES MADISON
that he wrote the pamphlet 'An Examination of the British Doctrine
which Subjects to Capture a Neutral Trade not Open in Time of
Peace. ' At the close of Jefferson's second term, March 4th, 1809,
Madison became President. He had been to his predecessor an able
and efficient lieutenant. He was, however, a scholar rather than a
man of action; and it was his misfortune that his administration fell
in a period which required more than ordinary talents of leadership,
and those of a different stamp from his own. His conduct of the
War of 1812 was weak and hesitating, and added nothing to the glory
of his previous career. He retired at the expiration of his second
term in 1817 to Montpelier, his country seat in Virginia, where he
died June 28th, 1836.
FROM THE FEDERALIST'
AN OBJECTION DRAWN FROM THE EXTENT OF COUNTRY ANSWERED
WⓇ
E HAVE seen the necessity of the Union, as our bulwark
against foreign danger; as the conservator of peace among
ourselves; as the guardian of our commerce, and other
common interests; as the only substitute for those military estab-
lishments which have subverted the liberties of the Old World;
and as the proper antidote for the diseases of faction, which have
proved fatal to other popular governments, and of which alarm-
ing symptoms have been betrayed by our own. All that remains,
within this branch of our inquiries, is to take notice of an objec-
tion that may be drawn from the great extent of country which
the Union embraces. A few observations on this subject will be
the more proper, as it is perceived that the adversaries of the
new Constitution are availing themselves of a prevailing prejudice
with regard to the practicable sphere of republican administra-
tion, in order to supply, by imaginary difficulties, the want of
those solid objections which they endeavor in vain to find.
I
The error which limits republican government to a narrow
district has been unfolded and refuted in preceding papers.
remark here only, that it seems to owe its rise and prevalence
chiefly to the confounding of a republic with a democracy, and
applying to the former, reasonings drawn from the nature of
the latter. The true distinction between these forms was also
adverted to on a former occasion. It is, that in a democracy the
people meet and exercise the government in person; in a repub-
lic they assemble and administer it by their representatives and
## p. 9535 (#567) ###########################################
JAMES MADISON
9535
agents.
A democracy, consequently, must be confined to a small
spot. A republic may be extended over a large region.
To this accidental source of the error may be added the
artifice of some celebrated authors whose writings have had a
great share in forming the modern standard of political opinions.
Being subjects either of an absolute or limited monarchy, they
have endeavored to heighten the advantages or palliate the evils
of those forms, by placing in comparison with them the vices
and defects of the republican; and by citing, as specimens of the
latter, the turbulent democracies of ancient Greece and modern
Italy. Under the confusion of names, it has been an easy task
to transfer to a republic, observations applicable to a democracy
only; and among others, the observation that it can never be
established but among a small number of people, living within a
small compass of territory.
Such a fallacy may have been the less perceived, as most
of the popular governments of antiquity were of the democratic
species; and even in modern Europe, to which we owe the great
principle of representation, no example is seen of a government
wholly popular and founded at the same time wholly on that
principle. If Europe has the merit of discovering this great
mechanical power in government, by the simple agency of which
the will of the largest political body may be concentred, and its
force directed to any object which the public good requires,
America can claim the merit of making the discovery the basis
of unmixed and extensive republics. It is only to be lamented,
that any of her citizens should wish to deprive her of the addi-
tional merit of displaying its full efficacy in the establishment of
the comprehensive system now under her consideration.
As the natural limit of a democracy is that distance from the
central point which will just permit the most remote citizens to
assemble as often as their public functions demand, and will
include no greater number than can join in those functions, so
the natural limit of a republic is that distance from the centre
which will barely allow the representatives of the people to meet
as often as may be necessary for the administration of public
affairs. Can it be said that the limits of the United States ex-
ceed this distance? It will not be said by those who recollect
that the Atlantic coast is the longest side of the Union; that dur-
ing the term of thirteen years, the representatives of the States
have been almost continually assembled; and that the members
## p. 9536 (#568) ###########################################
9536
JAMES MADISON
from the most distant States are not chargeable with greater
intermissions of attendance than those from the States in the
neighborhood of Congress.
That we may form a juster estimate with regard to this inter-
esting subject, let us resort to the actual dimensions of the
Union. The limits, as fixed by the treaty of peace, are—on the
east the Atlantic, on the south the latitude of thirty-one degrees,
on the west the Mississippi, and on the north an irregular line
running in some instances beyond the forty-fifth degree, in oth-
ers falling as low as the forty-second. The southern shore of
Lake Erie lies below that latitude. Computing the distance be-
tween the thirty-first and forty-fifth degrees, it amounts to nine
hundred and seventy-three common miles; computing it from
thirty-one to forty-two degrees, to seven hundred and sixty-four
miles and a half. Taking the mean for the distance, the amount
will be eight hundred and sixty-eight miles and three fourths.
The mean distance from the Atlantic to the Mississippi does not
probably exceed seven hundred and fifty miles. On a comparison
of this extent with that of several countries in Europe, the prac-
ticability of rendering our system commensurate to it appears
to be demonstrable. It is not a great deal larger than Ger
many, where a diet representing the whole empire is continually
assembled; or than Poland before the late dismemberment, where
another national diet was the depository of the supreme power.
Passing by France and Spain, we find that in Great Britain,
inferior as it may be in size, the representatives of the northern
extremity of the island have as far to travel to the national
council as will be required of those of the most remote parts of
the Union.
Favorable as this view of the subject may be, some observa-
tions remain which will place it in a light still more satisfactory.
In the first place, it is to be remembered that the general
government is not to be charged with the whole power of mak-
ing and administering laws: its jurisdiction is limited to cer-
tain enumerated objects, which concern all the members of the
republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate pro-
visions of any.
The subordinate governments, which can extend
their care to all those other objects which can be separately pro-
vided for, will retain their due authority and activity. Were it
proposed by the plan of the convention to abolish the govern-
ments of the particular States, its adversaries would have some
## p. 9537 (#569) ###########################################
JAMES MADISON
9537
ground for their objection; though it would not be difficult to
show that if they were abolished, the general government would
be compelled, by the principle of self-preservation, to reinstate
them in their proper jurisdiction.
A second observation to be made is, that the immediate ob-
ject of the Federal Constitution is to secure the union of the
thirteen primitive States, which we know to be practicable; and
to add to them such other States as may arise in their own
bosoms, or in their neighborhoods, which we cannot doubt to
be equally practicable. The arrangements that may be neces-
sary for those angles and fractions of our territory which lie on
our northwestern frontier must be left to those whom further
discoveries and experience will render more equal to the task.
Let it be remarked, in the third place, that the intercourse
throughout the Union will be daily facilitated by new improve-
ments. Roads will everywhere be shortened, and kept in bet-
ter order; accommodations for travelers will be multiplied and
meliorated; an interior navigation on our eastern side will be
opened throughout, or nearly throughout, the whole extent of the
thirteen States. The communication between the western and
Atlantic districts, and between different parts of each, will be
rendered more and more easy by those numerous canals with
which the beneficence of nature has intersected our country, and
which art finds it so little difficult to connect and complete.
A fourth and still more important consideration is, that as
almost every State will on one side or other be a frontier,
and will thus find, in a regard to its safety, an inducement to
make some sacrifices for the sake of general protection, so the
States which lie at the greatest distance from the heart of the
union, and which of course may partake least of the ordinary
circulation of its benefits, will be at the same time immediately
contiguous to foreign nations, and will consequently stand, on par-
ticular occasions, in greatest need of its strength and resources.
It may be inconvenient for Georgia, or the States forming our
western or northeastern borders, to send their representatives to
the seat of government; but they would find it more so to strug-
gle alone against an invading enemy, or even to support alone
the whole expense of those precautions which may be dictated
by the neighborhood of continual danger. If they should derive
less benefit therefore from the union, in some respects, than the
less distant States, they will derive greater benefit from it in
XVI-597
## p. 9538 (#570) ###########################################
9538
JAMES MADISON
other respects; and thus the proper equilibrium will be main-
tained throughout.
I submit to you, my fellow-citizens, these considerations, in full
confidence that the good sense which has so often marked your
decisions will allow them their due weight and effect; and that
you will never suffer difficulties, however formidable in appear-
ance, or however fashionable the error on which they may be
founded, to drive you into the gloomy and perilous scenes into
which the advocates for disunion would conduct you. Hearken
not to the unnatural voice which tells you that the people of
America, knit together as they are by so many chords of affec-
tion, can no longer live together as members of the same fam-
ily; can no longer continue the mutual guardians of their mutual
happiness; can no longer be fellow-citizens of one great, respect-
able, and flourishing empire. Hearken not to the voice which
petulantly tells you that the form of government recommended
for your adoption is a novelty in the political world; that it has
never yet had a place in the theories of the wildest projectors;
that it rashly attempts what it is impossible to accomplish. No,
my countrymen: shut your ears against this unhallowed language.
Shut your hearts against the poison which it conveys. The kin-
dred blood which flows in the veins of American citizens, the
mingled blood which they have shed in defense of their sacred
rights, consecrate their union, and excite horror at the idea of
their becoming aliens, rivals, enemies. And if novelties are to
be shunned, believe me, the most alarming of all novelties, the
most wild of all projects, the most rash of all attempts, is that
of rending us in pieces in order to preserve our liberties and
promote our happiness.
But why is the experiment of an extended republic to be
rejected, merely because it may comprise what is new? Is it not
the glory of the people of America, that whilst they have paid a
decent regard to the opinions of former times and other nations,
they have not suffered a blind veneration for antiquity, for cus-
tom, or for names, to overrule the suggestions of their own
good sense, the knowledge of their own situation, and the les-
sons of their own experience? To this manly spirit, posterity will
be indebted for the possession, and the world for the example,
of the numerous innovations displayed on the American thea-
tre in favor of private rights and public happiness. Had no
important step been taken by the leaders of the Revolution for
## p. 9539 (#571) ###########################################
JAMES MADISON
9539
which a precedent could not be discovered,- no government
established of which an exact model did not present itself,- the
people of the United States might at this moment have been
numbered among the melancholy victims of misguided councils;
must at best have been laboring under the weight of some of
those forms which have crushed the liberties of the rest of man-
kind. Happily for America,-happily, we trust, for the whole.
human race, they pursued a new and more noble course. They
accomplished a revolution which has no parallel in the annals of
human society. They reared the fabrics of governments which
have no model on the face of the globe. They formed the
design of a great confederacy, which it is incumbent on their suc-
cessors to improve and perpetuate. If their works betray imper-
fections, we wonder at the fewness of them. If they erred most.
in the structure of the union, this was the work most difficult to
be executed; this is the work which has been new modeled by
the act of your convention, and it is that act on which you are
now to deliberate and to decide.
—
INTERFERENCE TO QUELL DOMESTIC INSURRECTION
From The Federalist'
Α'
T FIRST view, it might seem not to square with the repub-
lican theory to suppose either that a majority have not the
right, or that a minority will have the force, to subvert a
government; and consequently, that the federal interposition can.
never be required but when it would be improper. But theoretic
reasoning, in this as in most other cases, must be qualified by
the lessons of practice. Why may not illicit combinations, for
purposes of violence, be formed as well by a majority of a State,
especially a small State, as by a majority of a county or a dis-
trict of the same State; and if the authority of the State ought
in the latter case to protect the local magistracy, ought not the
Federal authority, in the former, to support the State authority?
Besides, there are certain parts of the State constitutions which
are so interwoven with the federal Constitution, that a violent
blow cannot be given to the one without communicating the
wound to the other. Insurrections in a State will rarely induce
a federal interposition, unless the number concerned in them.
bear some proportion to the friends of government. It will be
## p. 9540 (#572) ###########################################
9540
JAMES MADISON
much better that the violence in such cases should be repressed
by the superintending power, than that the majority should be
left to maintain their cause by a bloody and obstinate contest.
The existence of a right to interpose will generally prevent the
necessity of exerting it.
Is it true that force and right are necessarily on the same side
in republican governments? May not the minor party possess
such a superiority of pecuniary resources, of military talents and
experience, or of secret succors from foreign powers, as will ren-
der it superior also in an appeal to the sword? May not a more
compact and advantageous position turn the scale on the same
side, against a superior number so situated as to be less capable
of a prompt and collected exertion of its strength? Nothing can
be more chimerical than to imagine that in a trial of actual force,
victory may be calculated by the rules which prevail in a census
of the inhabitants, or which determine the event of an election!
May it not happen, in fine, that the minority of citizens may
become a majority of persons, by the accession of alien residents,
of a casual concourse of adventurers, or of those whom the con-
stitution of the State has not admitted to the rights of suffrage?
I take no notice of an unhappy species of population abounding in
some of the States, who, during the calm of regular government,
are sunk below the level of men; but who, in the tempestuous
scenes of civil violence, may emerge into the human character,
and give a superiority of strength to any party with which they
may associate themselves.
In cases where it may be doubtful on which side justice lies,
what better umpires could be desired by two violent factions, fly-
ing to arms and tearing a State to pieces, than the representatives
of confederate States not heated by the local flame? To the
impartiality of judges they would unite the affection of friends.
Happy would it be if such a remedy for its infirmities could be
enjoyed by all free governments; if a project equally effectual
could be established for the universal peace of mankind!
Should it be asked, what is to be the redress for an insurrec-
tion pervading all the States, and comprising a superiority of the
entire force, though not a constitutional right,- the answer must
be that such a case, as it would be without the compass of human
remedies, so it is fortunately not within the compass of human
probability; and that it is a sufficient recommendation of the
federal Constitution, that it diminishes the risk of a calamity for
which no possible constitution can provide a cure.
## p. 9541 (#573) ###########################################
9541
MAURICE MAETERLINCK
(1864-)
BY WILLIAM SHARP
NE of the most remarkable, one of the most widely known of
the younger writers of the day, Maurice Maeterlinck, is still
little more than a name to the majority of people, even
among those who nominally follow closely every new expression of
the contemporary spirit. Some, following the example of his ultra-
enthusiastic French pioneer, M. Octave Mirbeau, have made for him
the high claim of genius; others have gone
to the opposite extreme, and denied his pos-
session of any qualities save a morbid fan-
tasy in drama, or of a mystical intensity in
spiritual philosophy.
That Maurice Maeterlinck is in every
sense of the word a most notable person-
ality in contemporary literature is not to
be denied; whether we like or dislike his
peculiar methods in the dramatic presenta-
tion of his vision of life, or understand or
sympathize with his uncompromising posi-
tion as a mystic of the kindred of Sweden-
borg, Jakob Boehme, or that Ruysbroeck of
whom he has been the modern interpreter.
It is undeniable, now, that the great vogue prophesied for the Maeter-
linckian drama has not been fulfilled. Possibly the day may come
when the Drame Intime may have a public following to justify the
hopes of those who believe in it; but that time has not come yet.
Meanwhile, we have to be content with dramas of the mind enacted
against mental tapestries, so to say, or with shifting backgrounds.
among the dream vistas and perspectives of the mind. For although
several of M. Maeterlinck's poetic plays have been set upon the
stage, rather as puppet plays than in the sense commonly meant,-
their success has been one of curiosity rather than of conviction.
Even the most impressive has seemed much less so when subjected
to the conditions of stage representation; and it is almost impossible
to understand how certain of them could avoid exciting that sense
MAURICE MAETERLINCK
## p. 9542 (#574) ###########################################
9542
MAURICE MAETERLINCK
of incongruity which is fatal to a keen impression of verisimilitude.
Even compositions so decorative as 'The Seven Princesses,' or that
strange drama 'The Blind,' are infinitely more impressive when read
than when seen; and this because they are, like all else of Mae-
terlinck's, merely the embodiment in words, and in a pseudo-dramatic
formula, of spiritual allegories or dreams. There were many who
thought that his short drama 'The Intruder' more than stood the
test of stage representation. I have seen 'L'Intruse' twice, and
given with all the skill and interpretative sympathy possible, both
in Paris and London; and yet I have not for a moment found in its
stage representation anything to approach the convincing and inti-
mate appeal, so simple and yet so subtle and weird, afforded in the
perusal of the original.
We have, however, no longer to consider Maurice Maeterlinck
merely as a dramatist, or perhaps I should say as a writer in dra-
matic form. He began as a poet, and as a writer of a very strange
piece of fiction; and now, and for some time past, his work has been
that of a spiritual interpreter, of an essayist, and of a mystic.
Mooris Mäterlinck-for it was not till he was of age that he
adopted the Gallicized "Maurice Maeterlinck "—was born in Flanders,
and is himself racially as well as mentally and spiritually a Fleming
of the Flemings. He has all the physical endurance, the rough bod-
ily type, of his countrymen; but he has also their quiet intensity of
feeling, their sense of dream and mystery. His earliest influences in
literature were French and English: the French of writers such as
Villiers de L'Isle-Adam, the English of writers such as Shakespeare
and the Elizabethan dramatists. When, as little more than a youth,
he went to Paris, it was mainly in the hope of discipleship to the
great Villiers. It was while in Paris that he wrote one of his earliest
and to this day one of his most remarkable productions, the short
story entitled 'The Massacre of the Innocents,'- a study so remark-
able that it at once attracted the attention of the few who closely
follow every new manifestation of literary talent. In this strange
tale, Maeterlinck has attempted to depict the Biblical story after the
manner of those Dutch and Flemish painters who represented with
unflinching contemporary realism all their scenes based upon Script-
ural episodes that is to say, who represented every scene, however
Oriental or remote, in accordance with Dutch or Flemish customs,
habits, dress, etc.
