" The
spelling
is bad, but not
worse than Napoleon's.
worse than Napoleon's.
Macaulay
, are substantially the same with those of the English Act of
Supremacy, I Eliz. chap. I. hut the English act was soon found to be
defective and the defect was supplied by a more stringent act, 5
Eliz. chap. I No such supplementary law was made in Ireland. That
the construction mentioned in the text was put on the Irish Act of
Supremacy, we are told by Archbishop King: State of Ireland, chap. ii.
sec. 9. He calls this construction Jesuitical but I cannot see it in
that light. ]
[Footnote 150: Political Anatomy of Ireland. ]
[Footnote 151: Political Anatomy of Ireland, 1672; Irish Hudibras, 1689;
John Dunton's Account of Ireland, 1699. ]
[Footnote 152: Clarendon to Rochester, May 4. 1686. ]
[Footnote 153: Bishop Malony's Letter to Bishop Tyrrel, March 5. 1689. ]
[Footnote 154: Statute 10 & 11 Charles I. chap. 16; King's State of the
Protestants of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 8. ]
[Footnote 155: King, chap. ii. sec. 8. Miss Edgeworth's King Corny
belongs to a later and much more civilised generation; but whoever
has studied that admirable portrait can form some notion of what King
Corny's great grandfather must have been. ]
[Footnote 156: King, chap. iii. sec. 2. ]
[Footnote 157: Sheridan MS. ; Preface to the first volume of the Hibernia
Anglicana, 1690; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1689. ]
[Footnote 158: "There was a free liberty of conscience by connivance,
though not by the law. "--King, chap. iii. sec. i. ]
[Footnote 159: In a letter to James found among Bishop Tyrrel's papers,
and dated Aug. 14. 1686, are some remarkable expressions. "There are
few or none Protestants in that country but such as are joined with
the Whigs against the common enemy. " And again: "Those that passed for
Tories here" (that is in England) "publicly espouse the Whig quarrel on
the other side the water. " Swift said the same thing to King William a
few years later "I remember when I was last in England, I told the
King that the highest Tories we had with us would make tolerable Whigs
there. "--Letters concerning the Sacramental Test. ]
[Footnote 160: The wealth and negligence of the established clergy of
Ireland are mentioned in the strongest terms by the Lord Lieutenant
Clarendon, a most unexceptionable witness. ]
[Footnote 161: Clarendon reminds the King of this in a letter dated
March 14. "It certainly is," Clarendon adds, "a most true notion. "]
[Footnote 162: Clarendon strongly recommended this course, and was of
opinion that the Irish Parliament would do its part. See his letter to
Ormond, Aug. 28. 1686. ]
[Footnote 163: It was an O'Neill of great eminence who said that it did
not become him to writhe his mouth to chatter English. Preface to the
first volume of the Hibernia Anglicana. ]
[Footnote 164: Sheridan MS. among the Stuart Papers. I ought to
acknowledge the courtesy with which Mr. Glover assisted me in my search
for this valuable manuscript. James appears, from the instructions which
he drew up for his son in 1692, to have retained to the last the notion
that Ireland could not without danger be entrusted to an Irish Lord
Lieutenant. ]
[Footnote 165: Sheridan MS. ]
[Footnote 166: Clarendon to Rochester, Jan. 19. 1685/6; Secret Consults
of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690. ]
[Footnote 167: Clarendon to Rochester, Feb. 27. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 168: Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, March 2. 1685/6;
and to Rochester, March 14. ]
[Footnote 169: Clarendon to Sunderland, Feb. 26. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 170: Sunderland to Clarendon, March 11. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 171: Clarendon to Rochester, March 14. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 172: Clarendon to James, March 4. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 173: James to Clarendon, April 6. 1686. ]
[Footnote 174: Sunderland to Clarendon, May 22. 1686; Clarendon to
Ormond, May 30. ; Clarendon to Sunderland, July 6. 11. ]
[Footnote 175: Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, June 1. 1686; to
Rochester, June 12. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap.
ii. sec. 6, 7. Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689. ]
[Footnote 176: Clarendon to Rochester, May 15 1686. ]
[Footnote 177: Ibid. May 11. 1686. ]
[Footnote 178: Ibid. June 8. 1686. ]
[Footnote 179: Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland. ]
[Footnote 180: Clarendon to Rochester, June 26. and July 4. 1686;
Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689. ]
[Footnote 181: Clarendon to Rochester, July 4. 22. 1686; to Sunderland,
July 6; to the King, Aug. 14. ]
[Footnote 182: Clarendon to Rochester, June 19. 1686. ]
[Footnote 183: Ibid. June 22. 1686. ]
[Footnote 184: Sheridan MS. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland,
chap. iii. sec. 3. sec. 8. There is a most striking instance of
Tyrconnel's impudent mendacity in Clarendon's letter to Rochester, July
22. 1686. ]
[Footnote 185: Clarendon to Rochester, June 8. 1686. ]
[Footnote 186: Clarendon to Rochester, Sept. 23. and Oct. 2. 1686 Secret
Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690. ]
[Footnote 187: Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 6. 1686. ]
[Footnote 188: Clarendon to the King and to Rochester, Oct. 23. 1686. ]
[Footnote 189: Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 29, 30. 1686. ]
[Footnote 190: Ibid. Nov. 27. 1686. ]
[Footnote 191: Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Clarke's Life of James the
Second, ii. 99. ]
[Footnote 192: Sheridan MS. ]
[Footnote 193: Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 100. ]
[Footnote 194: Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Bonrepaux, June 4. 1687. ]
[Footnote 195: Barillon, Dec. 2/12 1686; Burnet, i. 684. ; Clarke's Life
of James the Second, ii. 100. ; Dodd's Church History. I have tried to
frame a fair narrative out of these conflicting materials. It seems
clear to me, from Rochester's own papers that he was on this occasion
by no means so stubborn as he has been represented by Burnet and by the
biographer of James. ]
[Footnote 196: From Rochester's Minutes, dated Dec. 3. 1686. ]
[Footnote 197: From Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 4. 1686. ]
[Footnote 198: Barillon, Dec. 20/30 1686. ]
[Footnote 199: Burnet, i. 684. ]
[Footnote 200: Bonrepaux, Mar 25/June 4 1687. ]
[Footnote 201: Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 19 1686; Barillon, Dec 30 / Jan
9 1686/7; Burnet, i. 685. Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 102. ;
Treasury Warrant Book, Dec. 29. 1686. ]
[Footnote 202: Bishop Malony in a letter to Bishop Tyrrel says, "Never a
Catholic or other English will ever think or make a step, nor suffer
the King to make a step for your restauration, but leave you as you
were hitherto, and leave your enemies over your heads: nor is there any
Englishman, Catholic or other, of what quality or degree soever alive,
that will stick to sacrifice all Ireland for to save the least interest
of his own in England, and would as willingly see all Ireland over
inhabited by English of whatsoever religion as by the Irish. "]
[Footnote 203: The best account of these transactions is in the Sheridan
MS. ]
[Footnote 204: Sheridan MS. ; Oldmixon's Memoirs of Ireland; King's State
of the Protestants of Ireland, particularly chapter iii. ; Apology for
the Protestants of Ireland, 1689. ]
[Footnote 205: Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690. ]
[Footnote 206: London Gazette, Jan. 6. and March 14. 1686/7; Evelyn's
Diary, March 10 Etherege's letter to Dover is in the British Museum. ]
[Footnote 207: "Pare che gli animi sono inaspriti della voce che
corre per il popolo, desser cacciato il detto ministro per non essere
Cattolico, percio tirarsi al esterminio de' Protestanti. "--Adda, 1687. ]
[Footnote 208: The chief materials from which I have taken my
description of the Prince of Orange will be found in Burnet's History,
in Temple's and Gourville's Memoirs, in the Negotiations of the
Counts of Estrades and Avaux, in Sir George Downing's Letters to Lord
Chancellor Clarendon, in Wagenaar's voluminous History, in Van Kamper's
Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis, and, above all, in
William's own confidential correspondence, of which the Duke of Portland
permitted Sir James Mackintosh to take a copy. ]
[Footnote 209: William was earnestly intreated by his friends, after the
peace of Ryswick, to speak seriously to the French ambassador about
the schemes of assassination which the Jacobites of St. Germains were
constantly contriving. The cold magnanimity with which these intimations
of danger were received is singularly characteristic. To Bentinck, who
had sent from Paris very alarming intelligence, William merely replied
at the end of a long letter of business,--"Pour les assasins je ne luy
en ay pas voulu parler, croiant que c'etoit au desous de moy. " May 2/12
1698. I keep the original orthography, if it is to be so called. ]
[Footnote 210: From Windsor he wrote to Bentinck, then ambassador at
Paris. "Jay pris avant hier un cerf dans la forest avec les chains du
Pr. de Denm. et ay fait on assez jolie chasse, autant que ce vilain
paiis le permest. March 20/April 1 1698.
" The spelling is bad, but not
worse than Napoleon's. William wrote in better humour from Loo. "Nous
avons pris deux gros cerfs, le premier dans Dorewaert, qui est un des
plus gros que je sache avoir jamais pris. Il porte seize. " Oct 25/Nov 4
1697. ]
[Footnote 211: March 3. 1679. ]
[Footnote 212: "Voila en peu de mot le detail de nostre St. Hubert. Et
j'ay eu soin que M. Woodstoc" (Bentinck's eldest son) "n'a point este a
la chasse, bien moin au soupe, quoyqu'il fut icy. Vous pouvez pourtant
croire que de n'avoir pas chasse l'a on peu mortifie, mais je ne l'ay
pas ause prendre sur moy, puisque vous m'aviez dit que vous ne le
souhaitiez pas. " From Loo, Nov. 4. 1697. ]
[Footnote 213: On the 15th of June, 1688. ]
[Footnote 214: Sept. 6. 1679. ]
[Footnote 215: See Swift's account of her in the Journal to Stella. ]
[Footnote 216: Henry Sidney's Journal of March 31. 1680, in Mr.
Blencowe's interesting collection. ]
[Footnote 217: Speaker Onslow's note on Burnet, i. 596. ; Johnson's Life
of Sprat. ]
[Footnote 218: No person has contradicted Burnet more frequently or with
more asperity than Dartmouth. Yet Dartmouth wrote, "I do not think
he designedly published anything he believed to be false. " At a later
period Dartmouth, provoked by some remarks on himself in the second
volume of the Bishop's history, retracted this praise but to such a
retraction little importance can be attached. Even Swift has the justice
to say, "After all, he was a man of generosity and good nature. "--Short
Remarks on Bishop Burnet's History.
It is usual to censure Burnet as a singularly inaccurate historian;
hut I believe the charge to be altogether unjust. He appears to be
singularly inaccurate only because his narrative has been subjected to a
scrutiny singularly severe and unfriendly. If any Whig thought it worth
while to subject Reresby's Memoirs, North's Examen, Mulgrave's Account
of the Revolution, or the Life of James the Second, edited by Clarke, to
a similar scrutiny, it would soon appear that Burnet was far indeed from
being the most inexact writer of his time. ]
[Footnote 219: Dr. Hooper's MS. narrative, published in the Appendix to
Lord Dungannon's Life of William. ]
[Footnote 220: Avaux Negotiations, Aug. 10/20 Sept. 14/24 Sept 28/Oct 8
Dec. 7/17 1682. ]
[Footnote 221: I cannot deny myself the pleasure of quoting Massillon's
unfriendly, yet discriminating and noble, character of William. "Un
prince profond dans ses vues; habile a former des ligues et a reunir
les esprits; plus heureux a exciter les guerres qu'a combatire; plus a
craindre encore dans le secret du cabinet, qu'a la tete des armees; un
ennemi que la haine du nom Francais avoit rendu capable d'imaginer de
grandes choses et de les executer; un de ces genies qui semblent etre
nes pour mouvoir a leur gre les peuples et les souverains; un grand
homme, s'il n'avoit jamais voulu etre roi. "--Oraison funebre de M. le
Dauphin. ]
[Footnote 222: For example, "Je crois M. Feversham un tres brave et
honeste homme. Mais je doute s'il a assez d'experience diriger une si
grande affaire qu'il a sur le bras. Dieu lui donne un succes prompt et
heureux. Mais je ne suis pas hors d'inquietude. " July 7/17 1685. Again,
after he had received the news of the battle of Sedgemoor, "Dieu soit
loue du bon succes que les troupes du Roy ont eu contre les rebelles. Je
ne doute pas que cette affaire ne soit entierement assoupie, et que le
regne du Roy sera heureux, Ce que Dieu veuille. " July 10/20]
[Footnote 223: The treaty will be found in the Recueil des Traites, iv.
No. 209. ]
[Footnote 224: Burnet, i. 762. ]
[Footnote 225: Temple's Memoirs. ]
[Footnote 226: See the poems entitled The Converts and The Delusion. ]
[Footnote 227: The lines are in the Collection of State Poems. ]
[Footnote 228: Our information about Wycherly is very scanty; but two
things are certain, that in his later years he called himself a Papist,
and that he received money from James. I have very little doubt that he
was a hired convert. ]
[Footnote 229: See the article on him in the Biographia Britannica. ]
[Footnote 230: See James Quin's account of Haines in Davies's
Miscellanies; Tom Brown's Works; Lives of Sharpers; Dryden's Epilogue to
the Secular Masque. ]
[Footnote 231: This fact, which escaped the minute researches of Malone,
appears from the Treasury Letter Book of 1685. ]
[Footnote 232: Leeuwen, Dec 25/Jan 4 1685/6]
[Footnote 233: Barillon,--Jan 31/Feb 10 1686/7. "Je crois que, dans
le fond, si on ne pouvoit laisser que la religion Anglicane et la
Catholique etablies par les loix, le Roy d'Angleterre en seroit bien
plus content. "]
[Footnote 234: It will be round in Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 129. ]
[Footnote 235: Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 128. 129. 132. ]
[Footnote 236: Barillon Feb 20/March 10 1686/7; Citters, Feb. 16/23;
Reresby's Memoirs Bonrepaux, May 25/June 4 1687. ]
[Footnote 237: Barillon, March 14/24 1687; Lady Russell to Dr.
Fitzwilliam, April 1. ; Burnet, i. 671. 762. The conversation is somewhat
differently related in Clarke's Life of James, ii. 204. But that passage
is not part of the King's own memoirs. ]
[Footnote 238: London Gazette, March 21. 1686/7. ]
[Footnote 239: Ibid. April 7. 1687. ]
[Footnote 240: Warrant Book of the Treasury. See particularly the
instructions dated March 8, 1687/8 Burnet, i. 715. Reflections on his
Majesty's Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland; Letters containing
some Reflections on his Majesty's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience;
Apology for the Church of England with a relation to the spirit of
Persecution for which she is accused, 1687/8. But it is impossible for
me to cite all the pamphlets from which I have formed my notion of the
state of parties at this time. ]
[Footnote 241: Letter to a Dissenter. ]
[Footnote 242: Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. Nos. 132. 134. ]
[Footnote 243: London Gazette, April 21. 1687 Animadversions on a late
paper entituled A Letter to a Dissenter, by H C. (Henry Care), 1687. ]
[Footnote 244: Lestrange's Answer to a Letter to a Dissenter; Care's
Animadversions on A letter to a Dissenter; Dialogue between Harry and
Roger; that is to say, Harry Care and Roger Lestrange. ]
[Footnote 245: The letter was signed T. W. Care says, in his
Animadversions, "This Sir Politic T. W. , or W. T. for some critics think
that the truer reading. "]
[Footnote 246: Ellis Correspondence, March 15. July 27. 1686 Barillon,
Feb 28/Mar 10; March 3/13. March 6/16. 1687 Ronquillo, March 9/19. 1687,
in the Mackintosh Collection. ]
[Footnote 247: Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Observator; Heraclitus Ridens,
passim. But Care's own writings furnish the best materials for an
estimate of his character. ]
[Footnote 248: Calamy's Account of the Ministers ejected or silenced
after the Restoration, Northamptonshire; Wood's Athenae Oxonienses;
Biographia Britannica. ]
[Footnote 249: State Trials; Samuel Rosewell's Life of Thomas Rosewell,
1718; Calamy's Account. ]
[Footnote 250: London Gazette, March 15 1685/6; Nichols's Defence of the
Church of England; Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters. ]
[Footnote 251: The Addresses will be found in the London Gazettes. ]
[Footnote 252: Calamy's Life of Baxter. ]
[Footnote 253: Calamy's Life of Howe. The share which the Hampden family
had in the matter I learned from a letter of Johnstone of Waristoun,
dated June 13 1688. ]
[Footnote 254: Bunyan's Grace Abounding. ]
[Footnote 255: Young classes Bunyan's prose with Durfey's poetry. The
people of fashion in the Spiritual Quixote rank the Pilgrim's Progress
with Jack the Giantkiller. Late in the eighteenth century Cowper did not
venture to do more than allude to the great allegorist
"I name thee not, lest so despis'd a name
Should move a sneer at thy deserved fame. "]
[Footnote 256: The continuation of Bunyan's life appended to his Grace
Abounding. ]
[Footnote 257: Kiffin's Memoirs; Luson's Letter to Brooke, May 11. 1773,
in the Hughes Correspondence. ]
[Footnote 258: See, among other contemporary pamphlets, one entitled a
Representation of the threatening Dangers impending over Protestants. ]
[Footnote 259: Burnet, i. 694. ]
[Footnote 260: "Le Prince d'Orange, qui avoit elude jusqu'alors de faire
une reponse positive, dit qu'il ne consentira jamais a la suppression
du ces loix qui avoient ete etablies pour le maintien et la surete de
la religion Protestante, et que sa conscience ne le lui permettoit point
non seulement pour la succession du royaume d'Angleterre, mais meme
pour l'empire du monde; en sorte que le roi d'Angleterre est plus aigri
contre lui qu'il n'a jamais ete"--Bonrepaux, June 11/21 1687. ]
[Footnote 261: Burnet, i. 710. Bonrepaux, May 24/June 4. 1687]
[Footnote 262: Johnstone, Jan. 13. 1688; Halifax's Anatomy of an
Equivalent. ]
[Footnote 263: Burnet, i. 726-73 1. ; Answer to the Criminal Letters
issued out against Dr. Burnet; Avaux Neg. , July 7/17 14/24, July 28/Aug
7 Jan 19/29 1688; Lewis to Barillon, Dec 30 1687/Jan 9 1688; Johnstone
of Waristoun, Feb. 21. 1688; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Oct. 5,
1687. As it has been suspected that Burnet, who certainly was not in the
habit of underrating his own importance, exaggerated the danger to which
he was exposed, I will give the words of Lewis and of Johnstone. "Qui
que ce soit," says Lewis, "qui entreprenne de l'enlever en Hollande
trouvera non seulement une retraite assuree et une entiere protection
dans mes etats, mais aussi toute l'assistance qu'il pourra desirer pour
faire conduire surement ce scelerat en Angleterre. " "The business of
Bamfield (Burnet) is certainly true," says Johnstone. "No man doubts of
it here, and some concerned do not deny it. His friends say they hear he
takes no care of himself, but out of vanity, to show his courage, shows
his folly; so that, if ill happen on it, all people will laugh at it.
Pray tell him so much from Jones (Johnstone). If some could be catched
making their coup d'essai on him, it will do much to frighten them from
making any attempt on Ogle (the Prince). "]
[Footnote 264: Burnet, a. 708. ; Avaux Neg. , Jan. 3/13 Feb. 6/16. 1687;
Van Kampen, Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis. ]
[Footnote 265: Burnet, i 711. Dykvelt's despatches to the States General
contain, as far as I have seen or can learn, not a word about the real
object of his mission. His correspondence with the Prince of Orange was
strictly private. ]
[Footnote 266: Bonrepaux, Sept. 12/22 1687. ]
[Footnote 267: See Lord Campbell's Life of him. ]
[Footnote 268: Johnstone's Correspondence; Mackay's Memoirs; Arbuthnot's
John Bull; Swift's writings from 1710 to 1714, passim; Whiston's Letter
to the Earl of Nottingham, and the Earl's answer. ]
[Footnote 269: Kennet's funeral sermon on the Duke of Devonshire, and
Memoirs of the family of Cavendish; State Trials; Privy Council Book,
March 5. 1685/6; Barillon, June 30/July 10 1687; Johnstone, Dec. 8/18.
1687; Lords' journals, May 6. 1689. "Ses amis et ses proches," says
Barillon, "lui conseillent de prendre le bon parti, mais il persiste
jusqu'a prasent a ne se point soumettre. S'il vouloit se bien conduire
et renoncer a etre populaire, il ne payeroit pas l'amende, mais s'il
opiniatre, il lui en coutera trente mille pieces et il demeurera
prisonnier jusqu'a l'actuel payement. "]
[Footnote 270: The motive which determined the conduct of the Churchills
is shortly and plainly set forth in the Duchess of Marlborough's
Vindication. "It was," she says, "evident to all the world that, as
things were carried on by King James, everybody sooner or later must be
ruined, who would not become a Roman Catholic. This consideration made
me very well pleased at the Prince of Orange's undertaking to rescue us
from such slavery. "]
[Footnote 271: Grammont's Memoirs; Pepys's Diary, Feb. 21. 1684/5. ]
[Footnote 272: It would be endless to recount all the books from which I
have formed my estimate of the duchess's character. Her own letters,
her own vindication, and the replies which it called forth, have been my
chief materials. ]
[Footnote 273: The formal epistle which Dykvelt carried back to the
States is in the Archives at the Hague. The other letters mentioned in
this paragraph are given by Dalrymple. App. to Book V. ]
[Footnote 274: Sunderland to William, Aug. 24. 1686; William to
Sunderland, Sept. 2/12 1686; Barillon, May 6/16 May 26/June 5 Oct. 3/13
Nov 28/Dec 8.
Supremacy, I Eliz. chap. I. hut the English act was soon found to be
defective and the defect was supplied by a more stringent act, 5
Eliz. chap. I No such supplementary law was made in Ireland. That
the construction mentioned in the text was put on the Irish Act of
Supremacy, we are told by Archbishop King: State of Ireland, chap. ii.
sec. 9. He calls this construction Jesuitical but I cannot see it in
that light. ]
[Footnote 150: Political Anatomy of Ireland. ]
[Footnote 151: Political Anatomy of Ireland, 1672; Irish Hudibras, 1689;
John Dunton's Account of Ireland, 1699. ]
[Footnote 152: Clarendon to Rochester, May 4. 1686. ]
[Footnote 153: Bishop Malony's Letter to Bishop Tyrrel, March 5. 1689. ]
[Footnote 154: Statute 10 & 11 Charles I. chap. 16; King's State of the
Protestants of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 8. ]
[Footnote 155: King, chap. ii. sec. 8. Miss Edgeworth's King Corny
belongs to a later and much more civilised generation; but whoever
has studied that admirable portrait can form some notion of what King
Corny's great grandfather must have been. ]
[Footnote 156: King, chap. iii. sec. 2. ]
[Footnote 157: Sheridan MS. ; Preface to the first volume of the Hibernia
Anglicana, 1690; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1689. ]
[Footnote 158: "There was a free liberty of conscience by connivance,
though not by the law. "--King, chap. iii. sec. i. ]
[Footnote 159: In a letter to James found among Bishop Tyrrel's papers,
and dated Aug. 14. 1686, are some remarkable expressions. "There are
few or none Protestants in that country but such as are joined with
the Whigs against the common enemy. " And again: "Those that passed for
Tories here" (that is in England) "publicly espouse the Whig quarrel on
the other side the water. " Swift said the same thing to King William a
few years later "I remember when I was last in England, I told the
King that the highest Tories we had with us would make tolerable Whigs
there. "--Letters concerning the Sacramental Test. ]
[Footnote 160: The wealth and negligence of the established clergy of
Ireland are mentioned in the strongest terms by the Lord Lieutenant
Clarendon, a most unexceptionable witness. ]
[Footnote 161: Clarendon reminds the King of this in a letter dated
March 14. "It certainly is," Clarendon adds, "a most true notion. "]
[Footnote 162: Clarendon strongly recommended this course, and was of
opinion that the Irish Parliament would do its part. See his letter to
Ormond, Aug. 28. 1686. ]
[Footnote 163: It was an O'Neill of great eminence who said that it did
not become him to writhe his mouth to chatter English. Preface to the
first volume of the Hibernia Anglicana. ]
[Footnote 164: Sheridan MS. among the Stuart Papers. I ought to
acknowledge the courtesy with which Mr. Glover assisted me in my search
for this valuable manuscript. James appears, from the instructions which
he drew up for his son in 1692, to have retained to the last the notion
that Ireland could not without danger be entrusted to an Irish Lord
Lieutenant. ]
[Footnote 165: Sheridan MS. ]
[Footnote 166: Clarendon to Rochester, Jan. 19. 1685/6; Secret Consults
of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690. ]
[Footnote 167: Clarendon to Rochester, Feb. 27. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 168: Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, March 2. 1685/6;
and to Rochester, March 14. ]
[Footnote 169: Clarendon to Sunderland, Feb. 26. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 170: Sunderland to Clarendon, March 11. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 171: Clarendon to Rochester, March 14. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 172: Clarendon to James, March 4. 1685/6. ]
[Footnote 173: James to Clarendon, April 6. 1686. ]
[Footnote 174: Sunderland to Clarendon, May 22. 1686; Clarendon to
Ormond, May 30. ; Clarendon to Sunderland, July 6. 11. ]
[Footnote 175: Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, June 1. 1686; to
Rochester, June 12. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap.
ii. sec. 6, 7. Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689. ]
[Footnote 176: Clarendon to Rochester, May 15 1686. ]
[Footnote 177: Ibid. May 11. 1686. ]
[Footnote 178: Ibid. June 8. 1686. ]
[Footnote 179: Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland. ]
[Footnote 180: Clarendon to Rochester, June 26. and July 4. 1686;
Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689. ]
[Footnote 181: Clarendon to Rochester, July 4. 22. 1686; to Sunderland,
July 6; to the King, Aug. 14. ]
[Footnote 182: Clarendon to Rochester, June 19. 1686. ]
[Footnote 183: Ibid. June 22. 1686. ]
[Footnote 184: Sheridan MS. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland,
chap. iii. sec. 3. sec. 8. There is a most striking instance of
Tyrconnel's impudent mendacity in Clarendon's letter to Rochester, July
22. 1686. ]
[Footnote 185: Clarendon to Rochester, June 8. 1686. ]
[Footnote 186: Clarendon to Rochester, Sept. 23. and Oct. 2. 1686 Secret
Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690. ]
[Footnote 187: Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 6. 1686. ]
[Footnote 188: Clarendon to the King and to Rochester, Oct. 23. 1686. ]
[Footnote 189: Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 29, 30. 1686. ]
[Footnote 190: Ibid. Nov. 27. 1686. ]
[Footnote 191: Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Clarke's Life of James the
Second, ii. 99. ]
[Footnote 192: Sheridan MS. ]
[Footnote 193: Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 100. ]
[Footnote 194: Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Bonrepaux, June 4. 1687. ]
[Footnote 195: Barillon, Dec. 2/12 1686; Burnet, i. 684. ; Clarke's Life
of James the Second, ii. 100. ; Dodd's Church History. I have tried to
frame a fair narrative out of these conflicting materials. It seems
clear to me, from Rochester's own papers that he was on this occasion
by no means so stubborn as he has been represented by Burnet and by the
biographer of James. ]
[Footnote 196: From Rochester's Minutes, dated Dec. 3. 1686. ]
[Footnote 197: From Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 4. 1686. ]
[Footnote 198: Barillon, Dec. 20/30 1686. ]
[Footnote 199: Burnet, i. 684. ]
[Footnote 200: Bonrepaux, Mar 25/June 4 1687. ]
[Footnote 201: Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 19 1686; Barillon, Dec 30 / Jan
9 1686/7; Burnet, i. 685. Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 102. ;
Treasury Warrant Book, Dec. 29. 1686. ]
[Footnote 202: Bishop Malony in a letter to Bishop Tyrrel says, "Never a
Catholic or other English will ever think or make a step, nor suffer
the King to make a step for your restauration, but leave you as you
were hitherto, and leave your enemies over your heads: nor is there any
Englishman, Catholic or other, of what quality or degree soever alive,
that will stick to sacrifice all Ireland for to save the least interest
of his own in England, and would as willingly see all Ireland over
inhabited by English of whatsoever religion as by the Irish. "]
[Footnote 203: The best account of these transactions is in the Sheridan
MS. ]
[Footnote 204: Sheridan MS. ; Oldmixon's Memoirs of Ireland; King's State
of the Protestants of Ireland, particularly chapter iii. ; Apology for
the Protestants of Ireland, 1689. ]
[Footnote 205: Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690. ]
[Footnote 206: London Gazette, Jan. 6. and March 14. 1686/7; Evelyn's
Diary, March 10 Etherege's letter to Dover is in the British Museum. ]
[Footnote 207: "Pare che gli animi sono inaspriti della voce che
corre per il popolo, desser cacciato il detto ministro per non essere
Cattolico, percio tirarsi al esterminio de' Protestanti. "--Adda, 1687. ]
[Footnote 208: The chief materials from which I have taken my
description of the Prince of Orange will be found in Burnet's History,
in Temple's and Gourville's Memoirs, in the Negotiations of the
Counts of Estrades and Avaux, in Sir George Downing's Letters to Lord
Chancellor Clarendon, in Wagenaar's voluminous History, in Van Kamper's
Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis, and, above all, in
William's own confidential correspondence, of which the Duke of Portland
permitted Sir James Mackintosh to take a copy. ]
[Footnote 209: William was earnestly intreated by his friends, after the
peace of Ryswick, to speak seriously to the French ambassador about
the schemes of assassination which the Jacobites of St. Germains were
constantly contriving. The cold magnanimity with which these intimations
of danger were received is singularly characteristic. To Bentinck, who
had sent from Paris very alarming intelligence, William merely replied
at the end of a long letter of business,--"Pour les assasins je ne luy
en ay pas voulu parler, croiant que c'etoit au desous de moy. " May 2/12
1698. I keep the original orthography, if it is to be so called. ]
[Footnote 210: From Windsor he wrote to Bentinck, then ambassador at
Paris. "Jay pris avant hier un cerf dans la forest avec les chains du
Pr. de Denm. et ay fait on assez jolie chasse, autant que ce vilain
paiis le permest. March 20/April 1 1698.
" The spelling is bad, but not
worse than Napoleon's. William wrote in better humour from Loo. "Nous
avons pris deux gros cerfs, le premier dans Dorewaert, qui est un des
plus gros que je sache avoir jamais pris. Il porte seize. " Oct 25/Nov 4
1697. ]
[Footnote 211: March 3. 1679. ]
[Footnote 212: "Voila en peu de mot le detail de nostre St. Hubert. Et
j'ay eu soin que M. Woodstoc" (Bentinck's eldest son) "n'a point este a
la chasse, bien moin au soupe, quoyqu'il fut icy. Vous pouvez pourtant
croire que de n'avoir pas chasse l'a on peu mortifie, mais je ne l'ay
pas ause prendre sur moy, puisque vous m'aviez dit que vous ne le
souhaitiez pas. " From Loo, Nov. 4. 1697. ]
[Footnote 213: On the 15th of June, 1688. ]
[Footnote 214: Sept. 6. 1679. ]
[Footnote 215: See Swift's account of her in the Journal to Stella. ]
[Footnote 216: Henry Sidney's Journal of March 31. 1680, in Mr.
Blencowe's interesting collection. ]
[Footnote 217: Speaker Onslow's note on Burnet, i. 596. ; Johnson's Life
of Sprat. ]
[Footnote 218: No person has contradicted Burnet more frequently or with
more asperity than Dartmouth. Yet Dartmouth wrote, "I do not think
he designedly published anything he believed to be false. " At a later
period Dartmouth, provoked by some remarks on himself in the second
volume of the Bishop's history, retracted this praise but to such a
retraction little importance can be attached. Even Swift has the justice
to say, "After all, he was a man of generosity and good nature. "--Short
Remarks on Bishop Burnet's History.
It is usual to censure Burnet as a singularly inaccurate historian;
hut I believe the charge to be altogether unjust. He appears to be
singularly inaccurate only because his narrative has been subjected to a
scrutiny singularly severe and unfriendly. If any Whig thought it worth
while to subject Reresby's Memoirs, North's Examen, Mulgrave's Account
of the Revolution, or the Life of James the Second, edited by Clarke, to
a similar scrutiny, it would soon appear that Burnet was far indeed from
being the most inexact writer of his time. ]
[Footnote 219: Dr. Hooper's MS. narrative, published in the Appendix to
Lord Dungannon's Life of William. ]
[Footnote 220: Avaux Negotiations, Aug. 10/20 Sept. 14/24 Sept 28/Oct 8
Dec. 7/17 1682. ]
[Footnote 221: I cannot deny myself the pleasure of quoting Massillon's
unfriendly, yet discriminating and noble, character of William. "Un
prince profond dans ses vues; habile a former des ligues et a reunir
les esprits; plus heureux a exciter les guerres qu'a combatire; plus a
craindre encore dans le secret du cabinet, qu'a la tete des armees; un
ennemi que la haine du nom Francais avoit rendu capable d'imaginer de
grandes choses et de les executer; un de ces genies qui semblent etre
nes pour mouvoir a leur gre les peuples et les souverains; un grand
homme, s'il n'avoit jamais voulu etre roi. "--Oraison funebre de M. le
Dauphin. ]
[Footnote 222: For example, "Je crois M. Feversham un tres brave et
honeste homme. Mais je doute s'il a assez d'experience diriger une si
grande affaire qu'il a sur le bras. Dieu lui donne un succes prompt et
heureux. Mais je ne suis pas hors d'inquietude. " July 7/17 1685. Again,
after he had received the news of the battle of Sedgemoor, "Dieu soit
loue du bon succes que les troupes du Roy ont eu contre les rebelles. Je
ne doute pas que cette affaire ne soit entierement assoupie, et que le
regne du Roy sera heureux, Ce que Dieu veuille. " July 10/20]
[Footnote 223: The treaty will be found in the Recueil des Traites, iv.
No. 209. ]
[Footnote 224: Burnet, i. 762. ]
[Footnote 225: Temple's Memoirs. ]
[Footnote 226: See the poems entitled The Converts and The Delusion. ]
[Footnote 227: The lines are in the Collection of State Poems. ]
[Footnote 228: Our information about Wycherly is very scanty; but two
things are certain, that in his later years he called himself a Papist,
and that he received money from James. I have very little doubt that he
was a hired convert. ]
[Footnote 229: See the article on him in the Biographia Britannica. ]
[Footnote 230: See James Quin's account of Haines in Davies's
Miscellanies; Tom Brown's Works; Lives of Sharpers; Dryden's Epilogue to
the Secular Masque. ]
[Footnote 231: This fact, which escaped the minute researches of Malone,
appears from the Treasury Letter Book of 1685. ]
[Footnote 232: Leeuwen, Dec 25/Jan 4 1685/6]
[Footnote 233: Barillon,--Jan 31/Feb 10 1686/7. "Je crois que, dans
le fond, si on ne pouvoit laisser que la religion Anglicane et la
Catholique etablies par les loix, le Roy d'Angleterre en seroit bien
plus content. "]
[Footnote 234: It will be round in Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 129. ]
[Footnote 235: Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 128. 129. 132. ]
[Footnote 236: Barillon Feb 20/March 10 1686/7; Citters, Feb. 16/23;
Reresby's Memoirs Bonrepaux, May 25/June 4 1687. ]
[Footnote 237: Barillon, March 14/24 1687; Lady Russell to Dr.
Fitzwilliam, April 1. ; Burnet, i. 671. 762. The conversation is somewhat
differently related in Clarke's Life of James, ii. 204. But that passage
is not part of the King's own memoirs. ]
[Footnote 238: London Gazette, March 21. 1686/7. ]
[Footnote 239: Ibid. April 7. 1687. ]
[Footnote 240: Warrant Book of the Treasury. See particularly the
instructions dated March 8, 1687/8 Burnet, i. 715. Reflections on his
Majesty's Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland; Letters containing
some Reflections on his Majesty's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience;
Apology for the Church of England with a relation to the spirit of
Persecution for which she is accused, 1687/8. But it is impossible for
me to cite all the pamphlets from which I have formed my notion of the
state of parties at this time. ]
[Footnote 241: Letter to a Dissenter. ]
[Footnote 242: Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. Nos. 132. 134. ]
[Footnote 243: London Gazette, April 21. 1687 Animadversions on a late
paper entituled A Letter to a Dissenter, by H C. (Henry Care), 1687. ]
[Footnote 244: Lestrange's Answer to a Letter to a Dissenter; Care's
Animadversions on A letter to a Dissenter; Dialogue between Harry and
Roger; that is to say, Harry Care and Roger Lestrange. ]
[Footnote 245: The letter was signed T. W. Care says, in his
Animadversions, "This Sir Politic T. W. , or W. T. for some critics think
that the truer reading. "]
[Footnote 246: Ellis Correspondence, March 15. July 27. 1686 Barillon,
Feb 28/Mar 10; March 3/13. March 6/16. 1687 Ronquillo, March 9/19. 1687,
in the Mackintosh Collection. ]
[Footnote 247: Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Observator; Heraclitus Ridens,
passim. But Care's own writings furnish the best materials for an
estimate of his character. ]
[Footnote 248: Calamy's Account of the Ministers ejected or silenced
after the Restoration, Northamptonshire; Wood's Athenae Oxonienses;
Biographia Britannica. ]
[Footnote 249: State Trials; Samuel Rosewell's Life of Thomas Rosewell,
1718; Calamy's Account. ]
[Footnote 250: London Gazette, March 15 1685/6; Nichols's Defence of the
Church of England; Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters. ]
[Footnote 251: The Addresses will be found in the London Gazettes. ]
[Footnote 252: Calamy's Life of Baxter. ]
[Footnote 253: Calamy's Life of Howe. The share which the Hampden family
had in the matter I learned from a letter of Johnstone of Waristoun,
dated June 13 1688. ]
[Footnote 254: Bunyan's Grace Abounding. ]
[Footnote 255: Young classes Bunyan's prose with Durfey's poetry. The
people of fashion in the Spiritual Quixote rank the Pilgrim's Progress
with Jack the Giantkiller. Late in the eighteenth century Cowper did not
venture to do more than allude to the great allegorist
"I name thee not, lest so despis'd a name
Should move a sneer at thy deserved fame. "]
[Footnote 256: The continuation of Bunyan's life appended to his Grace
Abounding. ]
[Footnote 257: Kiffin's Memoirs; Luson's Letter to Brooke, May 11. 1773,
in the Hughes Correspondence. ]
[Footnote 258: See, among other contemporary pamphlets, one entitled a
Representation of the threatening Dangers impending over Protestants. ]
[Footnote 259: Burnet, i. 694. ]
[Footnote 260: "Le Prince d'Orange, qui avoit elude jusqu'alors de faire
une reponse positive, dit qu'il ne consentira jamais a la suppression
du ces loix qui avoient ete etablies pour le maintien et la surete de
la religion Protestante, et que sa conscience ne le lui permettoit point
non seulement pour la succession du royaume d'Angleterre, mais meme
pour l'empire du monde; en sorte que le roi d'Angleterre est plus aigri
contre lui qu'il n'a jamais ete"--Bonrepaux, June 11/21 1687. ]
[Footnote 261: Burnet, i. 710. Bonrepaux, May 24/June 4. 1687]
[Footnote 262: Johnstone, Jan. 13. 1688; Halifax's Anatomy of an
Equivalent. ]
[Footnote 263: Burnet, i. 726-73 1. ; Answer to the Criminal Letters
issued out against Dr. Burnet; Avaux Neg. , July 7/17 14/24, July 28/Aug
7 Jan 19/29 1688; Lewis to Barillon, Dec 30 1687/Jan 9 1688; Johnstone
of Waristoun, Feb. 21. 1688; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Oct. 5,
1687. As it has been suspected that Burnet, who certainly was not in the
habit of underrating his own importance, exaggerated the danger to which
he was exposed, I will give the words of Lewis and of Johnstone. "Qui
que ce soit," says Lewis, "qui entreprenne de l'enlever en Hollande
trouvera non seulement une retraite assuree et une entiere protection
dans mes etats, mais aussi toute l'assistance qu'il pourra desirer pour
faire conduire surement ce scelerat en Angleterre. " "The business of
Bamfield (Burnet) is certainly true," says Johnstone. "No man doubts of
it here, and some concerned do not deny it. His friends say they hear he
takes no care of himself, but out of vanity, to show his courage, shows
his folly; so that, if ill happen on it, all people will laugh at it.
Pray tell him so much from Jones (Johnstone). If some could be catched
making their coup d'essai on him, it will do much to frighten them from
making any attempt on Ogle (the Prince). "]
[Footnote 264: Burnet, a. 708. ; Avaux Neg. , Jan. 3/13 Feb. 6/16. 1687;
Van Kampen, Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis. ]
[Footnote 265: Burnet, i 711. Dykvelt's despatches to the States General
contain, as far as I have seen or can learn, not a word about the real
object of his mission. His correspondence with the Prince of Orange was
strictly private. ]
[Footnote 266: Bonrepaux, Sept. 12/22 1687. ]
[Footnote 267: See Lord Campbell's Life of him. ]
[Footnote 268: Johnstone's Correspondence; Mackay's Memoirs; Arbuthnot's
John Bull; Swift's writings from 1710 to 1714, passim; Whiston's Letter
to the Earl of Nottingham, and the Earl's answer. ]
[Footnote 269: Kennet's funeral sermon on the Duke of Devonshire, and
Memoirs of the family of Cavendish; State Trials; Privy Council Book,
March 5. 1685/6; Barillon, June 30/July 10 1687; Johnstone, Dec. 8/18.
1687; Lords' journals, May 6. 1689. "Ses amis et ses proches," says
Barillon, "lui conseillent de prendre le bon parti, mais il persiste
jusqu'a prasent a ne se point soumettre. S'il vouloit se bien conduire
et renoncer a etre populaire, il ne payeroit pas l'amende, mais s'il
opiniatre, il lui en coutera trente mille pieces et il demeurera
prisonnier jusqu'a l'actuel payement. "]
[Footnote 270: The motive which determined the conduct of the Churchills
is shortly and plainly set forth in the Duchess of Marlborough's
Vindication. "It was," she says, "evident to all the world that, as
things were carried on by King James, everybody sooner or later must be
ruined, who would not become a Roman Catholic. This consideration made
me very well pleased at the Prince of Orange's undertaking to rescue us
from such slavery. "]
[Footnote 271: Grammont's Memoirs; Pepys's Diary, Feb. 21. 1684/5. ]
[Footnote 272: It would be endless to recount all the books from which I
have formed my estimate of the duchess's character. Her own letters,
her own vindication, and the replies which it called forth, have been my
chief materials. ]
[Footnote 273: The formal epistle which Dykvelt carried back to the
States is in the Archives at the Hague. The other letters mentioned in
this paragraph are given by Dalrymple. App. to Book V. ]
[Footnote 274: Sunderland to William, Aug. 24. 1686; William to
Sunderland, Sept. 2/12 1686; Barillon, May 6/16 May 26/June 5 Oct. 3/13
Nov 28/Dec 8.
