No More Learning

THE FEELINGS OF AN ARTIST
From M. Poirier's Son-in-Law›
POIR
OIRIER [alone] - How vexatious he is, that son-in-law of mine!
and there's no way to get rid of him. He'll die a noble-
man, for he will do nothing and he is good for nothing.
-There's no end to the money he costs me. -
He is master
of my house. .
I'll put a stop to it. [He rings. Enter a serv-
ant. ] Send up the porter and the cook. We shall see my son-
in-law! I have set up my back. I've unsheathed my velvet
II-64


## p. 1010 (#436) ###########################################

1010
ÉMILE AUGIER
paws. You will make no concessions, eh, my fine gentleman?
Take your comfort! I will not yield either: you may remain
marquis, and I will again become a bourgeois. At least I'll have
the pleasure of living to my fancy.
The Porter-Monsieur has sent for me?
Poirier - Yes, François, Monsieur has sent for you. You can
put the sign on the door at once.
The Porter-The sign?
Poirier "To let immediately, a magnificent apartment on the
first floor, with stables and carriage houses. "
The Porter-The apartment of Monsieur le Marquis?
Poirier - You have said it, François.
The Porter-But Monsieur le Marquis has not given the order.
Poirier - Who is the master here, donkey? Who owns this
mansion?
The Porter-You, Monsieur.
Poirier Then do what I tell you without arguing.
The Porter-Yes, Monsieur. [Enter Vatel. ]
――――
heart.
Poirier-Go, François. [Exit Porter. ] Come in, Monsieur
Vatel: you are getting up a big dinner for to-morrow?
It is
Vatel - Yes, Monsieur, and I venture to say that the menu
would not be disowned by my illustrious ancestor himself.
really a work of art, and Monsieur Poirier will be astonished.
Poirier Have you the menu with you?
Vatel-No, Monsieur, it is being copied; but I know it by
-
Poirier Then recite it to me.
Vatel-Le potage aux ravioles à l'Italienne et le potage à
l'orge à la Marie Stuart.
Poirier - You will replace these unknown concoctions by a
good meat soup, with some vegetables on a plate.
-―
Vatel-What, Monsieur?
Poirier-I mean it. Go on.
Vatel- Relevé. La carpe du Rhin à la Lithuanienne, les
poulardes à la Godard- le filet de boeuf braisé aux raisins à la
Napolitaine, le jambon de Westphalie, rotie madère.
Poirier Here is a simpler and far more sensible fish course:
brill with caper sauce-then Bayonne ham with spinach, and a
savory stew of bird, with well-browned rabbit.
Vatel But, Monsieur Poirier-I will never consent.
Poirier I am master- do you hear? Go on.
――


## p. 1011 (#437) ###########################################

ÉMILE AUGIER
IOII
Vatel-Entrées. Les filets de volaille à la concordat - les
croustades de truffe garniés de foies à la royale, le faison étoffe
à la Montpensier, les perdreaux rouges farcis à la bohemienne.
Poirier - In place of these side dishes we will have nothing
at all, and we will go at once to the roast,- that is the only
essential.
Vatel-That is against the precepts of art.
Poirier - I'll take the blame of that: let us have your roasts.
Vatel-It is not worth while, Monsieur: my ancestor would
have run his sword through his body for a less affront.
my resignation.
I offer
name.
Poirier And I was about to ask for it, my good friend; but
as one has eight days to replace a servant —
But in the mean
Vatel - A servant, Monsieur? I am an artist!
Poirier - I will fill your place by a woman.
time, as you still have eight days in my service, I wish you to
prepare my menu.
Vatel- I will blow my brains out before I dishonor my
-
Poirier [aside]- Another fellow who adores his name! [Alou 1. ]
You may burn your brains, Monsieur Vatel, but don't burn your
sauces. — Well, bon jour! [Exit Vatel. ] And now to write invi-
tations to my old cronies of the Rue des Bourdonnais. Monsieur
le Marquis de Presles, I'll soon take the starch out of you.
M
[He goes out whistling the first couplet of Monsieur and
Madame Denis. ']
A CONTEST OF WILLS
From The Fourchambaults>
ADAME FOURCHAMBAULT
Why do you follow me?
Fourchambault- I'm not following you: I'm accompany-
yacht!
―
ing you.
Madame Fourchambault- I despise you; let me alone. Oh!
my poor mother little thought what a life of privation would be
mine when she gave me to you with a dowry of eight hundred
thousand francs!
Fourchambault-A life of privation-because I refuse you a
:


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1012
ÉMILE AUGIER
Madame Fourchambault I thought my dowry permitted me
to indulge a few whims, but it seems I was wrong.
Fourchambault-A whim costing eight thousand francs!
. Madame Fourchambault-Would you have to pay for it?
Fourchambault-That's the kind of reasoning that's ruining
me.
Madame Fourchambault — Now he says I'm ruining him! His
whole fortune comes from me.
Fourchambault-Now don't get angry, my dear. I want you
to have everything in reason, but you must understand the sit-
uation.
Madame Fourchambault-The situation?
Fourchambault -I ought to be a rich man; but thanks to the
continual expenses you incur in the name of your dowry, I can
barely rub along from day to day. If there should be a sudden
fall in stocks, I have no reserve with which to meet it.
Madame Fourchambault That can't be true! Tell me at
once that it isn't true, for if it were so you would be without
excuse.
―
Fourchambault-I or you?
Madame Fourchambault-This is too much! Is it my fault
that you don't understand business? If you haven't had the wit
to make the best use of your way of living and your family con-
nections-any one else—
Fourchambault-Quite likely! But I am petty enough to be
a scrupulous man, and to wish to remain one.
Madame Fourchambault-Pooh! That's the excuse of all the
dolts who can't succeed. They set up to be the only honest fel-
lows in business. In my opinion, Monsieur, a timid and mediocre
man should not insist upon remaining at the head of a bank, but
should turn the position over to his son.
Fourchambault-You are still harping on that? But, my
dear, you might as well bury me alive!
cipher in my family.
Already I'm a mere
Madame Fourchambault. You do not choose your time well
to pose as a victim, when like a tyrant you are refusing me a
mere trifle.
-
Fourchambault-I refuse you nothing. I merely explain my
position. Now do as you like. It is useless to expostulate.
Madame Fourchambault - At last! But you have wounded
me to the heart, Adrien, and just when I had a surprise for you-


## p. 1013 (#439) ###########################################

ÉMILE AUGIER
1013
Fourchambault - What is your surprise? [Aside: It makes
me tremble. ]
Madame Fourchambault
―
are going to triumph over the Duhamels.
Fourchambault - How?
Thanks to me, the Fourchambaults
Madame Fourchambault-Madame Duhamel has been deter-
mined this long time to marry her daughter to the son of the
prefect.
Fourchambault- I knew it. What about it?
Madame Fourchambault-While she was making a goose of
herself so publicly, I was quietly negotiating, and Baron Rasti-
boulois is coming to ask our daughter's hand.
Fourchambault-That will never do! I'm planning quite a
different match for her.
Madame Fourchambault - You?
-You? I should like to know-
Fourchambault-He's a fine fellow of our own set, who loves
Blanche, and whom she loves if I'm not mistaken.
man?
Madame Fourchambault-You are entirely mistaken. You
mean Victor Chauvet, Monsieur Bernard's clerk?
Fourchambault- His right arm, rather. His alter ego.
Madame Fourchambault - Blanche did think of him at one
time. But her fancy was just a morning mist, which I easily
dispelled. She has forgotten all about him, and I advise you to
follow her example.
Fourchambault-What fault can you find with this young
Madame Fourchambault — Nothing and everything. Even his
name is absurd. I never would have consented to be called Ma-
dame Chauvet, and Blanche is as proud as I was. But that is
only a detail; the truth is, I won't have her marry a clerk.
Fourchambault - You won't have! You won't have! But
there are two of us.
Madame Fourchambault - Are you going to portion Blanche ?
Fourchambault -I? No.
Madame Fourchambault - Then you see there are not two of
us. As I am going to portion her, it is my privilege to choose
my son-in-law.
Fourchambault - And mine to refuse him. I tell you I won't
have your little baron at any price.
Madame Fourchambault Now it is your turn. What fault
can you find with him, except his title ?
-


## p. 1014 (#440) ###########################################

1014
ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
Fourchambault-He's fast, a gambler, worn out by dissipa-
tion.
Madame Fourchambault - Blanche likes him just as he is.
Fourchambault - Heavens! He's not even handsome.
Madame Fourchambault - What does that matter? Haven't I
been the happiest of wives?
Fourchambault - What? One word is as good as a hundred.
I won't have him. Blanche need not take Chauvet, but she
shan't marry Rastiboulois either. That's all I have to say.
Madame Fourchambault - But, Monsieur—
Fourchambault - That's all I have to say.
[He goes out. ]
ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
(354-430)
BY SAMUEL HART
T. AUGUSTINE of Hippo (Aurelius Augustinus) was born at
Tagaste in Numidia, November 13th, 354. The story of his
life has been told by himself in that wonderful book ad-
dressed to God which he called the 'Confessions. ' He gained but
little from his father Patricius; he owed almost everything to his
loving and saintly mother Monica. Though she was a Christian, she
did not venture to bring her son to baptism; and he went away
from home with only the echo of the name of Jesus Christ in his
soul, as it had been spoken by his mother's lips. He fell deeply into
the sins of youth, but found no satisfaction in them, nor was he
satisfied by the studies of literature to which for a while he devoted
himself. The reading of Cicero's 'Hortensius' partly called him
back to himself; but before he was twenty years old he was carried
away into Manichæism, a strange system of belief which united
traces of Christian teaching with Persian doctrines of two antagonis-
tic principles, practically two gods, a good god of the spiritual world
and an evil god of the material world. From this he passed after a
while into less gross forms of philosophical speculation, and presently
began to lecture on rhetoric at Tagaste and at Carthage. When
nearly thirty years of age he went to Rome, only to be disappointed.
in his hopes for glory as a rhetorician; and after two years his
mother joined him at Milan.


## p. 1015 (#441) ###########################################

ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
1015
The great Ambrose had been called from the magistrate's chair
to be bishop of this important city; and his character and ability.
made a great impression on Augustine. But Augustine was kept
from acknowledging and submitting to the truth, not by the intellect-
ual difficulties which he propounded as an excuse, but by his unwill-
ingness to submit to the moral demands which Christianity made
upon him. At last there came one great struggle, described in a pass-
age from the 'Confessions' which is given below; and Monica's hopes
and prayers were answered in the conversion of her son to the faith
and obedience of Jesus Christ. On Easter Day, 387, in the thirty-
third year of his life, he was baptized, an unsubstantiated tradition
assigning to this occasion the composition and first use of the Te
Deum. His mother died at Ostia as they were setting out for Africa;
and he returned to his native land, with the hope that he might
there live a life of retirement and of simple Christian obedience.
But this might not be: on the occasion of Augustine's visit to Hippo
in 391, the bishop of that city persuaded him to receive ordination to
the priesthood and to remain with him as an adviser; and four years
later he was consecrated as colleague or coadjutor in the episcopate.
Thus he entered on a busy public life of thirty-five years, which
called for the exercise of all his powers as a Christian, a metaphysi-
cian, a man of letters, a theologian, an ecclesiastic, and an adminis-
trator.
Into the details of that life it is impossible to enter here; it must
suffice to indicate some of the ways in which as a writer he gained
and still holds a high place in Western Christendom, having had an
influence which can be paralleled, from among uninspired men, only
by that of Aristotle. He maintained the unity of the Church, and its
true breadth, against the Donatists; he argued, as he so well could
argue, against the irreligion of the Manichæans; when the great Pela-
gian heresy arose, he defended the truth of the doctrine of divine
grace as no one could have done who had not learned by experi-
ence its power in the regeneration and conversion of his own soul;
he brought out from the treasures of Holy Scripture ample lessons
of truth and duty, in simple exposition and exhortation; and in full
treatises he stated and enforced the great doctrines of Christianity.
Augustine was not alone or chiefly the stern theologian whom men
picture to themselves when they are told that he was the Calvin of
those early days, or when they read from his voluminous and often
illogical writings quotations which have a hard sound. If he taught
a stern doctrine of predestinarianism, he taught also the great power
of sacramental grace; if he dwelt at times on the awfulness of the
divine justice, he spoke also from the depths of his experience of the
power of the divine love; and his influence on the ages has been


## p. 1016 (#442) ###########################################

1016
ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
-
rather that of the 'Confessions' — taking their key-note from the
words of the first chapter, "Thou, O Lord, hast made us for Thy-
self, and our heart is unquiet until it find rest in Thee"-than that
of the writings which have earned for their author the foremost place
among the Doctors of the Western Church. But his greatest work,
without any doubt, is the treatise on the 'City of God. ' The Roman
empire, as Augustine's life passed on, was hastening to its end.
Moral and political declension had doubtless been arrested by the
good influence which had been brought to bear upon it; but it was
impossible to avert its fall. "Men's hearts," as well among the
heathen as among the Christians, were "failing them for fear and for
looking after those things that were coming on the earth. " And
Christianity was called to meet the argument drawn from the fact
that the visible declension seemed to date from the time when the
new religion was introduced into the Roman world, and that the
most rapid decline had been from the time when it had been ac-
cepted as the religion of the State. It fell to the Bishop of Hippo
to write in reply one of the greatest works ever written by a Christ-
ian. Eloquence and learning, argument and irony, appeals to history
and earnest entreaties, are united to move enemies to acknowledge
the truth and to strengthen the faithful in maintaining it.
The
writer sets over against each other the city of the world and the city
of God, and in varied ways draws the contrast between them; and
while mourning over the ruin that is coming upon the great city that
had become a world-empire, he tells of the holy beauty and endur-
ing strength of "the city that hath the foundations. "
Apart from the interest attaching to the great subjects handled by
St. Augustine in his many works, and from the literary attractions of
writings which unite high moral earnestness and the use of a culti-
vated rhetorical style, his works formed a model for Latin theolo-
gians as long as that language continued to be habitually used by
Western scholars; and to-day both the spirit and the style of the
great man have a wide influence on the devotional and the contro-
versial style of writers on sacred subjects.
He died at Hippo, August 28th, 430.
Ониловав
The selections are from the Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers,' by
permission of the Christian Literature Company


## p. 1017 (#443) ###########################################

ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
1017
THE GODLY SORROW THAT WORKETH REPENTANCE
From the Confessions'
SUC
UCH was the story of Pontitianus: but thou, O Lord, while he
was speaking, didst turn me round towards myself, taking
me from behind my back, when I had placed myself,
unwilling to observe myself; and setting me before my face, that
I might see how foul I was, how crooked and defiled, bespotted
and ulcerous. And I beheld and stood aghast; and whither to
flee from myself I found not. And if I sought to turn mine eye
from off myself, he went on with his relation, and thou didst
again set me over against myself, and thrusted me before my
eyes, that I might find out mine iniquity and hate it. I had
known it, but made as though I saw it not, winked at it, and
forgot it.
But now, the more ardently I loved those whose healthful
affections I heard of, that they had resigned themselves wholly
to thee to be cured, the more did I abhor myself when compared
with them. For many of my years (some twelve) had now run
out with me since my nineteenth, when, upon the reading of
Cicero's 'Hortensius,' I was stirred to an earnest love of wisdom;
and still I was deferring to reject mere earthly felicity and to
give myself to search out that, whereof not the finding only, but
the very search, was to be preferred to the treasures and king-
doms of the world, though already found, and to the pleasures
of the body, though spread around me at my will. But I,
wretched, most wretched, in the very beginning of my early
youth, had begged chastity of thee, and said, "Give me chastity
and continency, only not yet. " For I feared lest thou shouldest
hear me soon, and soon cure me of the disease of concupiscence,
which I wished to have satisfied, rather than extinguished. And
I had wandered through crooked ways in a sacrilegious super-
stition, not indeed assured thereof, but as preferring it to the
others which I did not seek religiously, but opposed maliciously.
But when a deep consideration had, from the secret bottom
of my soul, drawn together and heaped up all my misery in the
sight of my heart, there arose a mighty storm, bringing a mighty
shower of tears. And that I might pour it forth wholly in its
natural expressions, I rose from Alypius: solitude was suggested
to me as fitter for the business of weeping and I retired so far


## p. 1018 (#444) ###########################################

1018
ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
that even his presence could not be a burden to me. Thus was
it then with me, and he perceived something of it; for some-
thing I suppose he had spoken, wherein the tones of my voice
appeared choked with weeping, and so had risen up. He then
remained where we were sitting, most extremely astonished. I
cast myself down I know not how, under a fig-tree, giving full
vent to my tears; and the floods of mine eyes gushed out, an
acceptable sacrifice to thee. And, not indeed in these words, yet
to this purpose, spake I much unto thee:-"And thou, O Lord,
how long? how long, Lord, wilt thou be angry-forever? Re-
member not our former iniquities," for I felt that I was held by
them. I sent up these sorrowful words: "How long? how long?
To-morrow and to-morrow? Why not now? why is there not
this hour an end to my uncleanness ? "
CONSOLATION
From the Confessions>
S
WAS I speaking, and weeping, in the most bitter contrition
of my heart, when lo! I heard from a neighboring house a
voice, as of boy or girl (I could not tell which), chanting
and oft repeating, "Take up and read; take up and read. "
Instantly my countenance altered, and I began to think most
intently whether any were wont in any kind of play to sing such
words, nor could I remember ever to have heard the like. So
checking the torrent of my tears, I arose; interpreting it to be
no other than a command from God, to open the book and read
the first chapter I should find. Eagerly then I returned to the
place where Alypius was sitting; for there had I laid the volume.
of the Epistles when I arose thence. I seized, opened, and in
silence read that section on which my eyes first fell: -“Not in
rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness,
not in strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ,
and make not provision for the flesh, to fulfill the lusts thereof. "
No further would I read; nor heeded I, for instantly at the end
of this sentence, by a light, as it were, of serenity infused into
my heart, all the darkness of doubt vanished away.
Then putting my finger between (or some other mark), I shut
the volume, and with a calmed countenance, made it known to
Alypius. And what was wrought in him, which I know not, he


## p. 1019 (#445) ###########################################

ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
1019
thus shewed me. He asked to see what I had read; I shewed
him, and he looked even farther than I had read, and I knew
not what followed. This followed: "Him that is weak in the
faith, receive ye"; which he applied to himself and disclosed to
me. And by this admonition was he strengthened; and by a
good resolution and purpose, and most corresponding to his
character, wherein he did always far differ from me for the
better, without any turbulent delay he joined me. Thence we
go to my mother: we tell her; she rejoiceth: we relate in order
how it took place; she leapeth for joy, and triumpheth and bless-
eth thee,
who art able to do above all that we ask or think":
for she perceived that thou hadst given her more for me than
she was wont to beg by her pitiful and most sorrowful groanings.
«<
THE FOES OF THE CITY
From The City of God'
LⓇ
ET these and similar answers (if any fuller and fitter answers
can be found) be given to their enemies by the redeemed
family of the Lord Christ, and by the pilgrim city of the
King Christ. But let this city bear in mind that among her ene-
mies lie hid those who are destined to be fellow-citizens, that she
may not think it a fruitless labor to bear what they inflict as ene-
mies, till they become confessors of the faith. So also, as long
as she is a stranger in the world, the city of God has in her com-
munion, and bound to her by the sacraments, some who shall not
eternally dwell in the lot of the saints. Of these, some are not
now recognized; others declare themselves, and do not hesitate
to make common cause with our enemies in murmuring against
God, whose sacramental badge they wear. These men you may
see to-day thronging the churches with us, to-morrow crowding
the theatres with the godless. But we have the less reason to
despair of the reclamation of even such persons, if among our
most declared enemies there are now some, unknown to them-
selves, who are destined to become our friends. In truth, these
two cities are entangled together in this world, and intermingled
until the last judgment shall effect their separation.
I now pro-
ceed to speak, as God shall help me, of the rise and progress
and end of these two cities; and what I write, I write for the
glory of the city of God, that being placed in comparison with
the other, it may shine with a brighter lustre.


## p. 1020 (#446) ###########################################

1020
ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
THE PRAISE OF GOD
From The City of God'
WHE
HEREFORE it may very well be, and it is perfectly credible,
that we shall in the future world see the material forms
of the new heavens and the new earth, in such a way that
we shall most distinctly recognize God everywhere present, and
governing all things, material as well as spiritual; and shall see
Him, not as we now understand the invisible things of God, by
the things that are made, and see Him darkly as in a mirror and
in part, and rather by faith than by bodily vision of material
appearances, but by means of the bodies which we shall wear and
which we shall see wherever we turn our eyes. As we do not
believe, but see, that the living men around us who are exercis-
ing the functions of life are alive, although we cannot see their
life without their bodies, but see it most distinctly by means of
their bodies, so, wherever we shall look with the spiritual eyes of
our future bodies, we shall also, by means of bodily substances,
behold God, though a spirit, ruling all things. Either, therefore,
the eyes shall possess some quality similar to that of the mind,
by which they shall be able to discern spiritual things, and among
them God, a supposition for which it is difficult or even impos-
sible to find any support in Scripture, or what is more easy to
comprehend, God will be so known by us, and so much before
ús, that we shall see Him by the spirit in ourselves, in one
another, in Himself, in the new heavens and the new earth, in
every created thing that shall then exist; and that also by the
body we shall see Him in every bodily thing which the keen
vision of the eye of the spiritual body shall reach. Our thoughts
also shall be visible to all, for then shall be fulfilled the words of
the Apostle, "Judge nothing before the time, until the Lord.
come, who both will bring to light the hidden things of dark-
ness, and will make manifest the counsels of the hearts; and then
shall every man have praise of God. " How great shall be that
felicity, which shall be tainted with no evil, which shall lack no
good, and which shall afford leisure for the praises of God, who
shall be all in all! For I know not what other employment there
can be where no weariness shall slacken activity, nor any want
stimulate to labor. I am admonished also by the sacred song, in
which I read or hear the words, "Blessed are they that dwell in
Thy house; they will be alway praising Thee. "
-
-


## p. 1021 (#447) ###########################################

ST. AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
1021
A PRAYER
From The Trinity'
O
LORD our God, directing my purpose by the rule of faith, so
far as I have been able, so far as Thou hast made me
able, I have sought Thee, and have desired to see with
my understanding what I have believed; and I have argued and
labored much. O Lord my God, my only hope, hearken to me,
lest through weariness I be unwilling to seek Thee, but that I
may always ardently seek Thy face. Do Thou give me strength
to seek, who hast led me to find Thee, and hast given the hope
of finding Thee more and more. My strength and my weakness
are in Thy sight; preserve my strength and heal my weakness.
My knowledge and my ignorance are in Thy sight; when Thou
hast opened to me, receive me as I enter; when Thou hast
closed, open to me as I knock. May I remember Thee, under-
stand Thee, love Thee. Increase these things in me, until Thou
renew me wholly. But oh, that I might speak only in preaching
Thy word and in praising Thee. But many are my thoughts,
such as Thou knowest, "thoughts of man, that are vain. " Let
them not so prevail in me, that anything in my acts should pro-
ceed from them; but at least that my judgment and my con-
science be safe from them under Thy protection. When the
wise man spake of Thee in his book, which is now called by the
special name of Ecclesiasticus, "We speak," he says, "much, and
yet come short; and in sum of words, He is all. " When there-
fore we shall have come to Thee, these very many things that
we speak, and yet come short, shall cease; and Thou, as One,
shalt remain "all in all. " And we shall say one thing without
end, in praising Thee as One, ourselves also made one in Thee.
O Lord, the one God, God the Trinity, whatever I have said in
these books that is of Thine, may they acknowledge who are
Thine; if I have said anything of my own, may it be pardoned
both by Thee and by those who are Thine. Amen.
The three immediately preceding citations, from 'A Select Library of the
Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, First Series,'
are reprinted by permission of the Christian Literature Company, New
York.


## p. 1022 (#448) ###########################################

1022
MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS
(121-180 A. D. )
BY JAMES FRASER GLUCK
M
ARCUS AURELIUS, one of the most illustrious emperors of Rome,
and, according to Ca on Farrar, "the noblest of pagan em-
perors," was born at Rome April 20th, A. D. 121, and died
at Vindobona-the modern Vienna - March 17th, A. D. 180, in the
twentieth year of his reign and the fifty-ninth year of his age.
His right to an honored place in literature depends upon a small
volume written in Greek, and usually called The Meditations of
Marcus Aurelius. ' The work consists of mere memoranda, notes, dis-
connected reflections and confessions, and also of excerpts from the
Emperor's favorite authors. It was evidently a mere private diary or
note-book written in great haste, which readily accounts for its repe-
titions, its occasional obscurity, and its frequently elliptical style of
expression. In its pages the Emperor gives his aspirations, and his
sorrow for his inability to realize them in his daily life; he expresses
his tentative opinions concerning the problems of creation, life, and
death; his reflections upon the deceitfulness of riches, pomp, and
power, and his conviction of the vanity of all things except the per-
formance of duty. The work contains what has been called by a
distinguished scholar "the common creed of wise men, from which all
other views may well seem mere deflections on the side of an unwar-
ranted credulity or of an exaggerated despair. " From the pomp and
circumstance of state surrounding him, from the manifold cares of
his exalted rank, from the tumult of protracted wars, the Emperor
retired into the pages of this book as into the sanctuary of his soul,
and there found in sane and rational reflection the peace that the
world could not give and could never take away. The tone and
temper of the work is unique among books of its class. It is sweet
yet dignified, courageous yet resigned, philosophical and speculative,
yet above all, intensely practical.
Through all the ages from the time when the Emperor Diocletian
prescribed a distinct ritual for Aurelius as one of the gods; from the
time when the monks of the Middle Ages treasured the Meditations'
as carefully as they kept their manuscripts of the Gospels, the work
has been recognized as the precious life-blood of a master spirit. An


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MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS
1023
adequate English translation would constitute to-day a most valuable
vade mecum of devotional feeling and of religious inspiration. It
would prove a strong moral tonic to hundreds of minds now sinking
into agnosticism or materialism.
The distinguished French writer M. Martha observes that in the
'Meditations of Marcus Aurelius' "we find a pure serenity, sweetness,
and docility to the commands of God, which before him were unknown,
and which Christian grace has alone surpassed. One cannot read the
book without thinking of the sadness of Pascal and the gentleness of
Fénelon. We must pause before this soul, so lofty and so pure, to
contemplate ancient virtue in its softest brilliancy, to see the moral
delicacy to which profane doctrines have attained. "
Those in the past who have found solace in its pages have not
been limited to any one country, creed, or condition in life. The
distinguished Cardinal Francis Barberini the elder occupied his last
years in translating the 'Meditations' into Italian; so that, as he
said, "the thoughts of the pious pagan might quicken the faith of
the faithful. " He dedicated the work to his own soul, so that it
"might blush deeper than the scarlet of the cardinal robe as it looked
upon the nobility of the pagan. " The venerable and learned English
scholar Thomas Gataker, of the religious faith of Cromwell and Mil-
ton, spent the last years of his life in translating the work into Latin
as the noblest preparation for death. The book was the constant
companion of Captain John Smith, the discoverer of Virginia, who
found in it "sweet refreshment in his seasons of despondency. »
Jean Paul Richter speaks of it as a vital help in "the deepest floods
of adversity. " The French translator Pierron says that it exalted
his soul into a serene region, above all petty cares and rivalries.
Montesquieu declares, in speaking of Marcus Aurelius, "He produces
such an effect upon our minds that we think better of ourselves,
because he inspires us with a better opinion of mankind. " The great
German historian Niebuhr says of the Emperor, as revealed in this
work, "I know of no other man who combined such unaffected kind-
ness, mildness, and humility with such conscientiousness and severity
toward himself. " Renan declares the book to be "a veritable gospel.
It will never grow old, for it asserts no dogma. Though science were
to destroy God and the soul, the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius'
would remain forever young and immortally true. " The eminent
English critic Matthew Arnold was found on the morning after the
death of his eldest son engaged in the perusal of his favorite Marcus
Aurelius, wherein alone he found comfort and consolation.
The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius' embrace not only moral
reflections; they include, as before remarked, speculations upon the
origin and evolution of the universe and of man. They rest upon a


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MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS
philosophy. This philosophy is that of the Stoic school as broadly
distinguished from the Epicurean. Stoicism, at all times, inculcated
the supreme virtues of moderation and resignation; the subjugation
of corporeal desires; the faithful performance of duty; indifference to
one's own pain and suffering, and the disregard of material luxuries.
With these principles there was, originally, in the Stoic philosophy
conjoined a considerable body of logic, cosmogony, and paradox. But
in Marcus Aurelius these doctrines no longer stain the pure current
of eternal truth which ever flowed through the history of Stoicism.
It still speculated about the immortality of the soul and the govern-
ment of the universe by a supernatural Intelligence, but on these
subjects proposed no dogma and offered no final authoritative solu-
tion. It did not forbid man to hope for a future life, but it empha-
sized the duties of the present life. On purely rational grounds it
sought to show men that they should always live nobly and heroicly,
and how best to do so. It recognized the significance of death, and
attempted to teach how men could meet it under any and all cir-
cumstances with perfect equanimity.
Marcus Aurelius was descended from an illustrious line which
tradition declared extended to the good Numa, the second King of
Rome. In the descendant Marcus were certainly to be found, with a
great increment of many centuries of noble life, all the virtues of
his illustrious ancestor. Doubtless the cruel persecutions of the in-
famous Emperors who preceded Hadrian account for the fact that
the ancestors of Aurelius left the imperial city and found safety in
Hispania Bætica, where in a town called Succubo-not far from
the present city of Cordova-the Emperor's great-grandfather, Annius
Verus, was born. From Spain also came the family of the Emperor
Hadrian, who was an intimate friend of Annius Verus. The death of
the father of Marcus Aurelius when the lad was of tender years led
to his adoption by his grandfather and subsequently by Antoninus
Pius. By Antoninus he was subsequently named as joint heir to the
Imperial dignity with Commodus, the son of Ælius Cæsar, who had
previously been adopted by Hadrian.
From his earliest youth Marcus was distinguished for his sincerity
and truthfulness. His was a docile and a serious nature. "Hadrian's
bad and sinful habits left him," says Niebuhr, "when he gazed on
the sweetness of that innocent child. Punning on the boy's paternal
name of Verus, he called him Verissimus, the most true. » Among
the many statues of Marcus extant is one representing him at the
tender age of eight years offering sacrifice. He was even then a
priest of Mars. It was the hand of Marcus alone that threw the


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MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS
1025
crown so carefully and skillfully that it invariably alighted upon the
head of the statue of the god. The entire ritual he knew by heart.
The great Emperor Antoninus Pius lived in the most simple and un-
ostentatious manner; yet even this did not satisfy the exacting, lofty
spirit of Marcus. At twelve years of age he began to practice all
the austerities of Stoicism. He became a veritable ascetic. He ate
most sparingly; slept little, and when he did so it was upon a bed
of boards. Only the repeated entreaties of his mother induced him
to spread a few skins upon his couch. His health was seriously
affected for a time; and it was, perhaps, to this extreme privation
that his subsequent feebleness was largely due. His education was
of the highest order of excellence. His tutors, like Nero's, were the
most distinguished teachers of the age; but unlike Nero, the lad was
in every way worthy of his instructors. His letters to his dearly
beloved teacher Fronto are still extant, and in a very striking and
charming way they illustrate the extreme simplicity of life in the
imperial household in the villa of Antoninus Pius at Lorium by the
sea. They also indicate the lad's deep devotion to his studies and
the sincerity of his love for his relatives and friends.
When his predecessor and adoptive father Antoninus felt the
approach of death, he gave to the tribune who asked him for the
watchword for the night the reply "Equanimity," directed that the
golden statue of Fortune that always stood in the Emperor's cham-
ber be transferred to that of Marcus Aurelius, and then turned his
face and passed away as peacefully as if he had fallen asleep. The
watchword of the father became the life-word of the son, who pro-
nounced upon that father in the Meditations' one of the noblest
eulogies ever written. "We should," says Renan, "have known noth-
ing of Antoninus if Marcus Aurelius had not handed down to us that
exquisite portrait of his adopted father, in which he seems, by reason
of humility, to have applied himself to paint an image superior to
what he himself was. Antoninus resembled a Christ who would not
have had an evangel; Marcus Aurelius a Christ who would have
written his own. "
It would be impossible here to detail even briefly all the manifold
public services rendered by Marcus Aurelius to the Empire during
his reign of twenty years. Among his good works were these: the
establishment, upon eternal foundation, of the noble fabric of the
Civil Law the prototype and basis of Justinian's task; the founding
of schools for the education of poor children; the endowment of
hospitals and homes for orphans of both sexes; the creation of trust
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MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS
companies to receive and distribute legacies and endowments; the
just government of the provinces; the complete reform of the system
of collecting taxes; the abolition of the cruelty of the criminal laws
and the mitigation of sentences unnecessarily severe; the regulation
of gladiatorial exhibitions; the diminution of the absolute power pos-
sessed by fathers over their children and of masters over their
slaves; the admission of women to equal rights to succession to prop-
erty from their children; the rigid suppression of spies and inform-
ers; and the adoption of the principle that merit, as distinguished
from rank or political friendship, alone justified promotion in the
public service.
But the greatest reform was the reform in the Imperial Dignity
itself, as exemplified in the life and character of the Emperor. It is
this fact which gives to the 'Meditations' their distinctive value.
The infinite charm, the tenderness and sweetness of their moral
teachings, and their broad humanity, are chiefly noteworthy because
the Emperor himself practiced in his daily life the principles of
which he speaks, and because tenderness and sweetness, patience
and pity, suffused his daily conduct and permeated his actions.
The horrible cruelties of the reigns of Nero and Domitian seemed
only awful dreams under the benignant rule of Marcus Aurelius.
It is not surprising that the deification of a deceased emperor,
usually regarded by Senate and people as a hollow mockery, became
a veritable fact upon the death of Marcus Aurelius. He was not
regarded in any sense as mortal. All men said he had but returned
to his heavenly place among the immortal gods. As his body passed,
in the pomp of an imperial funeral, to its last resting-place, the tomb
of Hadrian,- the modern Castle of St. Angelo at Rome,— thousands
invoked the divine blessing of Antoninus. His memory was sacredly
His portrait was preserved as an inspiration in innumer-
able homes. His statue was almost universally given an honored
place among the household gods. And all this continued during
successive generations of men.
Marcus Aurelius has been censured for two acts: the first, the
massacre of the Christians which took place during his reign; the
second, the selection of his son Commodus as his successor. Of the
massacre of the Christians it may be said, that when the conditions
surrounding the Emperor are once properly understood, no just cause
for condemnation of his course remains. A prejudice against the sect
was doubtless acquired by him through the teachings of his dearly
beloved instructor and friend Fronto. In the writings of the revered
Epictetus he found severe condemnation of the Christians as fanatics.


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MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS
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Stoicism enjoined upon men obedience to the law, endurance of evil
conditions, and patience under misfortunes. The Christians openly
defied the laws; they struck the images of the gods, they scoffed
at the established religion and its ministers. They welcomed death;
they invited it. To Marcus Aurelius, as he says in his 'Meditations,'
death had no terrors. The wise man stood, like the trained soldier,
ready to be called into action, ready to depart from life when the
Supreme Ruler called him; but it was also, according to the Stoic,
no less the duty of a man to remain until he was called, and it cer-
tainly was not his duty to invite destruction by abuse of all other
religions and by contempt for the distinctive deities of the Roman
faith. The Roman State was tolerant of all religions so long as they
were tolerant of others. Christianity was intolerant of all other reli-
gions; it condemned them all. In persecuting what he regarded as a
"pernicious sect" the Emperor regarded himself only as the conser-
vator of the peace and the welfare of the realm. The truth is, that
Marcus Aurelius enacted no new laws on the subject of the Chris-
tians. He even lessened the dangers to which they were exposed.
On this subject one of the Fathers of the Church, Tertullian, bears
witness. He says in his address to the Roman officials: -"Consult
your annals, and you will find that the princes who have been cruel
to us are those whom it was held an honor to have as persecutors.
On the contrary, of all princes who have known human and Divine
law, name one of them who has persecuted the Christians. We might
even cite one of them who declared himself their protector,-the
wise Marcus Aurelius. If he did not openly revoke the edicts against
our brethren, he destroyed the effect of them by the severe penalties
he instituted against their accusers. >> This statement would seem to
dispose effectually of the charge of cruel persecution brought so often
against the kindly and tender-hearted Emperor.
Of the appointment of Commodus as his successor, it may be said
that the paternal heart hoped against hope for filial excellence. Mar-
cus Aurelius believed, as clearly appears from many passages in the
'Meditations,' that men did not do evil willingly but through ignorance;
and that when the exceeding beauty of goodness had been fully dis-
closed to them, the depravity of evil conduct would appear no less
clearly. The Emperor who, when the head of his rebellious general
was brought to him, grieved because that general had not lived to be
forgiven; the ruler who burned unread all treasonable correspondence,
would not, nay, could not believe in the existence of such an inhu-
man monster as Commodus proved himself to be. The appointment
of Commodus was a calamity of the most terrific character; but it
testifies in trumpet tones to the nobility of the Emperor's heart, the
sincerity of his own belief in the triumph of right and justice.


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MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS
The volume of the Meditations' is the best mirror of the Em-
peror's soul.