Another account, at
variance
Eclog.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
55.
)
[E. H. B. )
i. 41, ad Eurip. Phoen. 670, ad Soph. Antig. 128 ; SPENDON (Enévdwr), of Sparta, one of those
Ov. Me. ii. 101, &c. ; comp. Cadmus). [L. S. ] early musicians whose paeans were sung by the
SPARTIANUS, DE’LIUS, one of the six Spartan youths at the Gymnopaedein, with those
“Scriptorcs Historiae Augustae” (see CAPITOLI- of Thaletas and Alcman. (Plut. Lyc. 28. ) [P. S. ]
Nus). His name is prefixed to biographies of, 1. Ha- SPERA'TUS, JU'LIUS. We possess an
drianus and Aelius Verus ; 2. Didius Julianus ; 3. elegy, extending to thirteen couplets, in praise of
Severus ; 4. Pescennius Niger ; 5. Caracalla ; 6. the nightingale, which was first published by
Geta ; of which the first four are inscribed to Dio- Pithou, and afterwards with greater care by Gol-
cletian, the fifth to no one, the sixth to Con- dastus (Opuscula Erot. et Amat. p. 74), who made
stantine, and hence the last two are believed by use of four MSS. Of these, three gave no indi-
many to be from a different hand. He repeatedly cation regarding the author, but the fourth, which
informs us that he bad composed the lives of all belonged to the monastery of St. Gall, bore the
the emperors down to Hadrian, beginning, as we title l'ersus Julii Sperati de Philomela. We know
must infer from his words, with Julius Caesar, and nothing whatsoever of this personage, nor of the
that he intended to continue the work to his age to which he belongs, except that the piece in
own time. The whole of the first portion of his question was imitated by Paulus Alvarus of Cor-
labours has however perished, the collection which duba, a monk of the ninth century. The lines
bears the title of the Augustan History com- will be found in Wernsdorf, Poët. Lat. Minor, vol.
mencing, as we have pointed out in a former ar- vi. part ii. p. 403; comp. vol. vi. part i. p. 255, and
ticle (CAPITOLINUS), with Hadrianus, and it in Burmann, Anthol. Lat. v. 149, or No. 392, ed.
Beems very doubtful if he ever completed his Meyer.
(W. R. ]
design, since Vopiscus (Aurelian. init. ) expressly SPERCHEIUS (Efepxelós), a Thessalian river-
declares that he was acquainted with no work in god, became the father of Menesthius by Polydora,
the Latin language which contained an account of the daughter of Peleus. (Hom. ll. xvi. 174,
the career of Aurelian. We have already observed xxiii. 142; Apollod. iii. 14. § 4 ; Paus. i. 37. S
(CAPITOLINUS] that there is much difficulty in 2; Herod. vii. 198).
[L. S. ]
assigning the pieces which form this series to their SPERTHIAS. [Bulis. ]
proper authors. Salmasius found in the Palatine SPES, the personification of hope, was wor-
MS. the whole from Hadrianus to Alexander shipped at Rome, where she had several temples,
Severus attributed to Spartianus, and those from the most ancient of which had been built in B. c.
the two Maximini to Balbinus under the name of 35+, by the consul Atilius Calatinus, near the Porta
Capitolinus, and hence was led to form the pro- Carmentalis (Liv. ii. 51, xxi. 62, xxiv. 47, xxv. 7,
bable conjecture that Spartianus and Lampridius xl. 51; Tac. Ann. ii. 49). The Greeks also wor-
(LAMPRIDIUS) were one and the same person, shipped the personification of hope, Elpis, and they
whose name in full was Aelius Lampridius Spar- relate the beautiful allegory, that when Epimetheus
tianus. For the editions, translations, &c. of Spar- opened the vessel brought to him by Pandora, from
tianus see CAPITOLINUS.
(W. R. ] which all manner of evils were scattered over the
SPARTON (Enáptwr), the name of two my earth, Hope (Elpis) alone remained behind (Hes.
thical personages, the one a son of Phoroneus Op. et D. 96; Theognis, 1135). Hope was re-
(Paus. ii. 16. Š 3), and the other a son of Tisa- presented in works of art as a youthful figure,
(Paus. vii. 6. § 2).
[L. S. ] lightly walking in full attire, holding in her right
SPEIO (ETTELÁ), one of the Nereids. (Hom. hand a flower, and with the left lifting up her
gar.
Il. xviii. 40 ; Hes. Theog. 245. ) [L. S. ) ment. (Hirt, Mythol. Bilderb. p. 100; Müller,
SPENDIUS (Inévolos), one of the chief Anc. Art and its Rem. 406. )
(L. S. )
leaders of the Carthaginian mercenaries in their SPEUSIPPUS (ETT EÚ IT TOS), the distinguished
insurrection, after the close of the First Punic War, disciple of Plato, was a native of Athens, and the
B. C. 241. He was a Campanian by birth, but had son of Eurymiedon and Potone, a sister of Plato
been a slave under the Romans, and having made (Diog. Laërt. iv. 1 ; Suid. s. v. ). We hear nothing
his escape entered the service of the Carthaginians of his personal history till the time when he ac-
as a mercenary soldier, where he rose to a distin- companied his uncle Plato on his third journey to
guished place by his great personal strength and Syracuse, where he displayed considerable ability
daring. After the close of the war he became ap- and prudence, especially in his amicable relations
prehensive lest he should be given up to the with Dion (Plut. Dion, c. 22. 17). His moral
Romans, and hence exerted himself to the utmost / worth is recognised even by the sillographer Timon,
menus.
## p. 894 (#910) ############################################
894
SPEUSIPPUS.
SPEUSIPPUS.
though only that he may heap the more unsparing | between the cognition of the reason and sensuous
ridicule on his intellectual endowments (Plut. Dion. perception. He endeavoured, however, to show
17). And indeed he is not comparable either to how the latter can be taken up and transformed
Plato or to Aristotle, though the latter appears, into knowledge, by the assumption of a perception,
among all his Academic antagonists, to have deemed which, hy participation in rational truth (añs kata
κατ
Speusippus worthy of the honour of being refuted, rdv dóyov danoelas), raises itself to the rank of
and is even said to have purchased his books for knowledge. By this he seems to have understood
three talents (Diog. Laërt. iv. 5; A. Gellius, an immediate, in the first instance aesthetic, mode
Noct. Alt. iii. 17). The report about his sudden of conception ; since he appealed, in support of his
fits of anger, his avarice, and his propensity to vo- view, to the consideration that artistic skill has its
luptuousness, are probably derived from a very foundation not in sensuous activity, but in an un.
impure source : Athenaeus (vii. p. 279, e. , xii. p. erring power of distinguishing between its objects,
546, d. ) and Diogenes Laërtius (iv. 1, 2; comp. that is, in a rational perception of them (Sext. imp.
Suid. s. v. ; Tertullian, Apolog. c. 46) can adduce adv. Math. vii. 145, &c. ). The idea of essence also
as authority for them scarcely any thing more than he endeavoured to seize more distinctly by sepa-
some abuse in certain letters of the younger Diony- rating its kinds, the difference between which he
sius, who was banished by Dion, not without the considered would result from the difference be-
co-operation of Speusippus. Having been selected tween the principia on which they are based. Thus
by Plato as his successor in the office of president he distinguished essences of numbers, of size, of
of the Academy, he was at the head of the school soul, while Plato had referred them, as separate de-
for only eight years (B. C. 347–339). He died, finitudes, to the ideal numbers (Arist. Met, vi. 2,
as it appears, of a lingering paralytic illness (Ding. 11, xii. 10, de Anima, i. 2; Jamblich. ap. Stob.
Laërt. iv. 1, 3, 4).
Another account, at variance Eclog. i. 862). Nevertheless Speusippus also must
with this, appears to rest upon a misunderstanding have recognised something common in those dif-
(1. c. iv. 4, ib. Interp. ). From the list of his ferent kinds of essences, inasmuch as in the first
numerous dialogues and commentaries Diogenes place he set out from absolute unity, and regarded
Laërtius gives us an extract, which contains only it as a formal principium which they had in com-
titles, which do not always admit of any conclusion mon (Arist. Met. vi. 2, p. 1028, xiv. 3, xiii. 9 ;
as to their contents, and the scanty notices in other comp. Ravaisson, Speusippi de Primis Rerum Prin-
writers furnish us with little that can supply the void cipiis Placita, Paris, 1838), and in the next place he
or throw any light upon them. Speusippus seems appears to have presupposed multitude and multi-
to have continued Plato's polemical attacks upon formity as a common primary element in their com-
the hedonistic theory of Aristippus ('ApioTiTTOS position. But it is only the difficulties which led
a', nepi mbovñs d', siepl aloútov a'), to have de him to make this and similar deviations from the
veloped somewhat further the ideas of justice and Platonic doctrine, of which we can get any clear
of the citizen, and the fundamental principles of idea, not the mode in which he thought he had
legislation (Περί δικαιοσύνης α', Πολίτης α', Περί obviated those difficulties by distinguishing dif-
vouudeglas). He appears also to have discussed ferent kinds of principia. The criticism of Aris-
the idea of the philosopher, and philosophy, and totle, directed apparently against Speusippus, shows
to have treated of preceding philosophers (0. 16- how little satisfied he was with the modification of
σοφος α', Περί φιλοσοφίας α', or Περί φιλοσόφων, | the original Platonic doctrine. With this devia-
according to Menage's conjecture ; at any rate a tion from Plato's doctrine is connected another
book of that kind is quoted by Diogenes, in his which takes a wider range. As the ultimate prin-
life of Parmenides, ix. 23).
cipium, Speusippus would not, with Plato, re-
His efforts, however, were especially directed to cognise the Good, but, with others, who doubtless
the bringing together of those things that were were also Platonics, going back to the older Theo-
similar as regards their philosophic treatment (Diog. logi, maintained that the primordium or principia
Laërt. I. c. 5, diálogou twv hep Tahu apayuatelar of the universe were to be set down, indeed, as
ομοίων α'-', Διαιρέσεις και προς τα όμοια υποθέ- causes of the good and perfect, but were not the good
Qerscomp. Athenaeus, vii. passim), and to the and perfect itself, which must rather be regarded
derivation therefrom, and laying down, of the ideas as the result of generated existence, or development,
of genera and species (Περί γενών και ειδών παρα- just as the seeds of plants and animals are not the
deiyuátwv [? ]): for in the sciences he had di- fully formed plants or animals themselves (Arist.
rected his attention especially to what they had in Met. xiv. 4, 5, xiii. 7, xii. 10, Eth. Nic. i. 4 ; Cic.
common, and to the mode in which they might be de Nat. Deor. i. 13; Stob. Ecl. i. p. 862 ; Theo.
connected (Diodorus, ap. Diog. Laërt. , l. c. 2; phrast. Met. 9). The ultimate primordium he de-
Casaubon is hardly correct in restricting the word signated, like Plato, as the absolutely one, but would
madhuata to the mathematical sciences). Thus he not have it to be regarded as an existing entity,
seems to have endeavoured to carry out still further since all definitude can only be the result of de-
the threefold division of philosophy into Dialectics, velopment (ib. xii. 7, ix. 8, xiv. 5; comp. Ra-
Ethics, and Physics, for which Plato had laid the vaisson, l. c. p. 11, &c. ). When, however, with
foundation, without, however, losing sight of the the Pythagoreans, he reckoned the One in the
mutual connection of those branches of philosophy. series of good things (Arist. Eth. Nic. i 4), he
For he maintained that no one could arrive at a probably conceived it only in its opposi
complete definition, who did not know all the dif- manifold, and wished to indicate that it was from
ferences by which that which was to be defined the One and not from the Manifold, that the good
was separated from the rest (Themist. in Arist. and perfect is to be derived (comp. Arist
. Me. xiv.
Anal. Post. vid. Schol. in Aristot. ed. Brandis, p. 4, xii. 10 ; Ravaisson, l. c. p. 15, &c. ). Never-
248, a. ). With Plato, moreover, he distinguished theless Speusippus seems to have attributed vital
between that which is the object of thought, and I activity to the primordial unity, as inseparably be-
that which is the object of sensuous perception, | longing to it (Cic. de Nat. Deor. i 13; comp.
to the
## p. 895 (#911) ############################################
SPHETTUS.
895
SPHINX.
Minuc. Felix Octav. 19; Arist. Metaph. xii. 7 ;| from Troezene to Attica, where two demi wero
Ravaisson, pp. 22,&c. ), probably in order to explain named after him. (Paus. ii. 30. $ 8; Steph: Byz.
how it could grow, by a process of self-develop- s. v. )
[L. S. )-
ment, into the good, spirit, &c. ; for spirit also he SPHINX (Eolyt), a monstrous being of Greek
distinguished from the one, as well as from the mythology, is said to have been a daughter of
good, and the latter again from pleasure and pain Orthus and Chimaera, born in the country of the
(Stob. Ed. Phys. i. ) ; comp. Arist. Metaph. xiv. Arimi (Hes. Theog. 326), or of Typhon and Echidna
4, El. Nic. vii
, 14; Ravaisson, p. 20). Less (Apollod. iii. 5. & 8 ; Schol. ad Eurip. l'hoen. 46),
worth notice is the attempt of Speusippus to find a or lastly of Typhon and Chimnera (Schol. ad Iles.
more suitable expression for the material princi- and Eurip. l. c. ). Some call her a natural daugliter
pium, the indefinite duality of Plato (Metuph. xiv. of Laius (Paus. ix. 26. & 2). Respecting her stay
4, 5, comp. 2, 1, xiii. 9), and to connect the ideal at Thebes and her connection with the fate of the
numbers of Plato with mathematical numbers house of Laius, see OEDIPUS. The riddle which
(comp. Ravaisson, pp. 29, &c. , 35, 38, &c. , 44). she there proposed, she is said to bave learnt froni
With his Pythagorizing mode of trenting the the Muses ( Apollod. iii. 5. § 8), or Laius himself
doctrine of numbers we gain some acquaintance by tnught her the mysterious orncles which Cadmus
means of the extracts of his treatise on the Py: had received at Delphi (Paus. ix. 26. & 2). Ac-
thagorean numbers. (Thcologumena Arithmetica, cording to some she had been sent into Boeotia by
ed. Paris, p. 61. )
(Ch. A. B. ] Hera, who was angry with the Thebans for not
SPHAERUS (Spaipos), the charioteer of Pe- having punished Laius, who had carried off Chry-
lops, of whom there was a monument in the island sippus from Pisa. She is said to have come from
of Sphaeria or Hiera, near Troezene. (Paus. ii. the most distant part of Ethiopia (Apollod. I. c. ;
33. § 1, v. 10. § 2. )
(L. S. ] Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 1760); according to others
SPHAERUS (Epaipos), called, apparently from she was sent by Ares, who wanted to take revenge
the country of his birth, Boonoplavós by Diogenes because Cadınus had slain his son, the dragon
Laertius (vii
. 177), and Bopvo bevions by Plutarch (Argum. ad Eurip. Phoen. ), or by Dionysus
(Cleom. c. 2), was a philosopher of the Stoic school. (Schol. ad Hes. Theog. 326), or by Hades (Eurip.
He studied first under Zeno of Citium, and after- Phoen. 810), and some lastly say that she was one
wards under Cleanthes. He lived.
[E. H. B. )
i. 41, ad Eurip. Phoen. 670, ad Soph. Antig. 128 ; SPENDON (Enévdwr), of Sparta, one of those
Ov. Me. ii. 101, &c. ; comp. Cadmus). [L. S. ] early musicians whose paeans were sung by the
SPARTIANUS, DE’LIUS, one of the six Spartan youths at the Gymnopaedein, with those
“Scriptorcs Historiae Augustae” (see CAPITOLI- of Thaletas and Alcman. (Plut. Lyc. 28. ) [P. S. ]
Nus). His name is prefixed to biographies of, 1. Ha- SPERA'TUS, JU'LIUS. We possess an
drianus and Aelius Verus ; 2. Didius Julianus ; 3. elegy, extending to thirteen couplets, in praise of
Severus ; 4. Pescennius Niger ; 5. Caracalla ; 6. the nightingale, which was first published by
Geta ; of which the first four are inscribed to Dio- Pithou, and afterwards with greater care by Gol-
cletian, the fifth to no one, the sixth to Con- dastus (Opuscula Erot. et Amat. p. 74), who made
stantine, and hence the last two are believed by use of four MSS. Of these, three gave no indi-
many to be from a different hand. He repeatedly cation regarding the author, but the fourth, which
informs us that he bad composed the lives of all belonged to the monastery of St. Gall, bore the
the emperors down to Hadrian, beginning, as we title l'ersus Julii Sperati de Philomela. We know
must infer from his words, with Julius Caesar, and nothing whatsoever of this personage, nor of the
that he intended to continue the work to his age to which he belongs, except that the piece in
own time. The whole of the first portion of his question was imitated by Paulus Alvarus of Cor-
labours has however perished, the collection which duba, a monk of the ninth century. The lines
bears the title of the Augustan History com- will be found in Wernsdorf, Poët. Lat. Minor, vol.
mencing, as we have pointed out in a former ar- vi. part ii. p. 403; comp. vol. vi. part i. p. 255, and
ticle (CAPITOLINUS), with Hadrianus, and it in Burmann, Anthol. Lat. v. 149, or No. 392, ed.
Beems very doubtful if he ever completed his Meyer.
(W. R. ]
design, since Vopiscus (Aurelian. init. ) expressly SPERCHEIUS (Efepxelós), a Thessalian river-
declares that he was acquainted with no work in god, became the father of Menesthius by Polydora,
the Latin language which contained an account of the daughter of Peleus. (Hom. ll. xvi. 174,
the career of Aurelian. We have already observed xxiii. 142; Apollod. iii. 14. § 4 ; Paus. i. 37. S
(CAPITOLINUS] that there is much difficulty in 2; Herod. vii. 198).
[L. S. ]
assigning the pieces which form this series to their SPERTHIAS. [Bulis. ]
proper authors. Salmasius found in the Palatine SPES, the personification of hope, was wor-
MS. the whole from Hadrianus to Alexander shipped at Rome, where she had several temples,
Severus attributed to Spartianus, and those from the most ancient of which had been built in B. c.
the two Maximini to Balbinus under the name of 35+, by the consul Atilius Calatinus, near the Porta
Capitolinus, and hence was led to form the pro- Carmentalis (Liv. ii. 51, xxi. 62, xxiv. 47, xxv. 7,
bable conjecture that Spartianus and Lampridius xl. 51; Tac. Ann. ii. 49). The Greeks also wor-
(LAMPRIDIUS) were one and the same person, shipped the personification of hope, Elpis, and they
whose name in full was Aelius Lampridius Spar- relate the beautiful allegory, that when Epimetheus
tianus. For the editions, translations, &c. of Spar- opened the vessel brought to him by Pandora, from
tianus see CAPITOLINUS.
(W. R. ] which all manner of evils were scattered over the
SPARTON (Enáptwr), the name of two my earth, Hope (Elpis) alone remained behind (Hes.
thical personages, the one a son of Phoroneus Op. et D. 96; Theognis, 1135). Hope was re-
(Paus. ii. 16. Š 3), and the other a son of Tisa- presented in works of art as a youthful figure,
(Paus. vii. 6. § 2).
[L. S. ] lightly walking in full attire, holding in her right
SPEIO (ETTELÁ), one of the Nereids. (Hom. hand a flower, and with the left lifting up her
gar.
Il. xviii. 40 ; Hes. Theog. 245. ) [L. S. ) ment. (Hirt, Mythol. Bilderb. p. 100; Müller,
SPENDIUS (Inévolos), one of the chief Anc. Art and its Rem. 406. )
(L. S. )
leaders of the Carthaginian mercenaries in their SPEUSIPPUS (ETT EÚ IT TOS), the distinguished
insurrection, after the close of the First Punic War, disciple of Plato, was a native of Athens, and the
B. C. 241. He was a Campanian by birth, but had son of Eurymiedon and Potone, a sister of Plato
been a slave under the Romans, and having made (Diog. Laërt. iv. 1 ; Suid. s. v. ). We hear nothing
his escape entered the service of the Carthaginians of his personal history till the time when he ac-
as a mercenary soldier, where he rose to a distin- companied his uncle Plato on his third journey to
guished place by his great personal strength and Syracuse, where he displayed considerable ability
daring. After the close of the war he became ap- and prudence, especially in his amicable relations
prehensive lest he should be given up to the with Dion (Plut. Dion, c. 22. 17). His moral
Romans, and hence exerted himself to the utmost / worth is recognised even by the sillographer Timon,
menus.
## p. 894 (#910) ############################################
894
SPEUSIPPUS.
SPEUSIPPUS.
though only that he may heap the more unsparing | between the cognition of the reason and sensuous
ridicule on his intellectual endowments (Plut. Dion. perception. He endeavoured, however, to show
17). And indeed he is not comparable either to how the latter can be taken up and transformed
Plato or to Aristotle, though the latter appears, into knowledge, by the assumption of a perception,
among all his Academic antagonists, to have deemed which, hy participation in rational truth (añs kata
κατ
Speusippus worthy of the honour of being refuted, rdv dóyov danoelas), raises itself to the rank of
and is even said to have purchased his books for knowledge. By this he seems to have understood
three talents (Diog. Laërt. iv. 5; A. Gellius, an immediate, in the first instance aesthetic, mode
Noct. Alt. iii. 17). The report about his sudden of conception ; since he appealed, in support of his
fits of anger, his avarice, and his propensity to vo- view, to the consideration that artistic skill has its
luptuousness, are probably derived from a very foundation not in sensuous activity, but in an un.
impure source : Athenaeus (vii. p. 279, e. , xii. p. erring power of distinguishing between its objects,
546, d. ) and Diogenes Laërtius (iv. 1, 2; comp. that is, in a rational perception of them (Sext. imp.
Suid. s. v. ; Tertullian, Apolog. c. 46) can adduce adv. Math. vii. 145, &c. ). The idea of essence also
as authority for them scarcely any thing more than he endeavoured to seize more distinctly by sepa-
some abuse in certain letters of the younger Diony- rating its kinds, the difference between which he
sius, who was banished by Dion, not without the considered would result from the difference be-
co-operation of Speusippus. Having been selected tween the principia on which they are based. Thus
by Plato as his successor in the office of president he distinguished essences of numbers, of size, of
of the Academy, he was at the head of the school soul, while Plato had referred them, as separate de-
for only eight years (B. C. 347–339). He died, finitudes, to the ideal numbers (Arist. Met, vi. 2,
as it appears, of a lingering paralytic illness (Ding. 11, xii. 10, de Anima, i. 2; Jamblich. ap. Stob.
Laërt. iv. 1, 3, 4).
Another account, at variance Eclog. i. 862). Nevertheless Speusippus also must
with this, appears to rest upon a misunderstanding have recognised something common in those dif-
(1. c. iv. 4, ib. Interp. ). From the list of his ferent kinds of essences, inasmuch as in the first
numerous dialogues and commentaries Diogenes place he set out from absolute unity, and regarded
Laërtius gives us an extract, which contains only it as a formal principium which they had in com-
titles, which do not always admit of any conclusion mon (Arist. Met. vi. 2, p. 1028, xiv. 3, xiii. 9 ;
as to their contents, and the scanty notices in other comp. Ravaisson, Speusippi de Primis Rerum Prin-
writers furnish us with little that can supply the void cipiis Placita, Paris, 1838), and in the next place he
or throw any light upon them. Speusippus seems appears to have presupposed multitude and multi-
to have continued Plato's polemical attacks upon formity as a common primary element in their com-
the hedonistic theory of Aristippus ('ApioTiTTOS position. But it is only the difficulties which led
a', nepi mbovñs d', siepl aloútov a'), to have de him to make this and similar deviations from the
veloped somewhat further the ideas of justice and Platonic doctrine, of which we can get any clear
of the citizen, and the fundamental principles of idea, not the mode in which he thought he had
legislation (Περί δικαιοσύνης α', Πολίτης α', Περί obviated those difficulties by distinguishing dif-
vouudeglas). He appears also to have discussed ferent kinds of principia. The criticism of Aris-
the idea of the philosopher, and philosophy, and totle, directed apparently against Speusippus, shows
to have treated of preceding philosophers (0. 16- how little satisfied he was with the modification of
σοφος α', Περί φιλοσοφίας α', or Περί φιλοσόφων, | the original Platonic doctrine. With this devia-
according to Menage's conjecture ; at any rate a tion from Plato's doctrine is connected another
book of that kind is quoted by Diogenes, in his which takes a wider range. As the ultimate prin-
life of Parmenides, ix. 23).
cipium, Speusippus would not, with Plato, re-
His efforts, however, were especially directed to cognise the Good, but, with others, who doubtless
the bringing together of those things that were were also Platonics, going back to the older Theo-
similar as regards their philosophic treatment (Diog. logi, maintained that the primordium or principia
Laërt. I. c. 5, diálogou twv hep Tahu apayuatelar of the universe were to be set down, indeed, as
ομοίων α'-', Διαιρέσεις και προς τα όμοια υποθέ- causes of the good and perfect, but were not the good
Qerscomp. Athenaeus, vii. passim), and to the and perfect itself, which must rather be regarded
derivation therefrom, and laying down, of the ideas as the result of generated existence, or development,
of genera and species (Περί γενών και ειδών παρα- just as the seeds of plants and animals are not the
deiyuátwv [? ]): for in the sciences he had di- fully formed plants or animals themselves (Arist.
rected his attention especially to what they had in Met. xiv. 4, 5, xiii. 7, xii. 10, Eth. Nic. i. 4 ; Cic.
common, and to the mode in which they might be de Nat. Deor. i. 13; Stob. Ecl. i. p. 862 ; Theo.
connected (Diodorus, ap. Diog. Laërt. , l. c. 2; phrast. Met. 9). The ultimate primordium he de-
Casaubon is hardly correct in restricting the word signated, like Plato, as the absolutely one, but would
madhuata to the mathematical sciences). Thus he not have it to be regarded as an existing entity,
seems to have endeavoured to carry out still further since all definitude can only be the result of de-
the threefold division of philosophy into Dialectics, velopment (ib. xii. 7, ix. 8, xiv. 5; comp. Ra-
Ethics, and Physics, for which Plato had laid the vaisson, l. c. p. 11, &c. ). When, however, with
foundation, without, however, losing sight of the the Pythagoreans, he reckoned the One in the
mutual connection of those branches of philosophy. series of good things (Arist. Eth. Nic. i 4), he
For he maintained that no one could arrive at a probably conceived it only in its opposi
complete definition, who did not know all the dif- manifold, and wished to indicate that it was from
ferences by which that which was to be defined the One and not from the Manifold, that the good
was separated from the rest (Themist. in Arist. and perfect is to be derived (comp. Arist
. Me. xiv.
Anal. Post. vid. Schol. in Aristot. ed. Brandis, p. 4, xii. 10 ; Ravaisson, l. c. p. 15, &c. ). Never-
248, a. ). With Plato, moreover, he distinguished theless Speusippus seems to have attributed vital
between that which is the object of thought, and I activity to the primordial unity, as inseparably be-
that which is the object of sensuous perception, | longing to it (Cic. de Nat. Deor. i 13; comp.
to the
## p. 895 (#911) ############################################
SPHETTUS.
895
SPHINX.
Minuc. Felix Octav. 19; Arist. Metaph. xii. 7 ;| from Troezene to Attica, where two demi wero
Ravaisson, pp. 22,&c. ), probably in order to explain named after him. (Paus. ii. 30. $ 8; Steph: Byz.
how it could grow, by a process of self-develop- s. v. )
[L. S. )-
ment, into the good, spirit, &c. ; for spirit also he SPHINX (Eolyt), a monstrous being of Greek
distinguished from the one, as well as from the mythology, is said to have been a daughter of
good, and the latter again from pleasure and pain Orthus and Chimaera, born in the country of the
(Stob. Ed. Phys. i. ) ; comp. Arist. Metaph. xiv. Arimi (Hes. Theog. 326), or of Typhon and Echidna
4, El. Nic. vii
, 14; Ravaisson, p. 20). Less (Apollod. iii. 5. & 8 ; Schol. ad Eurip. l'hoen. 46),
worth notice is the attempt of Speusippus to find a or lastly of Typhon and Chimnera (Schol. ad Iles.
more suitable expression for the material princi- and Eurip. l. c. ). Some call her a natural daugliter
pium, the indefinite duality of Plato (Metuph. xiv. of Laius (Paus. ix. 26. & 2). Respecting her stay
4, 5, comp. 2, 1, xiii. 9), and to connect the ideal at Thebes and her connection with the fate of the
numbers of Plato with mathematical numbers house of Laius, see OEDIPUS. The riddle which
(comp. Ravaisson, pp. 29, &c. , 35, 38, &c. , 44). she there proposed, she is said to bave learnt froni
With his Pythagorizing mode of trenting the the Muses ( Apollod. iii. 5. § 8), or Laius himself
doctrine of numbers we gain some acquaintance by tnught her the mysterious orncles which Cadmus
means of the extracts of his treatise on the Py: had received at Delphi (Paus. ix. 26. & 2). Ac-
thagorean numbers. (Thcologumena Arithmetica, cording to some she had been sent into Boeotia by
ed. Paris, p. 61. )
(Ch. A. B. ] Hera, who was angry with the Thebans for not
SPHAERUS (Spaipos), the charioteer of Pe- having punished Laius, who had carried off Chry-
lops, of whom there was a monument in the island sippus from Pisa. She is said to have come from
of Sphaeria or Hiera, near Troezene. (Paus. ii. the most distant part of Ethiopia (Apollod. I. c. ;
33. § 1, v. 10. § 2. )
(L. S. ] Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 1760); according to others
SPHAERUS (Epaipos), called, apparently from she was sent by Ares, who wanted to take revenge
the country of his birth, Boonoplavós by Diogenes because Cadınus had slain his son, the dragon
Laertius (vii
. 177), and Bopvo bevions by Plutarch (Argum. ad Eurip. Phoen. ), or by Dionysus
(Cleom. c. 2), was a philosopher of the Stoic school. (Schol. ad Hes. Theog. 326), or by Hades (Eurip.
He studied first under Zeno of Citium, and after- Phoen. 810), and some lastly say that she was one
wards under Cleanthes. He lived.
