We have already spo- ken about things being known to be known about and now refer simply to the
necessarily
fictional component of this mode of infor- mation processing.
Luhmann-Niklas-the-Reality-of-the-Mass-Media
This also means they can only be fulfilled on the basis of numerous other assumptions which cannot be guaranteed through the system itself.
Operational constructivism has no doubt that an environment exists.
If it did, of course, the concept of the system's boundary, which presupposes that there is another side, would make no sense either.
The theory of operational constructivism does not lead to a 'loss of world', it does not deny that reality exists.
How- ever, it assumes that the world is not an object but is rather a horizon, in the phenomenological sense.
It is, in other words, in- accessible.
And that is why there is no possibility other than to construct reality and perhaps to observe observers as they construct reality.
Granted, it may be the case that different observers then have the impression that they are seeing 'the same thing' and that theorists of transcendentalism are only able to explain this through the construction of transcendental a prioris - this invisible hand which keeps knowledge in order in spite of individuality.
But in fact this too is a construction, because it is simply not possible with- out the respective system-specific distinction between self-reference and other-reference.
What is meant by 'reality' can therefore only be an internal cor- relate of the system's operations - and not, say, a characteristic which attaches to objects of knowledge additionally to that which distinguishes them in terms of individuality or kind. Reality, then, is nothing more than an indicator of successful tests for consistency
? in the system. Reality is produced within the system by means of sense-making. It arises whenever inconsistencies which might emerge from the part played by memory in the system's operations are resolved - for example, by the construction of space and time as dimensions with various points at which different perceptions or memories can be localized without conflicting with one another. If reality is expressly emphasized in the communication (a 'real' lemon, a 'real' experience), then what is simultaneously emphasized is that doubts are possible and perhaps even appropriate. The more com- plex the system becomes and the more it exposes itself to irrita- tions, the more variety the world can permit without relinquishing any reality - and the more the system can afford to work with negations, with fictions, with 'merely analytical' or statistical as- sumptions which distance it from the world as it is.
In this case, however, every statement about reality is tied to system references which cannot be further generalized (transcendentalized). So our question now has the form: how do mass media construct reality? Or, to put it in a more complicated way (and related to one's own self-reference! ): how can we (as so- ciologists, for example) describe the reality of their construction of reality? The question is not: how do the mass media distort reality through the manner of their representations? For that would pre- suppose an ontological, available, objectively accessible reality that can be known without resort to construction; it would basically presuppose the old cosmos of essences. Scientists might indeed be of the opinion that they have a better knowledge of reality than the way it is represented in the mass media, committed as these are to 'popularization'. But that can only mean comparing one's own con- struction to another. One may do that, encouraged by a society which believes scientific descriptions to be authentic knowledge of reality. But this has no bearing whatever on the possibility of first asking: how do mass media construct reality?
Media research in communication studies faces a similar ques- tion when it describes the increasing influence of the mass media on social events over the past few decades. 10 What ought to be taken, by their own standards, as success is restylized as a crisis. But the description as crisis would presuppose that it is possible to react by changing structures. Such a possibility does not seem likely,
? however. The crisis does not concern the way the mass media oper- ate, only their self-description, the lack of an adequate reflexive theory. In order to respond to this challenge, it will not simply be a matter of starting from the assumption of an increase in influence over the past few decades - much as it is conspicuous, for example, that companies no longer refer to society via their product alone but also, as with mass media suggestion, via 'culture' and 'ethics'. Even the invention of the rotary printing press is not the decisive caesura, but only one step in the process of intensification of ef- fects. Observation and critique of mass media effects had already become commonplace long before. 11 What is needed is a broader period of historical observation, basically reaching back to when the printing press came into its own; and what is needed above all are theoretical tools which are abstract enough to make a place for the theory of the mass media within a general theory of modern society. In what follows this occurs by way of the assumption that the mass media are one of the function systems of modern society, which, like all others, owes its increased effectiveness to the differ- entiation, operational closure and autopoietic autonomy of the sys- tem concerned.
Moreover, the dual meaning of reality both as an operation that actually occurs, that is, is observable, and as the reality of society and its world which is generated in this way, makes it clear that the concepts of operational closure, autonomy and construction by no means rule out causal influences from outside. Especially if it has to be assumed that what one is dealing with in each instance is a con- structed reality, then this peculiar form of production fits particu- larly well with the notion of an external influence. This was demonstrated very well by the successful military censorship of re- ports about the Gulf War. All the censorship had to do was operate according to the ways of the media; it had to contribute to achiev- ing the desired construction and exclude independent information, which would hardly have been obtainable anyway. Since the war was staged as a media event from the start and since the parallel action of filming or interpreting data simultaneously served mili- tary and news production purposes, de-coupling would have brought about an almost total loss of information in any case. So in order to exercise censorship, not much more was required than
? to take the media's chronic need for information into account and provide them with new information for the necessary continuation of programmes. 12 Thus, what was mainly shown was the military machinery in operation. The fact that the victims' side of the war was almost completely erased in the process aroused considerable criticism; but most likely only because this completely contradicted the picture built up by the media themselves of what a war should look like.
? Self-reference and Other- reference
Before we proceed, it is necessary first to analyse more closely the distinction between self-reference and other-reference that is built into the system. What must be obvious to every external observer (us, for example) is that this is the way in which the operationally produced boundary of the system, the difference of system and en- vironment, is copied into the system. So the system has first to oper- ate and continue its operations - for example, be able to live or communicate - before it is able to use internally the difference pro- duced in this way as a distinction and thus as a schema of its own observations. 1 We must therefore distinguish between difference and distinction, and that requires us to establish a system reference (here, mass media) or, in other words, the observation of an observer who is able to distinguish himself from that which he is observing.
Put more abstractly and in mathematical terminology, what is involved (for us as observers) is a 're-entry' of a distinction into that which has been distinguished by it. As is shown by the calculus of forms worked out by Spencer Brown,2 re-entry is a boundary operation of a calculation which remains at the level of first-order observation and within the context of binary distinctions. 3 A re- entry must be assumed to be unformulable at first (as observing requires a distinction and therefore presupposes the distinction be- tween observation and distinction) yet can still be described in the end - but only in a way that results in an 'unresolvable indetermi- nacy' which can no longer be dealt with in the strict mathematical forms of arithmetic and (Boolean) algebra. 4
? One important consequence, which Heinz von Foerster empha- sized early on,5 is that a calculus of this kind can no longer be conceived of as a tool for establishing 'objective' truth representationally, but rather becomes 'bi-stable' and thus gener- ates its own time which, like a computer, it 'consumes', as it were, through the sequence of its own operations. The internally pro- duced indeterminacy is therefore resolved in a succession of opera- tions which are able to realize a variety of things sequentially. The system takes its time and forms every operation in the expectation that others will follow. The system of the mass media also works in this way, with the assumption that its own communications will be continued during the next hour or on the next day. Each programme holds the promise of another programme. It is never a matter of simply representing the world in any one given moment.
A further consequence arises from the need for an 'imaginary state' for the continuation of operations which go beyond the cal- culus. 6 We could also say: the re-entry is a hidden paradox, be- cause it deals with different distinctions (system/environment and self-reference/other-reference) as if they were the same one. In the system's perception, the distinction between the world as it is and the world as it is observed becomes blurred. 7 It is true that there are numerous culturally reliable ways of correcting mistakes; and ever since Marx and Freud there have also been ways of casting suspi- cion on oneself in the knowledge (already conveyed by the mass media) that one is being guided by latent interests or motives. It is for such purposes that society has 'critical' intellectuals and thera- pists. But in operational reality these are only correctional reserva- tions, that is, future perspectives, whereas in the operationally current present the world as it is and the world as it is being ob- served cannot be distinguished.
What is needed in order to resolve this paradox of the confusion of two worlds is imagination or creative ideas which refer reflex- ively to the state of the system just reached, but which are not determined by it. The state of the system enters further communi- cation as an irritation, as a surprise, as a novelty, without this mystery of the source, the origin of the novelty of the new being able to be clarified by the operations of the system. 8 The system presupposes itself as a self-produced irritation, without being ac-
? cessible through its own operations, and then sets about trans- forming irritation into information, which it produces for society (and for itself in society). That is precisely why the reality of a system is always a correlate of the system's own operations, al- ways its own construction. It is the topics of communication which ensure that the mass media, in spite of their operational closure, do not take off, do not take leave of society. Topics are an un- avoidable requirement of communication. 9 They represent com- munication's other-reference. They organize communication's memory. They gather contributions into complexes of elements that belong together, so that it can be discerned in the course of communication whether a topic is being retained and carried for- ward or whether it is being changed. At the level of topics, then, other-reference and self-reference are constantly being coordinated in relation to each other within the system's own communication. 10 A topic such as AIDS is not a product of the mass media them- selves. It is merely taken up by them and then dealt with in a par- ticular way, subjected to a thematic trajectory that cannot be explained from medical diagnoses nor from the communication between doctors and patients. 11 Above all, recursive public discus- sion of the topic, the prerequisite that it is already known about and that there is a need for further information, is a typical prod- uct of and requirement for the continuation of mass media com- munication; and securing this public recursivity in turn has a retroactive effect upon communication in the environment of the mass media - for example, on medical research or on the plans of the pharmaceutical industry which stands to make billions in turn- over from politically dictated compulsory testing.
Topics therefore serve the structural coupling of the mass media with other social domains; and in doing this they are so elastic and so diversifiable that the mass media are able to use their topics to reach every part of society, whereas the systems in the inner social environment of the mass media, such as politics, the economy or law, often have difficulty presenting their topics to the mass media and having them taken up in an appropriate way. The success of the mass media throughout society is based on making sure that topics are accepted, regardless of whether there is a positive or a negative response to information, proposals for meaning-making
? or recognizable judgements. Interest in a topic is frequently based precisely on the fact that both positions are possible.
Once having been made public, topics can be dealt with on the basis of being known about; indeed it can be assumed that they are known to be known about, as private opinions and contributions to the individual topics circulate openly - just as the effect of money as a medium is based on securing acceptance through the lifting of controls on individuals' use of it. And in both cases the extent to which controls are lifted on individuals' dissent or preferences var- ies from topic to topic and from price to price. Such arrangements shatter the stereotypical assumption that starts from individuals alone and posits a reciprocal relationship of exclusion of consent and dissent or conformity and individuality. Through the increase in structural complexity and through the evolution of appropriate media, society is able to realize more of each. Moreover, the fact that things are known to be known about ensures the necessary acceleration of communication. It can be based on things that can be presupposed and concentrate on introducing specific surprises anew (and as new).
An observer (and this might also be organizations within the sys- tem of the mass media) can distinguish between topics and func- tions of communication. For example, he can say to himself and to others: if we don't run this or that news item, if we cancel the weather report or, say, the 'bioscopes', we will lose our readership. To do this, communication must be reflected as communication; in other words self-reference has to be actualized. The topics/functions dis- tinction corresponds to the other-reference/self-reference distinc- tion. Using this distinction, the observer gains freedom in the choice of topic and, above all, in leaving out information. He does not need to be motivated solely by the truth, thereby making himself dependent on prescriptive guidelines. He can even run false or pos- sibly false information if he keeps an eye on the function and weighs up the value of sensationalism against the possible risk of being exposed.
Thus the system of the mass media reveals the consequences fa- cing a system which generates a difference of system and environ- ment through operational closure and which is thereby forced to distinguish internally between self-reference and other-reference and
? to lend substance to this distinction using its own ever-changing conditions. Thus it cannot be a matter of finding out how the world is with the help of this system, however distorted and in need of correction it may be, and then making this knowledge generally available. This is how the system's self-description might proclaim it. Instead, a sociological observer trained in systems theory will describe that and how the system connects one operation to an- other in self-constructed temporal horizons, referring again and again to its own state of information, in order to be capable of discerning novelties, surprises and, therefore, information values. It is easy to understand how in the process the suspicion of ma- nipulation being at work might arise. If the world cannot be repre- sented as it is and as it changes from moment to moment, the obvious thing to do instead is to look for solid clues in interests which ma- nipulate the system for their own ends, in other words to attribute conditions and operations of the system to some external cause or another. For the system itself, however, that remains a matter of ineffectual private opinions which in turn can be attributed to the one expressing them. Or else suspicion is based on scientifically more or less provable causal theories which can be reported on from time to time if the opportunity presents itself. The system can take up such criteria, but only in the form in which it can turn everything into a topic of mass media communication. The factual conditions underpinning this are and remain operational closure and, conditioned thus, the system's constructivist mode of opera- tion. The pressing question thereby takes a sociological turn. It must be: what kind of a society is it that describes itself and its world in this way?
? 3
Coding
The first question that arises when describing the mass media from a systems theoretical standpoint is how society allows such a sys- tem to be differentiated at all. For any communication can connect to any other communication, the only condition being that a con- text of meaning can be established. 1 Thus what has to be explained is how such readily available connective possibilities are interrupted, and interrupted in a way that allows boundaries to be drawn and subsystemic complexity to be built up within these boundaries by means of a distinctive kind of communication.
Unlike in the ancient European description of society, such as Plato's theory of the politically ordered society (politeia, republic), this does not happen in the form of the division of a whole on the basis of essential differences between the parts. Indeed, differentia- tions in social evolution do not arise in this way, from above, as it were, but rather on the basis of very specific evolutionary achieve- ments, such as the invention of coins,2 resulting in the differentia- tion of an economic system, or the invention of the concentration of power in political offices,3 resulting in the differentiation of a political system. In other words, what is needed is a productive differentiation which, in favourable conditions, leads to the emer- gence of systems to which the rest of society can only adapt.
For the differentiation of a system of the mass media, the deci- sive achievement can be said to have been the invention of tech- nologies of dissemination which not only circumvent interaction among those co-present, but effectively render such interaction
? impossible for the mass media's own communications. Writing alone did not have this effect, because it was initially conceived of only as a memory aid for primarily oral communication. Only with the printing press is the volume of written material multiplied to the extent that oral interaction among all participants in communica- tion is effectively and visibly rendered impossible. 4 Consumers make their presence felt at most in quantitative terms: through sales fig- ures, through listener or viewer ratings, but not as a counteractive influence. The quantum of their presence can be described and in- terpreted, but is not fed back via communication. Of course, oral communication is still possible as a reaction to things which are printed or broadcast. But the success of scheduled communication no longer depends upon it. This is how, in the sphere of the mass media, an autopoietic, self-reproducing system is able to emerge which no longer requires the mediation of interaction among those co-present. It is only then that operational closure occurs, with the result that the system reproduces its own operations out of itself; it no longer uses them to establish interactional contacts with the environment internal to society,5 but is instead oriented to the sys- tem's own distinction between self-reference and other-reference. In spite of having a huge memory capacity, the system is set up to remember and forget quickly.
The systems theoretical distinction of self-reference/other-refer- ence does not tell us anything about how the self determines the self, or, to put it differently: how the connectivity of operations in the system is recognized and how the difference of system and envir- onment is produced and continually reproduced. For function sys- tems, and thus also in the case of the mass media, this typically occurs by means of a binary code which fixes a positive and a nega- tive value whilst excluding any third possibility. 6 The positive value refers to the connectivity of operations present in the system: things one can do something with. The negative value merely serves to reflect the conditions under which the positive value can be brought to bear. 7 Thus the code is a double-sided form, a distinction whose inside presupposes that there is an outside. But this inside/outside relationship of the code's form should not be confused with the difference of system and environment. 8 And the internal boundary of the code, which divides the negative from the positive value,
? should not be confused with the external boundary, which differ- entiates the system from its environment. In other words, the code difference is positioned orthogonally to the difference of self-refer- ence and other-reference. It serves the system's self-determination. For this it uses a distinction - not a principle, not an objective, not a statement of essence, not a final formula, but a guiding difference which still leaves open the question as to how the system will de- scribe its own identity; and leaves it open also inasmuch as there can be several views on the matter, without this 'contexturality' of self-description hindering the system in its operating. The code, the unity of this specific difference, is sufficient to determine which op- erations belong to the system and which operations (coded differ- ently or not coded at all) are going on in the environment of the system. Thus what the code entails is a distinction which makes self-observation possible only by using the distinction of system and environment.
The code of the system of the mass media is the distinction of information and non-information. The system can work with in- formation. Information, then, is the positive value, the designatory value, with which the system describes the possibilities of its own operating. But in order to have the freedom of seeing something as information or not, there must also be a possibility of thinking that something is non-informative. Without such a reflexive value the system would be at the mercy of everything that comes its way; and that also means it would be unable to distinguish itself from the environment, to organize its own reduction of complexity, its own selection.
Of course, even the information that something is not informa- tion is also informative. As is typical for the reflexive values of the codings (so, for example, injustice must be able to be treated as injustice in a lawful way), the system goes into an infinite regress here. It makes its operations dependent upon conditions which it cannot, and then can after all, determine. But the problem of infi- nite regress is only posed when there is a search for ultimate expla- nations, and the media system has no time for this anyway. In practice, the infinite regress is halted by a further distinction: that of coding and programming. There must be a (possibly change- able) set of rules within the system which resolve the paradox of
? the informativity of non-information, those programmes with whose help one can decide whether something in the system can be treated as informative or not.
If one wanted to let the horizon of what might possibly occur flow out into complete indeterminacy, information would appear to be arbitrary rather than a surprise. No one would be able to do any- thing with it because it offers nothing that might be learnt, and be- cause it cannot be transformed into redundancies which restrict what can be expected next. This is why all information relies on categori- zations which mark out spaces of possibility; within these spaces, the selective range for what can occur as communication is prestructured. This is merely a different formulation of the theory that the informa- tion/non-information code is not sufficient, and that instead pro- grammes are additionally required which will divide whatever can be expected as information, or remains without an informational value, into fields of selection such as sports or astrophysics, politics or mod- ern art, accidents or catastrophes. The unity and invariance of the code is then matched by a plurality of such programmes or, in other words, a two-stage selection of the field of selection and of the par- ticular item of information which only becomes comprehensible through being assigned to a 'where from' of other possibilities.
The complex, referential structure of mass media coding which goes back into itself, and the necessity of breaking it down with pre-determined areas of programming lead one to ask how the con- cept of information can be adapted to this particular use of it. In- formation, of course, is processed everywhere where consciousness or communication are at work. No information, no communica- tion; for after all, what is being spoken about has to be worth ut- tering. 9 It is precisely this universal presence of information in all meaningful operations, though, which enables us to dispense with the notion that information might be transportable from system to system, like tiny particles; that information exists, as it were, inde- pendently of the user. When the operational closure of a system takes place, there is also a closure of information processing (which never means, of course, that the system enters a state of free-float- ing causal independency). Gregory Bateson's concept of informa- tion meets these demands: according to it, information is 'any difference which makes a difference in some later event'. 10
? The implications of this conceptual proposal require a somewhat closer analysis. The unity of the concept of information is broken down into two differences which are coupled to each other caus- ally. This allows account to be taken of the fact that by no means every difference makes a difference. 11 Both perception and lan- guage provide a surplus of distinctions; and even if it were to be limited to the differences actualized at any one moment, to what is being seen or said at this very moment, it is still much more than what is used for forming a difference in the premises of further operations. Perception focuses something specific in a context which is also held in view. Sentences use many words, many distinctions, in order to say something specific. But only those things which re- main in the memory in the short or long term 'make the difference'.
This selective acquisition of information can only be grasped adequately as an achievement of the system, and that means, as a process internal to the system. The unity of information is the prod- uct of a system - in the case of perception, of a psychic system, in that of communication, of a social system. So one must always clarify which system is making these differences; or, with Spencer Brown, which system is carrying out the instruction 'draw a dis- tinction' that generates every distinction. 12
If, in addition, one starts out from the theory of operationally closed systems of information processing, the generation of infor- mation and the processing of information must be going on within the same system boundaries, and both differences to which Bateson's definition is geared must be distinctions in the same system. Ac- cordingly, there are no information transfers from system to sys- tem. Having said that, systems can generate items of information which circulate between their subsystems. So one must always name the system reference upon which any use of the concept of infor- mation is based. Otherwise it remains unclear what is meant at all. 13
Perhaps the most important characteristic of the information/ non-information code is its relationship to time. Information can- not be repeated; as soon as it becomes an event, it becomes non- information. A news item run twice might still have its meaning, but it loses its information value. 14 If information is used as a code
? value, this means that the operations in the system are constantly and inevitably transforming information into non-information. 15 The crossing of the boundary from value to opposing value occurs automatically with the very autopoiesis of the system. The system is constantly feeding its own output, that is, knowledge of certain facts, back into the system on the negative side of the code, as non- information; and in doing so it forces itself constantly to provide new information. 16 In other words, the system makes itself obso- lete. Thus one might almost think that it is using the new/old code, were there not other, objective reasons for not running a particular item of information. Of course, this automatic mechanism does not exclude the possibility of repetition. Advertising especially makes use of that. But in that case, the reflexive figure of the information value of non-information must be used, as an indicator of signifi- cance and of meriting remembrance. The same advertisement is repeated several times in order thus to inform the reader, who no- tices the repetition of the value of the product.
This constant de-actualization of information, this constant loss of information takes on added significance with the evolution of the mass media. In actual fact, every communication generates so- cial redundancy. When a piece of information is uttered, one can inquire further not only of the person who uttered it, but also of everyone else who has received and understood the information. No new information is gleaned from inquiring first of the utterer and after that of the receiver. 17 This may have little social signifi- cance as long as it remains a matter of private communication, so to speak, and if all that happens is that rumours develop which distort the information in such a way that it is still of interest and continues to be so from time to time. But the mass media spread information so broadly that at the very next moment one has to assume that everyone knows it (or that not knowing it would entail loss of face and is therefore not admitted to).
We have already spo- ken about things being known to be known about and now refer simply to the necessarily fictional component of this mode of infor- mation processing. In this respect, the mass media cause social re- dundancy throughout society, in other words, the immediate need for new information. Just as the economy, differentiated on the basis of payments of money, generates the never-ending need to
? replace money spent, so the mass media generate the need to re- place redundant information with new information: fresh money and new information are two central motives of modern social dy- namics.
Besides the monetary economy, then, it is likely that the mass media are also behind the much debated characteristics of modern temporal structures, such as the dominance of the past/future schema, the uniformization of world time, acceleration, the exten- sion of simultaneity to non-simultaneous events. They generate the time they presuppose, and society adapts itself accordingly. The almost neurotic compulsion in the economy, in politics, science and art to have to offer something new (even though no one knows where the novelty of the new comes from and how large a supply of it exists) offers impressive evidence of this. What is also notice- able is that modern society attaches an evaluation to its self- description as 'modern',18 which can turn out to be either positive or negative, depending on whether the (unknown) future is judged optimistically or pessimistically. 19 This compulsive need for self- assessment may be taken to have been triggered by the mass media putting out new information every day and thereby generating - and satisfying - a need for a global judgement. The increasingly academic reflection upon academic debates about modernity also makes use of the printing press;20 the speed and volume of publica- tions even at this level of abstraction could not be achieved in any other way. To be able to add something new to these debates, peo- ple are now speaking of 'postmodernity'. 21
If one sees this striving for the new as a repeated impulse, as a process, it becomes clear that this process consists in two stages, which it combines and then treats as one. 22 If in the course of time something is described as 'new', something else thereby becomes 'old' - even though it too was new at the moment when it was current. Seen as a schema of observation, new/old is simply one and only one specific schema. The form cannot function without an opposite term, without another side. Then, however, the prefer- ence for the new devalues that which it itself declares to be old. The (for us) old society of premodernity had good reason, therefore, to mistrust 'curiosity' (curiositas) and to refuse to tolerate this self- devaluation of institutions. We, on the other hand, show how re-
? sourceful we are by undertaking to promote, in highly selective manner, certain kinds of being old: they become oldtimers, clas- sics, antiquities, about which we can then generate ever-new infor- mation, prices, interpretations. We too, then, know of forms we can use to counter the new = old paradox.
Taking this theory one step further we can determine more pre- cisely the function of the informational components in the opera- tions of conscious, or communicative, systems. As a result of this coding, which is geared towards information, a specific restlessness and irritability arises in society which can then be accommodated again by the daily repeated effectivity of the mass media and by their different programme forms. 23 If we must constantly be pre- pared for surprises, it may be some consolation that tomorrow we will know more. In this respect the mass media serve to generate and process irritation. 24 The concept of irritation is also a part of the theory of operationally closed systems and refers to the form with which a system is able to generate resonance to events in the environment, even though its own operations circulate only within the system itself and are not suitable for establishing contact with the environment (which would have to mean, of course, that they are occurring partly inside and partly outside). This concept of irri- tation explains the two-part nature of the concept of information. The one component is free to register a difference which marks itself as a deviation from what is already known. The second com- ponent describes the change that then follows in the structuring of the system, in other words the integration into what can be taken to be the condition of the system for further operations. What is at issue here, as mentioned already, is a difference which makes a difference.
It might be said, then, that the mass media keep society on its toes. They generate a constantly renewed willingness to be pre- pared for surprises, disruptions even. 25 In this respect, the mass media 'fit' the accelerated auto-dynamic of other function systems such as the economy, science and politics, which constantly con- front society with new problems.
? System-specific Universalism
Just as in other function systems, the precondition for the differen- tiation of a particular function system of society is a special code. 'Differentiation' means the emergence of a particular subsystem of society by which the characteristics of system formation, especially autopoietic self-reproduction, self-organization, structural determi- nation and, along with all these, operational closure itself are real- ized. In such a case, we are not simply dealing with a phenomenon which a determined observer can distinguish. Rather, the system dis- tinguishes itself. Analysis of the system of the mass media thus oc- curs at the same level as analysis of the economic system, the legal system, the political system, etc. of society, and is concerned with paying attention to comparability, despite all differences. Evidence of a function system-specific code which is used only in the relevant system as a guiding difference is a first step in this direction. 1
Among the most important consequences of such a differentiation is the complementary relationship between universalism and specifi- cation. 1 On the basis of its own differentiation, the system can as- sume itself, its own function, its own practice as a point of reference for the specification of its own operations. It does and can only do whatever has connective capability internally, according to the struc- ture and historical situation of the system. It is precisely this, how- ever, which also creates the conditions for being able to deal with everything which can be made into a theme for its own communica- tion. Arising from this is a universal responsibility for its own func- tion. There are no facts which would be unsuitable in themselves for
? being dealt with in the mass media. (This is not to dispute the fact that there may be legal prohibitions or even political conventions which dictate that certain items of information should not (yet) be made public. ) The mass media are autonomous in the regulation of their own selectivity. This selectivity thus gains even greater signifi- cance, and becomes even more worthy of attention.
Seen from a historical perspective, we may suppose that the mass media's now visible mode of selection also makes visible - and open to criticism - a remote control on the part of political or religious or more recently military constituencies. But such criticism cannot be content with demanding space in the mass media for its own biased position. That would make the mass media into a forum for specific political or religious or ideological conflicts, which would leave little room for any independent function. A biased press can exist - as long as this is not all there is and one can obtain one's information independently. Moreover, it usually requires subsidiz- ing, so it is not supported by the market of the economic system. The more effective form of criticism will therefore have been the desire for reliable information. At least, it could not be seen as mere coincidence that a self-selectively specified universality is given a chance in the face of visible selectivity.
This expectation may have been reinforced, finally, by the estab- lishment of an internal differentiation of different areas of program- ming. Without meaning to offer a systematic deduction and justification of a closed typology, we can distinguish purely induc- tively: news and documentary reports (chapter 5), advertising (chap- ter 7), and entertainment (chapter 8). 3 Each of these strands uses the information/non-information code, even if they use very differ- ent versions of it; but they differ in terms of the criteria which un- derpin the selection of information. This is why we shall speak of areas of programming (and not of subsystems). This is not to ex- clude the possibility of overlaps, and, in particular, we will be able to recognize a recursive interlinking in each of these strands, which is imputed to be the moral convictions and typical preferences of the audience. Nonetheless these strands differ clearly enough, as we wish to show, for their differentiation to act as the most impor- tant internal structure of the system of the mass media.
? News and In-depth Reporting
The programme strand of news and in-depth reporting is most clearly recognizable as involving the production/processing of in- formation. In this strand the mass media disseminate ignorance in the form of facts which must continually be renewed so that no one notices. We are used to daily news, but we should be aware none- theless of the evolutionary improbability of such an assumption. If it is the idea of surprise, of something new, interesting and news- worthy which we associate with news, then it would seem much more sensible not to report it in the same format every day, but to wait for something to happen and then to publicize it. This hap- pened in the sixteenth century in the form of broadsides, ballads or crime stories spawned in the wake of executions etc. 1 It would take considerable entrepreneurial spirit, a market assessment that would initially be certain to involve risk, and sufficient organizational ca- pacity for gathering information if one wanted to set up an enter- prise based on the expectation that next week too there would be enough printable information available. For people at the time, Ben Jonson for example,2 serial production of news virtually proves that there must be deception at work. What may then have helped in the transition was that there was no need to distinguish between news and entertainment in the same medium and that news, whether true or not, was at least presented in an entertaining fashion. In
addition, a suitable style had to be invented which in relatively unfamiliar contexts conveyed the impression that something had already happened, but only just - in other words, it could not actu-
? ally be presented in the normal tenses of past or present. Using all the methods at the disposal of a journalistic writing style specially developed for the purpose, the impression must be given that what has just gone into the past is still present, is still interesting and informative. For this, it is sufficient to hint at a continuity that starts out from the way things were last known to stand and ex- tends beyond the present into the immediate future, so that at the same time the reason why one might be interested in the informa- tion becomes comprehensible. Events have to be dramatized as events - and they have to be suspended in time, a time which thus begins to flow past more quickly. The observation of events through- out society now occurs almost at the same time as the events them- selves.
If we consider this evolutionary transformation of improbability into probability, it is easy to understand that a profession which we now call journalism should have grown up, precisely in this sector of what will later become mass media. Only here does one find trends typical of professions, such as special training, a special, publicly accepted professional designation and self-proclaimed cri- teria for good work. 3 When information is offered in the mode of news and reporting, people assume and believe that it is relevant, that it is true. Mistakes may occur and from time to time there may even be specific false reports which, however, can subsequently be cleared up. Those affected have the right to demand a correction. The reputation of journalists, newspapers, editors etc. depends upon them doing good or at least adequate background research. False reports are therefore more likely to be launched from outside. A common way of protecting oneself is to give one's sources. In other cases, when mistakes have been made, explanations pointing to external causes are proffered. Of course, as everywhere, error rates have to be reckoned with. But what is important is that they should not be projected to become a more or less typical norm. They re- main isolated cases; were it otherwise, the peculiarity of this area of programming of news and in-depth reporting would collapse. The profession serves society (itself included) with truths. For un- truths, particular interests are needed which cannot be generalized.
But the mass media are only interested in things that are true under severely limiting conditions that clearly differ from those of
? scientific research. It is not the truth that is the problem, there- fore, but rather the unavoidable yet intended and regulated selec- tivity. Just as maps cannot correspond exactly to the territory they depict in terms of size and details, and just as Tristram Shandy was not in a position to tell of the life he lived, so also it is not possible to have a point-for-point correspondence between infor- mation and facts, between operational and represented reality. But neither is the relationship of the system to its environment simply a relationship of one-sided reduction of complexity. Rather, by means of differentiation, a break with external determination, and operational closure, surplus communication possibilities - that is, high degrees of freedom - are created internally, which mean that the system has to impose limits on itself - and is able to do so! The distinction of external and internal complexity corresponds to the distinction of other-reference and self-reference. The point of this doubling is to generate autonomy over against an environ- ment which is as it is, and to set the freedom to select over against this environment that can be assumed to be determined. In other words, the point is to introduce into a determined, even if un- known, world4 an area of self-determination which can then be dealt with in the system itself as being determined by its own struc-
tures.
From empirical research we know the significant criteria for the selection of information for dissemination as news or as a report. 5 Information itself can only appear as (however small) a surprise. Furthermore, it must be understandable as a component of com- munication. The principle of selection now seems to be that these requirements are intensified for the purposes of the mass media and that more attention must be given to making the information readily understandable for the broadest possible circle of receivers. Incidentally, 'selection' here is not to be taken to mean freedom of choice. The concept refers to the function system of the mass media and not to its individual organizations (editorial boards), whose freedom to make decisions in choosing the news items they run is much less than critics often suppose.
Keeping to news first (as opposed to reports), the following se- lectors6 can typically be found:
? (1) Surprise is intensified by marked discontinuity. The item of in- formation has to be new. It must break with existing expectations or determine a space of limited possibilities which is kept open (for example, sporting events). Repetitions of news items are not wel- come. 7 When we think of novelty, we think first of one-off events. But in order to recognize novelty we need familiar contexts. These may be types (earthquakes, accidents, summit meetings, company collapses) or even temporary stories, for example, affairs or reforms about which there is something new to report every day, until they are resolved by a decision. There is also serial production of novel- ties, for example, on the stock exchange or in sports, where some- thing new comes up every day. Surprises and standardizations increase in intensity in relation to each other to generate informa- tion values which otherwise would not occur, or at least not in a form capable of dissemination.
(2) Conflicts are preferred. As topics, conflicts have the benefit of alluding to a self-induced uncertainty. They put off the liberating information about winners and losers by way of reference to a fu- ture. This generates tension and, on the side of understanding the communication, guesswork.
(3) Quantities are a particularly effective attention-grabber. Quan- tities are always informative, because any particular number is none other than the one mentioned - neither larger nor smaller. And this holds true regardless of whether one understands the material con- text (that is, whether or not one knows what a gross national prod- uct is or a runner-up). The information value can be increased in the medium of quantity if one adds comparative figures, whether they be temporal (the previous year's rate of inflation), or factual, for example, territorial. So quantification can generate sudden moments of insight without any substance and simultaneously more information for those who already have some knowledge. An addi- tional issue is the greater informational significance of large num- bers, especially where locally and temporally compact events are concerned (many deaths in one accident, huge losses in one case of fraud).
Quantities, incidentally, are not as innocent as they might ap- pear. For here, too, the two-stage effect mentioned above (p. 21)
? comes into play when viewed over the course of time. If something increases, it simultaneously decreases. What it was before becomes simultaneously less than it is today. Returning to the old quantity with which one was quite happy at one time then seems like a step back. A society committed to growth is constantly threatening it- self with its own past. In the case of stages operating the other way around or negative valuations, the opposite can then happen, of course: falling export figures or rising unemployment are examples of this.
(4) Local relevance is another thing which lends weight to a piece of information, presumably because people are so confident of knowing what is going on in their own locality that every addi- tional piece of information is especially valued. 8 The Daily Progress mainly covers events in Charlottesville, Virginia. The fact that a dog bit a postman can only be reported as a piece of very local news. For it to reach a wider audience, a whole pack of dogs would have had to tear the postman to pieces, and even that would not be reported in Berlin if it happened in Bombay. So distance must be compensated for by the gravity of the information or by strange- ness, by an esoteric element, which simultaneously conveys the in- formation that such a thing would hardly be likely to happen here.
(5) Norm violations also deserve particular attention. This goes for violations of the law, but especially for violations of the moral code, and more recently also for violations of 'political correct- ness'. 9 In media representations of them, norm violations often take on the character of scandals. This intensifies the resonance, livens up the scene and rules out the expression of understanding and torgiveness that may occur upon the violation of a norm. Where scandals are concerned, a further scandal can be caused by the way a scandal is commented on.
By reporting such norm violations and scandals, the mass media are able to generate a greater feeling of common concern and out- rage than in other ways. This could not be read off the norm text itself - the norm is actually only generated through the violation, whereas before it simply 'existed' in the mass of existing norms. Of course, it has to be assumed that no one knows the full extent of this kind of deviance and also that no one knows how others them-
? selves would behave in similar cases. But when violations (that is, suitably selected violations) are reported as isolated cases, it strength- ens on the one hand the sense of outrage and thus indirectly the norm itself, and on the other it also strengthens what has been called 'pluralistic ignorance', in other words, the lack of aware- ness of the normality of deviance. 10 And this does not occur in the risky form of a sermon or of attempts at indoctrination, which are more likely nowadays to trigger tendencies towards counter- socialization, but rather in the harmless form of mere reporting which allows everybody the opportunity to reach the conclusion: not so!
Here is a topical example of this: many criminological studies have shown that delinquency even to the extent of serious criminality amongst juveniles is not the exception but rather the rule. 11 This starting point has led to demands for decriminalization and for preventive educational measures to be introduced. However, since this degree of delinquency does not continue in any case when young people get older, it is difficult to assess the effectiveness of any pre- ventive measures, and opinion remains divided on the issue. Yet in the context of spectacular criminality directed against asylum seek- ers and other foreigners (by way of limiting the example further), this existing knowledge remains virtually ignored. In the face of this kind of 'change of subject' in juvenile criminality and of its political significance, one cannot hark back to profiles of normal- ity. The problem dominates reporting without being offset against normal crimes of violence, sex crimes and property crime. And cor- respondingly, pressure for political action is generated which no longer allows for reports to be embedded back into the normal.
Apart from reports about norm violations, there is also a prefer- ence for the extraordinary (the 'alligator in local gravel pit' sort), which take normally expected circumstances as their point of ref- erence and are perhaps better assigned to the entertainment sector. The effect of continually repeated items of information about norm violations might be the overestimation of the extent to which soci- ety is morally corrupt, especially if it is the behaviour of prominent people in society who 'set the tone' that is reported most. Such an effect can hardly be assumed to occur in the case of any other kind of abnormality. (No one is going to check their own swimming
? pool to see if an alligator might be hiding there too. ) But this merely confirms the fact that norms are more sensitive to deviations than facts, which is where expectations concerning the probable/improb- able distinction are regulated.
(6) Norm violations are especially selected for reporting when they can be accompanied by moral judgements, in other words, when they are able to offer an opportunity to demonstrate respect or disdain for people. In this regard the mass media have an impor- tant function in the maintenance and reproduction of morality. However, this should not be taken to mean that they are in a posi- tion to fix ethical principles or even just to raise society's moral standards towards good behaviour. No person or institution in modern society is able to do that - neither the Pope nor a council, neither the German parliament nor Der Spiegel. It is only wrong- doers caught in the act who demonstrate to us that such criteria are needed. It is only the code of morality which is reproduced, in other words the difference of good and bad, or evil, behaviour. The legal system is ultimately responsible for setting criteria. The mass me- dia merely provide a constant irritation for society, a reproduction of moral sensibility at the individual as well as the communicative level. However, this leads to a kind of 'disembedding' of morality, to moralizing talk which is not covered by any verifiable obliga- tions. 12 The way morality is imagined and its ongoing renovation is linked to sufficiently spectacular cases - when scoundrels, victims, and heroes who have gone beyond the call of duty are presented to us. The receiver will typically align herself with none of these groups. She remains - an observer.
(7) In order to make norm violations recognizable, but also to make it easier for the reader/listener to form an opinion, the media fa- vour attributing things to action, that is, to actors. Complex back- ground circumstances which might have motivated, if not coerced, an actor to do what he or she did cannot be fully illuminated. If they are thematized, then it is in order to shift credit or blame. If we hear that a leading politician has made a decision, we are still far from knowing who has made that decision - with the exception of Lady Thatcher, perhaps.
It should be emphasized, by way of countering an error wide-
? spread in empirical sociology, that neither actions nor actors are given as empirical facts. 13 The boundaries (and therefore the unity) of an action or of an actor can neither be seen nor heard. In each case, what we are dealing with are institutionally and culturally congruent constructs. 14 Drawing loosely on Max Weber, we could also say that actions only come to be constituted as such through an understanding which standardizes. This also makes the func- tion of the mass media comprehensible in their contribution to the cultural institutionalization of action. Patterns of action are copied in a reciprocal fashion between the media and what presents itself as reality in everyday experience; unusual action wears off and is then built up again.
By the same token, interest in particular people is reproduced, and this in forms which are not dependent upon having access to the biochemical, neurophysiological or psychical processes of the individuals concerned. 15 Especially in those times which experience their future as being dependent upon actions and decisions, orien- tation towards particular people increases noticeably. People serve society as tangible symbols of an unknown future. On the one hand, they are well known - or could be - including, in the case of televi- sion, their faces, bodies and habits of movement; and on the other hand, we know that we still do not know how they will act. The hope of possibly being able to influence their actions is based ex- actly on this. If there is then the added element, especially in poli- tics, of not trusting people's self-portrayal and statements of intention, their function still remains of bringing the unfamiliarity of the future into view. And this they do in an experiential world which, by and large, is as it is and remains so.
With reference to actions and people the system of the mass me- dia creates significant ambiguities for itself, closely following every- day communication as it does so. It is true that ambiguities are found in every piece of communication, but that does not stop us from examining how and where they are localized in order to fulfil particular functions. 16 The thematization of actions and particular people takes on the special function of disguising systems' bounda- ries and thereby also differences in different systems' operational mode. The concepts of action and person can be limited neither to social processes nor to processes of consciousness, to biochemical
? nor to neurophysiological processes.
What is meant by 'reality' can therefore only be an internal cor- relate of the system's operations - and not, say, a characteristic which attaches to objects of knowledge additionally to that which distinguishes them in terms of individuality or kind. Reality, then, is nothing more than an indicator of successful tests for consistency
? in the system. Reality is produced within the system by means of sense-making. It arises whenever inconsistencies which might emerge from the part played by memory in the system's operations are resolved - for example, by the construction of space and time as dimensions with various points at which different perceptions or memories can be localized without conflicting with one another. If reality is expressly emphasized in the communication (a 'real' lemon, a 'real' experience), then what is simultaneously emphasized is that doubts are possible and perhaps even appropriate. The more com- plex the system becomes and the more it exposes itself to irrita- tions, the more variety the world can permit without relinquishing any reality - and the more the system can afford to work with negations, with fictions, with 'merely analytical' or statistical as- sumptions which distance it from the world as it is.
In this case, however, every statement about reality is tied to system references which cannot be further generalized (transcendentalized). So our question now has the form: how do mass media construct reality? Or, to put it in a more complicated way (and related to one's own self-reference! ): how can we (as so- ciologists, for example) describe the reality of their construction of reality? The question is not: how do the mass media distort reality through the manner of their representations? For that would pre- suppose an ontological, available, objectively accessible reality that can be known without resort to construction; it would basically presuppose the old cosmos of essences. Scientists might indeed be of the opinion that they have a better knowledge of reality than the way it is represented in the mass media, committed as these are to 'popularization'. But that can only mean comparing one's own con- struction to another. One may do that, encouraged by a society which believes scientific descriptions to be authentic knowledge of reality. But this has no bearing whatever on the possibility of first asking: how do mass media construct reality?
Media research in communication studies faces a similar ques- tion when it describes the increasing influence of the mass media on social events over the past few decades. 10 What ought to be taken, by their own standards, as success is restylized as a crisis. But the description as crisis would presuppose that it is possible to react by changing structures. Such a possibility does not seem likely,
? however. The crisis does not concern the way the mass media oper- ate, only their self-description, the lack of an adequate reflexive theory. In order to respond to this challenge, it will not simply be a matter of starting from the assumption of an increase in influence over the past few decades - much as it is conspicuous, for example, that companies no longer refer to society via their product alone but also, as with mass media suggestion, via 'culture' and 'ethics'. Even the invention of the rotary printing press is not the decisive caesura, but only one step in the process of intensification of ef- fects. Observation and critique of mass media effects had already become commonplace long before. 11 What is needed is a broader period of historical observation, basically reaching back to when the printing press came into its own; and what is needed above all are theoretical tools which are abstract enough to make a place for the theory of the mass media within a general theory of modern society. In what follows this occurs by way of the assumption that the mass media are one of the function systems of modern society, which, like all others, owes its increased effectiveness to the differ- entiation, operational closure and autopoietic autonomy of the sys- tem concerned.
Moreover, the dual meaning of reality both as an operation that actually occurs, that is, is observable, and as the reality of society and its world which is generated in this way, makes it clear that the concepts of operational closure, autonomy and construction by no means rule out causal influences from outside. Especially if it has to be assumed that what one is dealing with in each instance is a con- structed reality, then this peculiar form of production fits particu- larly well with the notion of an external influence. This was demonstrated very well by the successful military censorship of re- ports about the Gulf War. All the censorship had to do was operate according to the ways of the media; it had to contribute to achiev- ing the desired construction and exclude independent information, which would hardly have been obtainable anyway. Since the war was staged as a media event from the start and since the parallel action of filming or interpreting data simultaneously served mili- tary and news production purposes, de-coupling would have brought about an almost total loss of information in any case. So in order to exercise censorship, not much more was required than
? to take the media's chronic need for information into account and provide them with new information for the necessary continuation of programmes. 12 Thus, what was mainly shown was the military machinery in operation. The fact that the victims' side of the war was almost completely erased in the process aroused considerable criticism; but most likely only because this completely contradicted the picture built up by the media themselves of what a war should look like.
? Self-reference and Other- reference
Before we proceed, it is necessary first to analyse more closely the distinction between self-reference and other-reference that is built into the system. What must be obvious to every external observer (us, for example) is that this is the way in which the operationally produced boundary of the system, the difference of system and en- vironment, is copied into the system. So the system has first to oper- ate and continue its operations - for example, be able to live or communicate - before it is able to use internally the difference pro- duced in this way as a distinction and thus as a schema of its own observations. 1 We must therefore distinguish between difference and distinction, and that requires us to establish a system reference (here, mass media) or, in other words, the observation of an observer who is able to distinguish himself from that which he is observing.
Put more abstractly and in mathematical terminology, what is involved (for us as observers) is a 're-entry' of a distinction into that which has been distinguished by it. As is shown by the calculus of forms worked out by Spencer Brown,2 re-entry is a boundary operation of a calculation which remains at the level of first-order observation and within the context of binary distinctions. 3 A re- entry must be assumed to be unformulable at first (as observing requires a distinction and therefore presupposes the distinction be- tween observation and distinction) yet can still be described in the end - but only in a way that results in an 'unresolvable indetermi- nacy' which can no longer be dealt with in the strict mathematical forms of arithmetic and (Boolean) algebra. 4
? One important consequence, which Heinz von Foerster empha- sized early on,5 is that a calculus of this kind can no longer be conceived of as a tool for establishing 'objective' truth representationally, but rather becomes 'bi-stable' and thus gener- ates its own time which, like a computer, it 'consumes', as it were, through the sequence of its own operations. The internally pro- duced indeterminacy is therefore resolved in a succession of opera- tions which are able to realize a variety of things sequentially. The system takes its time and forms every operation in the expectation that others will follow. The system of the mass media also works in this way, with the assumption that its own communications will be continued during the next hour or on the next day. Each programme holds the promise of another programme. It is never a matter of simply representing the world in any one given moment.
A further consequence arises from the need for an 'imaginary state' for the continuation of operations which go beyond the cal- culus. 6 We could also say: the re-entry is a hidden paradox, be- cause it deals with different distinctions (system/environment and self-reference/other-reference) as if they were the same one. In the system's perception, the distinction between the world as it is and the world as it is observed becomes blurred. 7 It is true that there are numerous culturally reliable ways of correcting mistakes; and ever since Marx and Freud there have also been ways of casting suspi- cion on oneself in the knowledge (already conveyed by the mass media) that one is being guided by latent interests or motives. It is for such purposes that society has 'critical' intellectuals and thera- pists. But in operational reality these are only correctional reserva- tions, that is, future perspectives, whereas in the operationally current present the world as it is and the world as it is being ob- served cannot be distinguished.
What is needed in order to resolve this paradox of the confusion of two worlds is imagination or creative ideas which refer reflex- ively to the state of the system just reached, but which are not determined by it. The state of the system enters further communi- cation as an irritation, as a surprise, as a novelty, without this mystery of the source, the origin of the novelty of the new being able to be clarified by the operations of the system. 8 The system presupposes itself as a self-produced irritation, without being ac-
? cessible through its own operations, and then sets about trans- forming irritation into information, which it produces for society (and for itself in society). That is precisely why the reality of a system is always a correlate of the system's own operations, al- ways its own construction. It is the topics of communication which ensure that the mass media, in spite of their operational closure, do not take off, do not take leave of society. Topics are an un- avoidable requirement of communication. 9 They represent com- munication's other-reference. They organize communication's memory. They gather contributions into complexes of elements that belong together, so that it can be discerned in the course of communication whether a topic is being retained and carried for- ward or whether it is being changed. At the level of topics, then, other-reference and self-reference are constantly being coordinated in relation to each other within the system's own communication. 10 A topic such as AIDS is not a product of the mass media them- selves. It is merely taken up by them and then dealt with in a par- ticular way, subjected to a thematic trajectory that cannot be explained from medical diagnoses nor from the communication between doctors and patients. 11 Above all, recursive public discus- sion of the topic, the prerequisite that it is already known about and that there is a need for further information, is a typical prod- uct of and requirement for the continuation of mass media com- munication; and securing this public recursivity in turn has a retroactive effect upon communication in the environment of the mass media - for example, on medical research or on the plans of the pharmaceutical industry which stands to make billions in turn- over from politically dictated compulsory testing.
Topics therefore serve the structural coupling of the mass media with other social domains; and in doing this they are so elastic and so diversifiable that the mass media are able to use their topics to reach every part of society, whereas the systems in the inner social environment of the mass media, such as politics, the economy or law, often have difficulty presenting their topics to the mass media and having them taken up in an appropriate way. The success of the mass media throughout society is based on making sure that topics are accepted, regardless of whether there is a positive or a negative response to information, proposals for meaning-making
? or recognizable judgements. Interest in a topic is frequently based precisely on the fact that both positions are possible.
Once having been made public, topics can be dealt with on the basis of being known about; indeed it can be assumed that they are known to be known about, as private opinions and contributions to the individual topics circulate openly - just as the effect of money as a medium is based on securing acceptance through the lifting of controls on individuals' use of it. And in both cases the extent to which controls are lifted on individuals' dissent or preferences var- ies from topic to topic and from price to price. Such arrangements shatter the stereotypical assumption that starts from individuals alone and posits a reciprocal relationship of exclusion of consent and dissent or conformity and individuality. Through the increase in structural complexity and through the evolution of appropriate media, society is able to realize more of each. Moreover, the fact that things are known to be known about ensures the necessary acceleration of communication. It can be based on things that can be presupposed and concentrate on introducing specific surprises anew (and as new).
An observer (and this might also be organizations within the sys- tem of the mass media) can distinguish between topics and func- tions of communication. For example, he can say to himself and to others: if we don't run this or that news item, if we cancel the weather report or, say, the 'bioscopes', we will lose our readership. To do this, communication must be reflected as communication; in other words self-reference has to be actualized. The topics/functions dis- tinction corresponds to the other-reference/self-reference distinc- tion. Using this distinction, the observer gains freedom in the choice of topic and, above all, in leaving out information. He does not need to be motivated solely by the truth, thereby making himself dependent on prescriptive guidelines. He can even run false or pos- sibly false information if he keeps an eye on the function and weighs up the value of sensationalism against the possible risk of being exposed.
Thus the system of the mass media reveals the consequences fa- cing a system which generates a difference of system and environ- ment through operational closure and which is thereby forced to distinguish internally between self-reference and other-reference and
? to lend substance to this distinction using its own ever-changing conditions. Thus it cannot be a matter of finding out how the world is with the help of this system, however distorted and in need of correction it may be, and then making this knowledge generally available. This is how the system's self-description might proclaim it. Instead, a sociological observer trained in systems theory will describe that and how the system connects one operation to an- other in self-constructed temporal horizons, referring again and again to its own state of information, in order to be capable of discerning novelties, surprises and, therefore, information values. It is easy to understand how in the process the suspicion of ma- nipulation being at work might arise. If the world cannot be repre- sented as it is and as it changes from moment to moment, the obvious thing to do instead is to look for solid clues in interests which ma- nipulate the system for their own ends, in other words to attribute conditions and operations of the system to some external cause or another. For the system itself, however, that remains a matter of ineffectual private opinions which in turn can be attributed to the one expressing them. Or else suspicion is based on scientifically more or less provable causal theories which can be reported on from time to time if the opportunity presents itself. The system can take up such criteria, but only in the form in which it can turn everything into a topic of mass media communication. The factual conditions underpinning this are and remain operational closure and, conditioned thus, the system's constructivist mode of opera- tion. The pressing question thereby takes a sociological turn. It must be: what kind of a society is it that describes itself and its world in this way?
? 3
Coding
The first question that arises when describing the mass media from a systems theoretical standpoint is how society allows such a sys- tem to be differentiated at all. For any communication can connect to any other communication, the only condition being that a con- text of meaning can be established. 1 Thus what has to be explained is how such readily available connective possibilities are interrupted, and interrupted in a way that allows boundaries to be drawn and subsystemic complexity to be built up within these boundaries by means of a distinctive kind of communication.
Unlike in the ancient European description of society, such as Plato's theory of the politically ordered society (politeia, republic), this does not happen in the form of the division of a whole on the basis of essential differences between the parts. Indeed, differentia- tions in social evolution do not arise in this way, from above, as it were, but rather on the basis of very specific evolutionary achieve- ments, such as the invention of coins,2 resulting in the differentia- tion of an economic system, or the invention of the concentration of power in political offices,3 resulting in the differentiation of a political system. In other words, what is needed is a productive differentiation which, in favourable conditions, leads to the emer- gence of systems to which the rest of society can only adapt.
For the differentiation of a system of the mass media, the deci- sive achievement can be said to have been the invention of tech- nologies of dissemination which not only circumvent interaction among those co-present, but effectively render such interaction
? impossible for the mass media's own communications. Writing alone did not have this effect, because it was initially conceived of only as a memory aid for primarily oral communication. Only with the printing press is the volume of written material multiplied to the extent that oral interaction among all participants in communica- tion is effectively and visibly rendered impossible. 4 Consumers make their presence felt at most in quantitative terms: through sales fig- ures, through listener or viewer ratings, but not as a counteractive influence. The quantum of their presence can be described and in- terpreted, but is not fed back via communication. Of course, oral communication is still possible as a reaction to things which are printed or broadcast. But the success of scheduled communication no longer depends upon it. This is how, in the sphere of the mass media, an autopoietic, self-reproducing system is able to emerge which no longer requires the mediation of interaction among those co-present. It is only then that operational closure occurs, with the result that the system reproduces its own operations out of itself; it no longer uses them to establish interactional contacts with the environment internal to society,5 but is instead oriented to the sys- tem's own distinction between self-reference and other-reference. In spite of having a huge memory capacity, the system is set up to remember and forget quickly.
The systems theoretical distinction of self-reference/other-refer- ence does not tell us anything about how the self determines the self, or, to put it differently: how the connectivity of operations in the system is recognized and how the difference of system and envir- onment is produced and continually reproduced. For function sys- tems, and thus also in the case of the mass media, this typically occurs by means of a binary code which fixes a positive and a nega- tive value whilst excluding any third possibility. 6 The positive value refers to the connectivity of operations present in the system: things one can do something with. The negative value merely serves to reflect the conditions under which the positive value can be brought to bear. 7 Thus the code is a double-sided form, a distinction whose inside presupposes that there is an outside. But this inside/outside relationship of the code's form should not be confused with the difference of system and environment. 8 And the internal boundary of the code, which divides the negative from the positive value,
? should not be confused with the external boundary, which differ- entiates the system from its environment. In other words, the code difference is positioned orthogonally to the difference of self-refer- ence and other-reference. It serves the system's self-determination. For this it uses a distinction - not a principle, not an objective, not a statement of essence, not a final formula, but a guiding difference which still leaves open the question as to how the system will de- scribe its own identity; and leaves it open also inasmuch as there can be several views on the matter, without this 'contexturality' of self-description hindering the system in its operating. The code, the unity of this specific difference, is sufficient to determine which op- erations belong to the system and which operations (coded differ- ently or not coded at all) are going on in the environment of the system. Thus what the code entails is a distinction which makes self-observation possible only by using the distinction of system and environment.
The code of the system of the mass media is the distinction of information and non-information. The system can work with in- formation. Information, then, is the positive value, the designatory value, with which the system describes the possibilities of its own operating. But in order to have the freedom of seeing something as information or not, there must also be a possibility of thinking that something is non-informative. Without such a reflexive value the system would be at the mercy of everything that comes its way; and that also means it would be unable to distinguish itself from the environment, to organize its own reduction of complexity, its own selection.
Of course, even the information that something is not informa- tion is also informative. As is typical for the reflexive values of the codings (so, for example, injustice must be able to be treated as injustice in a lawful way), the system goes into an infinite regress here. It makes its operations dependent upon conditions which it cannot, and then can after all, determine. But the problem of infi- nite regress is only posed when there is a search for ultimate expla- nations, and the media system has no time for this anyway. In practice, the infinite regress is halted by a further distinction: that of coding and programming. There must be a (possibly change- able) set of rules within the system which resolve the paradox of
? the informativity of non-information, those programmes with whose help one can decide whether something in the system can be treated as informative or not.
If one wanted to let the horizon of what might possibly occur flow out into complete indeterminacy, information would appear to be arbitrary rather than a surprise. No one would be able to do any- thing with it because it offers nothing that might be learnt, and be- cause it cannot be transformed into redundancies which restrict what can be expected next. This is why all information relies on categori- zations which mark out spaces of possibility; within these spaces, the selective range for what can occur as communication is prestructured. This is merely a different formulation of the theory that the informa- tion/non-information code is not sufficient, and that instead pro- grammes are additionally required which will divide whatever can be expected as information, or remains without an informational value, into fields of selection such as sports or astrophysics, politics or mod- ern art, accidents or catastrophes. The unity and invariance of the code is then matched by a plurality of such programmes or, in other words, a two-stage selection of the field of selection and of the par- ticular item of information which only becomes comprehensible through being assigned to a 'where from' of other possibilities.
The complex, referential structure of mass media coding which goes back into itself, and the necessity of breaking it down with pre-determined areas of programming lead one to ask how the con- cept of information can be adapted to this particular use of it. In- formation, of course, is processed everywhere where consciousness or communication are at work. No information, no communica- tion; for after all, what is being spoken about has to be worth ut- tering. 9 It is precisely this universal presence of information in all meaningful operations, though, which enables us to dispense with the notion that information might be transportable from system to system, like tiny particles; that information exists, as it were, inde- pendently of the user. When the operational closure of a system takes place, there is also a closure of information processing (which never means, of course, that the system enters a state of free-float- ing causal independency). Gregory Bateson's concept of informa- tion meets these demands: according to it, information is 'any difference which makes a difference in some later event'. 10
? The implications of this conceptual proposal require a somewhat closer analysis. The unity of the concept of information is broken down into two differences which are coupled to each other caus- ally. This allows account to be taken of the fact that by no means every difference makes a difference. 11 Both perception and lan- guage provide a surplus of distinctions; and even if it were to be limited to the differences actualized at any one moment, to what is being seen or said at this very moment, it is still much more than what is used for forming a difference in the premises of further operations. Perception focuses something specific in a context which is also held in view. Sentences use many words, many distinctions, in order to say something specific. But only those things which re- main in the memory in the short or long term 'make the difference'.
This selective acquisition of information can only be grasped adequately as an achievement of the system, and that means, as a process internal to the system. The unity of information is the prod- uct of a system - in the case of perception, of a psychic system, in that of communication, of a social system. So one must always clarify which system is making these differences; or, with Spencer Brown, which system is carrying out the instruction 'draw a dis- tinction' that generates every distinction. 12
If, in addition, one starts out from the theory of operationally closed systems of information processing, the generation of infor- mation and the processing of information must be going on within the same system boundaries, and both differences to which Bateson's definition is geared must be distinctions in the same system. Ac- cordingly, there are no information transfers from system to sys- tem. Having said that, systems can generate items of information which circulate between their subsystems. So one must always name the system reference upon which any use of the concept of infor- mation is based. Otherwise it remains unclear what is meant at all. 13
Perhaps the most important characteristic of the information/ non-information code is its relationship to time. Information can- not be repeated; as soon as it becomes an event, it becomes non- information. A news item run twice might still have its meaning, but it loses its information value. 14 If information is used as a code
? value, this means that the operations in the system are constantly and inevitably transforming information into non-information. 15 The crossing of the boundary from value to opposing value occurs automatically with the very autopoiesis of the system. The system is constantly feeding its own output, that is, knowledge of certain facts, back into the system on the negative side of the code, as non- information; and in doing so it forces itself constantly to provide new information. 16 In other words, the system makes itself obso- lete. Thus one might almost think that it is using the new/old code, were there not other, objective reasons for not running a particular item of information. Of course, this automatic mechanism does not exclude the possibility of repetition. Advertising especially makes use of that. But in that case, the reflexive figure of the information value of non-information must be used, as an indicator of signifi- cance and of meriting remembrance. The same advertisement is repeated several times in order thus to inform the reader, who no- tices the repetition of the value of the product.
This constant de-actualization of information, this constant loss of information takes on added significance with the evolution of the mass media. In actual fact, every communication generates so- cial redundancy. When a piece of information is uttered, one can inquire further not only of the person who uttered it, but also of everyone else who has received and understood the information. No new information is gleaned from inquiring first of the utterer and after that of the receiver. 17 This may have little social signifi- cance as long as it remains a matter of private communication, so to speak, and if all that happens is that rumours develop which distort the information in such a way that it is still of interest and continues to be so from time to time. But the mass media spread information so broadly that at the very next moment one has to assume that everyone knows it (or that not knowing it would entail loss of face and is therefore not admitted to).
We have already spo- ken about things being known to be known about and now refer simply to the necessarily fictional component of this mode of infor- mation processing. In this respect, the mass media cause social re- dundancy throughout society, in other words, the immediate need for new information. Just as the economy, differentiated on the basis of payments of money, generates the never-ending need to
? replace money spent, so the mass media generate the need to re- place redundant information with new information: fresh money and new information are two central motives of modern social dy- namics.
Besides the monetary economy, then, it is likely that the mass media are also behind the much debated characteristics of modern temporal structures, such as the dominance of the past/future schema, the uniformization of world time, acceleration, the exten- sion of simultaneity to non-simultaneous events. They generate the time they presuppose, and society adapts itself accordingly. The almost neurotic compulsion in the economy, in politics, science and art to have to offer something new (even though no one knows where the novelty of the new comes from and how large a supply of it exists) offers impressive evidence of this. What is also notice- able is that modern society attaches an evaluation to its self- description as 'modern',18 which can turn out to be either positive or negative, depending on whether the (unknown) future is judged optimistically or pessimistically. 19 This compulsive need for self- assessment may be taken to have been triggered by the mass media putting out new information every day and thereby generating - and satisfying - a need for a global judgement. The increasingly academic reflection upon academic debates about modernity also makes use of the printing press;20 the speed and volume of publica- tions even at this level of abstraction could not be achieved in any other way. To be able to add something new to these debates, peo- ple are now speaking of 'postmodernity'. 21
If one sees this striving for the new as a repeated impulse, as a process, it becomes clear that this process consists in two stages, which it combines and then treats as one. 22 If in the course of time something is described as 'new', something else thereby becomes 'old' - even though it too was new at the moment when it was current. Seen as a schema of observation, new/old is simply one and only one specific schema. The form cannot function without an opposite term, without another side. Then, however, the prefer- ence for the new devalues that which it itself declares to be old. The (for us) old society of premodernity had good reason, therefore, to mistrust 'curiosity' (curiositas) and to refuse to tolerate this self- devaluation of institutions. We, on the other hand, show how re-
? sourceful we are by undertaking to promote, in highly selective manner, certain kinds of being old: they become oldtimers, clas- sics, antiquities, about which we can then generate ever-new infor- mation, prices, interpretations. We too, then, know of forms we can use to counter the new = old paradox.
Taking this theory one step further we can determine more pre- cisely the function of the informational components in the opera- tions of conscious, or communicative, systems. As a result of this coding, which is geared towards information, a specific restlessness and irritability arises in society which can then be accommodated again by the daily repeated effectivity of the mass media and by their different programme forms. 23 If we must constantly be pre- pared for surprises, it may be some consolation that tomorrow we will know more. In this respect the mass media serve to generate and process irritation. 24 The concept of irritation is also a part of the theory of operationally closed systems and refers to the form with which a system is able to generate resonance to events in the environment, even though its own operations circulate only within the system itself and are not suitable for establishing contact with the environment (which would have to mean, of course, that they are occurring partly inside and partly outside). This concept of irri- tation explains the two-part nature of the concept of information. The one component is free to register a difference which marks itself as a deviation from what is already known. The second com- ponent describes the change that then follows in the structuring of the system, in other words the integration into what can be taken to be the condition of the system for further operations. What is at issue here, as mentioned already, is a difference which makes a difference.
It might be said, then, that the mass media keep society on its toes. They generate a constantly renewed willingness to be pre- pared for surprises, disruptions even. 25 In this respect, the mass media 'fit' the accelerated auto-dynamic of other function systems such as the economy, science and politics, which constantly con- front society with new problems.
? System-specific Universalism
Just as in other function systems, the precondition for the differen- tiation of a particular function system of society is a special code. 'Differentiation' means the emergence of a particular subsystem of society by which the characteristics of system formation, especially autopoietic self-reproduction, self-organization, structural determi- nation and, along with all these, operational closure itself are real- ized. In such a case, we are not simply dealing with a phenomenon which a determined observer can distinguish. Rather, the system dis- tinguishes itself. Analysis of the system of the mass media thus oc- curs at the same level as analysis of the economic system, the legal system, the political system, etc. of society, and is concerned with paying attention to comparability, despite all differences. Evidence of a function system-specific code which is used only in the relevant system as a guiding difference is a first step in this direction. 1
Among the most important consequences of such a differentiation is the complementary relationship between universalism and specifi- cation. 1 On the basis of its own differentiation, the system can as- sume itself, its own function, its own practice as a point of reference for the specification of its own operations. It does and can only do whatever has connective capability internally, according to the struc- ture and historical situation of the system. It is precisely this, how- ever, which also creates the conditions for being able to deal with everything which can be made into a theme for its own communica- tion. Arising from this is a universal responsibility for its own func- tion. There are no facts which would be unsuitable in themselves for
? being dealt with in the mass media. (This is not to dispute the fact that there may be legal prohibitions or even political conventions which dictate that certain items of information should not (yet) be made public. ) The mass media are autonomous in the regulation of their own selectivity. This selectivity thus gains even greater signifi- cance, and becomes even more worthy of attention.
Seen from a historical perspective, we may suppose that the mass media's now visible mode of selection also makes visible - and open to criticism - a remote control on the part of political or religious or more recently military constituencies. But such criticism cannot be content with demanding space in the mass media for its own biased position. That would make the mass media into a forum for specific political or religious or ideological conflicts, which would leave little room for any independent function. A biased press can exist - as long as this is not all there is and one can obtain one's information independently. Moreover, it usually requires subsidiz- ing, so it is not supported by the market of the economic system. The more effective form of criticism will therefore have been the desire for reliable information. At least, it could not be seen as mere coincidence that a self-selectively specified universality is given a chance in the face of visible selectivity.
This expectation may have been reinforced, finally, by the estab- lishment of an internal differentiation of different areas of program- ming. Without meaning to offer a systematic deduction and justification of a closed typology, we can distinguish purely induc- tively: news and documentary reports (chapter 5), advertising (chap- ter 7), and entertainment (chapter 8). 3 Each of these strands uses the information/non-information code, even if they use very differ- ent versions of it; but they differ in terms of the criteria which un- derpin the selection of information. This is why we shall speak of areas of programming (and not of subsystems). This is not to ex- clude the possibility of overlaps, and, in particular, we will be able to recognize a recursive interlinking in each of these strands, which is imputed to be the moral convictions and typical preferences of the audience. Nonetheless these strands differ clearly enough, as we wish to show, for their differentiation to act as the most impor- tant internal structure of the system of the mass media.
? News and In-depth Reporting
The programme strand of news and in-depth reporting is most clearly recognizable as involving the production/processing of in- formation. In this strand the mass media disseminate ignorance in the form of facts which must continually be renewed so that no one notices. We are used to daily news, but we should be aware none- theless of the evolutionary improbability of such an assumption. If it is the idea of surprise, of something new, interesting and news- worthy which we associate with news, then it would seem much more sensible not to report it in the same format every day, but to wait for something to happen and then to publicize it. This hap- pened in the sixteenth century in the form of broadsides, ballads or crime stories spawned in the wake of executions etc. 1 It would take considerable entrepreneurial spirit, a market assessment that would initially be certain to involve risk, and sufficient organizational ca- pacity for gathering information if one wanted to set up an enter- prise based on the expectation that next week too there would be enough printable information available. For people at the time, Ben Jonson for example,2 serial production of news virtually proves that there must be deception at work. What may then have helped in the transition was that there was no need to distinguish between news and entertainment in the same medium and that news, whether true or not, was at least presented in an entertaining fashion. In
addition, a suitable style had to be invented which in relatively unfamiliar contexts conveyed the impression that something had already happened, but only just - in other words, it could not actu-
? ally be presented in the normal tenses of past or present. Using all the methods at the disposal of a journalistic writing style specially developed for the purpose, the impression must be given that what has just gone into the past is still present, is still interesting and informative. For this, it is sufficient to hint at a continuity that starts out from the way things were last known to stand and ex- tends beyond the present into the immediate future, so that at the same time the reason why one might be interested in the informa- tion becomes comprehensible. Events have to be dramatized as events - and they have to be suspended in time, a time which thus begins to flow past more quickly. The observation of events through- out society now occurs almost at the same time as the events them- selves.
If we consider this evolutionary transformation of improbability into probability, it is easy to understand that a profession which we now call journalism should have grown up, precisely in this sector of what will later become mass media. Only here does one find trends typical of professions, such as special training, a special, publicly accepted professional designation and self-proclaimed cri- teria for good work. 3 When information is offered in the mode of news and reporting, people assume and believe that it is relevant, that it is true. Mistakes may occur and from time to time there may even be specific false reports which, however, can subsequently be cleared up. Those affected have the right to demand a correction. The reputation of journalists, newspapers, editors etc. depends upon them doing good or at least adequate background research. False reports are therefore more likely to be launched from outside. A common way of protecting oneself is to give one's sources. In other cases, when mistakes have been made, explanations pointing to external causes are proffered. Of course, as everywhere, error rates have to be reckoned with. But what is important is that they should not be projected to become a more or less typical norm. They re- main isolated cases; were it otherwise, the peculiarity of this area of programming of news and in-depth reporting would collapse. The profession serves society (itself included) with truths. For un- truths, particular interests are needed which cannot be generalized.
But the mass media are only interested in things that are true under severely limiting conditions that clearly differ from those of
? scientific research. It is not the truth that is the problem, there- fore, but rather the unavoidable yet intended and regulated selec- tivity. Just as maps cannot correspond exactly to the territory they depict in terms of size and details, and just as Tristram Shandy was not in a position to tell of the life he lived, so also it is not possible to have a point-for-point correspondence between infor- mation and facts, between operational and represented reality. But neither is the relationship of the system to its environment simply a relationship of one-sided reduction of complexity. Rather, by means of differentiation, a break with external determination, and operational closure, surplus communication possibilities - that is, high degrees of freedom - are created internally, which mean that the system has to impose limits on itself - and is able to do so! The distinction of external and internal complexity corresponds to the distinction of other-reference and self-reference. The point of this doubling is to generate autonomy over against an environ- ment which is as it is, and to set the freedom to select over against this environment that can be assumed to be determined. In other words, the point is to introduce into a determined, even if un- known, world4 an area of self-determination which can then be dealt with in the system itself as being determined by its own struc-
tures.
From empirical research we know the significant criteria for the selection of information for dissemination as news or as a report. 5 Information itself can only appear as (however small) a surprise. Furthermore, it must be understandable as a component of com- munication. The principle of selection now seems to be that these requirements are intensified for the purposes of the mass media and that more attention must be given to making the information readily understandable for the broadest possible circle of receivers. Incidentally, 'selection' here is not to be taken to mean freedom of choice. The concept refers to the function system of the mass media and not to its individual organizations (editorial boards), whose freedom to make decisions in choosing the news items they run is much less than critics often suppose.
Keeping to news first (as opposed to reports), the following se- lectors6 can typically be found:
? (1) Surprise is intensified by marked discontinuity. The item of in- formation has to be new. It must break with existing expectations or determine a space of limited possibilities which is kept open (for example, sporting events). Repetitions of news items are not wel- come. 7 When we think of novelty, we think first of one-off events. But in order to recognize novelty we need familiar contexts. These may be types (earthquakes, accidents, summit meetings, company collapses) or even temporary stories, for example, affairs or reforms about which there is something new to report every day, until they are resolved by a decision. There is also serial production of novel- ties, for example, on the stock exchange or in sports, where some- thing new comes up every day. Surprises and standardizations increase in intensity in relation to each other to generate informa- tion values which otherwise would not occur, or at least not in a form capable of dissemination.
(2) Conflicts are preferred. As topics, conflicts have the benefit of alluding to a self-induced uncertainty. They put off the liberating information about winners and losers by way of reference to a fu- ture. This generates tension and, on the side of understanding the communication, guesswork.
(3) Quantities are a particularly effective attention-grabber. Quan- tities are always informative, because any particular number is none other than the one mentioned - neither larger nor smaller. And this holds true regardless of whether one understands the material con- text (that is, whether or not one knows what a gross national prod- uct is or a runner-up). The information value can be increased in the medium of quantity if one adds comparative figures, whether they be temporal (the previous year's rate of inflation), or factual, for example, territorial. So quantification can generate sudden moments of insight without any substance and simultaneously more information for those who already have some knowledge. An addi- tional issue is the greater informational significance of large num- bers, especially where locally and temporally compact events are concerned (many deaths in one accident, huge losses in one case of fraud).
Quantities, incidentally, are not as innocent as they might ap- pear. For here, too, the two-stage effect mentioned above (p. 21)
? comes into play when viewed over the course of time. If something increases, it simultaneously decreases. What it was before becomes simultaneously less than it is today. Returning to the old quantity with which one was quite happy at one time then seems like a step back. A society committed to growth is constantly threatening it- self with its own past. In the case of stages operating the other way around or negative valuations, the opposite can then happen, of course: falling export figures or rising unemployment are examples of this.
(4) Local relevance is another thing which lends weight to a piece of information, presumably because people are so confident of knowing what is going on in their own locality that every addi- tional piece of information is especially valued. 8 The Daily Progress mainly covers events in Charlottesville, Virginia. The fact that a dog bit a postman can only be reported as a piece of very local news. For it to reach a wider audience, a whole pack of dogs would have had to tear the postman to pieces, and even that would not be reported in Berlin if it happened in Bombay. So distance must be compensated for by the gravity of the information or by strange- ness, by an esoteric element, which simultaneously conveys the in- formation that such a thing would hardly be likely to happen here.
(5) Norm violations also deserve particular attention. This goes for violations of the law, but especially for violations of the moral code, and more recently also for violations of 'political correct- ness'. 9 In media representations of them, norm violations often take on the character of scandals. This intensifies the resonance, livens up the scene and rules out the expression of understanding and torgiveness that may occur upon the violation of a norm. Where scandals are concerned, a further scandal can be caused by the way a scandal is commented on.
By reporting such norm violations and scandals, the mass media are able to generate a greater feeling of common concern and out- rage than in other ways. This could not be read off the norm text itself - the norm is actually only generated through the violation, whereas before it simply 'existed' in the mass of existing norms. Of course, it has to be assumed that no one knows the full extent of this kind of deviance and also that no one knows how others them-
? selves would behave in similar cases. But when violations (that is, suitably selected violations) are reported as isolated cases, it strength- ens on the one hand the sense of outrage and thus indirectly the norm itself, and on the other it also strengthens what has been called 'pluralistic ignorance', in other words, the lack of aware- ness of the normality of deviance. 10 And this does not occur in the risky form of a sermon or of attempts at indoctrination, which are more likely nowadays to trigger tendencies towards counter- socialization, but rather in the harmless form of mere reporting which allows everybody the opportunity to reach the conclusion: not so!
Here is a topical example of this: many criminological studies have shown that delinquency even to the extent of serious criminality amongst juveniles is not the exception but rather the rule. 11 This starting point has led to demands for decriminalization and for preventive educational measures to be introduced. However, since this degree of delinquency does not continue in any case when young people get older, it is difficult to assess the effectiveness of any pre- ventive measures, and opinion remains divided on the issue. Yet in the context of spectacular criminality directed against asylum seek- ers and other foreigners (by way of limiting the example further), this existing knowledge remains virtually ignored. In the face of this kind of 'change of subject' in juvenile criminality and of its political significance, one cannot hark back to profiles of normal- ity. The problem dominates reporting without being offset against normal crimes of violence, sex crimes and property crime. And cor- respondingly, pressure for political action is generated which no longer allows for reports to be embedded back into the normal.
Apart from reports about norm violations, there is also a prefer- ence for the extraordinary (the 'alligator in local gravel pit' sort), which take normally expected circumstances as their point of ref- erence and are perhaps better assigned to the entertainment sector. The effect of continually repeated items of information about norm violations might be the overestimation of the extent to which soci- ety is morally corrupt, especially if it is the behaviour of prominent people in society who 'set the tone' that is reported most. Such an effect can hardly be assumed to occur in the case of any other kind of abnormality. (No one is going to check their own swimming
? pool to see if an alligator might be hiding there too. ) But this merely confirms the fact that norms are more sensitive to deviations than facts, which is where expectations concerning the probable/improb- able distinction are regulated.
(6) Norm violations are especially selected for reporting when they can be accompanied by moral judgements, in other words, when they are able to offer an opportunity to demonstrate respect or disdain for people. In this regard the mass media have an impor- tant function in the maintenance and reproduction of morality. However, this should not be taken to mean that they are in a posi- tion to fix ethical principles or even just to raise society's moral standards towards good behaviour. No person or institution in modern society is able to do that - neither the Pope nor a council, neither the German parliament nor Der Spiegel. It is only wrong- doers caught in the act who demonstrate to us that such criteria are needed. It is only the code of morality which is reproduced, in other words the difference of good and bad, or evil, behaviour. The legal system is ultimately responsible for setting criteria. The mass me- dia merely provide a constant irritation for society, a reproduction of moral sensibility at the individual as well as the communicative level. However, this leads to a kind of 'disembedding' of morality, to moralizing talk which is not covered by any verifiable obliga- tions. 12 The way morality is imagined and its ongoing renovation is linked to sufficiently spectacular cases - when scoundrels, victims, and heroes who have gone beyond the call of duty are presented to us. The receiver will typically align herself with none of these groups. She remains - an observer.
(7) In order to make norm violations recognizable, but also to make it easier for the reader/listener to form an opinion, the media fa- vour attributing things to action, that is, to actors. Complex back- ground circumstances which might have motivated, if not coerced, an actor to do what he or she did cannot be fully illuminated. If they are thematized, then it is in order to shift credit or blame. If we hear that a leading politician has made a decision, we are still far from knowing who has made that decision - with the exception of Lady Thatcher, perhaps.
It should be emphasized, by way of countering an error wide-
? spread in empirical sociology, that neither actions nor actors are given as empirical facts. 13 The boundaries (and therefore the unity) of an action or of an actor can neither be seen nor heard. In each case, what we are dealing with are institutionally and culturally congruent constructs. 14 Drawing loosely on Max Weber, we could also say that actions only come to be constituted as such through an understanding which standardizes. This also makes the func- tion of the mass media comprehensible in their contribution to the cultural institutionalization of action. Patterns of action are copied in a reciprocal fashion between the media and what presents itself as reality in everyday experience; unusual action wears off and is then built up again.
By the same token, interest in particular people is reproduced, and this in forms which are not dependent upon having access to the biochemical, neurophysiological or psychical processes of the individuals concerned. 15 Especially in those times which experience their future as being dependent upon actions and decisions, orien- tation towards particular people increases noticeably. People serve society as tangible symbols of an unknown future. On the one hand, they are well known - or could be - including, in the case of televi- sion, their faces, bodies and habits of movement; and on the other hand, we know that we still do not know how they will act. The hope of possibly being able to influence their actions is based ex- actly on this. If there is then the added element, especially in poli- tics, of not trusting people's self-portrayal and statements of intention, their function still remains of bringing the unfamiliarity of the future into view. And this they do in an experiential world which, by and large, is as it is and remains so.
With reference to actions and people the system of the mass me- dia creates significant ambiguities for itself, closely following every- day communication as it does so. It is true that ambiguities are found in every piece of communication, but that does not stop us from examining how and where they are localized in order to fulfil particular functions. 16 The thematization of actions and particular people takes on the special function of disguising systems' bounda- ries and thereby also differences in different systems' operational mode. The concepts of action and person can be limited neither to social processes nor to processes of consciousness, to biochemical
? nor to neurophysiological processes.
